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TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. Tho National RErunucAN la published every afternoon, (Sundays excepted,) at tho corner of Indiana avenue and Second street, and is delivered to city subscribers at six cents per week, mail subscribers at threo dol lars and fifty cents per annum, in advance. Advertisements inserted at liberal rates. tSF All communications, whether on busi ness or for publication, should be addressed to LEWIS CLEPIIANE & Co., Washington, D. C. PUBLISHERS' NOTICES. Subscriptions, advertisements, and commu nications, intended for this paper, may bet left at Adamson's periodical store, on Seventh street, opposite the General Post Office, where copies of the paper may also be had immediately on its issue. Advertisements shoold be sent in before twelve o'clock, M., otherwise they may have to lio over a day. Communications upon all subjects, particu larly with reference to our city affairs, will re ceive respectful attention. flSfiSo-itkl mum Vol. I. WASHINGTON, D. C, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 13, 1860. No. 15. y WTim-mwrnxmAjems n s yr o PRICE ONE CENT. RETROSPECTION. BT AXM BLANCIIARD. Beside a pure and living iprlog I sat, nor thought but of the present ; For summer glowed o'er everything The trees were green, their shade was pleasant. And forth a tiny streamlet ran Gay flowsrs grew along its border, Emitting " ever and anon " A grateful and" refreshing odor. But Autumn's winds have scoured the plain, And swept alike the Tate and mountain, And strewed the russet leaves again O'er all that pleasant shade and fountain. Thus Time, to beauty ever deaf, Regardless of the " Loves and Graces," Will bring the "sear and yellow leaf," And rudely push us from our places. The Damn Ruarino au. A young fellow who sparked a pastor's daughter came one night to ber father's house, which stood near a mill dam, over which the waters rushed with considerable noise. He tapped lightly, at first, but received no answer. Again and again he repeated his knock, but still unheard. Muster ing up courage, he proceeded to inflict some severe thumps on the outer door, which brought the said old gentleman out. "I suppose" said the youngster (who had become by this time slightly savage, from be ing compelled to wait so long,) " I suppose you could not hear me knock for the dam roar tag." " The damn roaring 1 what do you mean, sir ? How dare you speak in that way ? " said the divine, somewhat angry at hearing the young man swear in his presence. " I mean to say, sir, that I suppose you could not hear me knocking, on account of the dam roaring." "Damn roarinz Ream I You scoundrel I have ypu the impudence to insult me with the rcpeuuuu ui mose worus i uegone, sir : "My dear sir," quoth the now bewildered youth, "I intended to say that I presume I could not be heard on account of the dam roar ing," laying particular emphasis on the last two words. "Insult on insult I" shouted the infuriated man, and ho rushed toward the poor fellow with the evident intention of ejecting him, but was restrained by the voice of his daughter, ex claiming " Papa, I suppose the young man intended to say that he could not bo heard on account of the roaring of the dam." "Oh I beg pardon, sir I beg pardon really, walk in : ah, well 1 I declare. The dam roanngl Capital. Come in. That is really richr Fbencu Gloves. Few of our readers are aware of the extent of the glove business of France. Every one who has aver worn a glove knows that the French ejteel all other nations in the material, cut, and fit, of the article. Even the English, who make excellent gloves of some kinds, acknowledge that they cannot equal the French in any single department of the manufacture, and that a Frenchman will cut more gloves out of a given quantity of stock than the best English workman. Mer cantile statistics put down four and a half mil lions of skins, or three hundred and seventy five thousand dozen, as the annual supply used in France for the manufacture of gloves alone. Where are the skins obtained, to keep the makers at work tho entire year? and from what animals are they alt taken ? These que ries are of much interest. A delinquent husband is thus advertised in a newspaper by his loving spouse : " Lost, strayed, or stolen, an individual whom, in an unguarded moment of loneliness, I was thoughtless enough to adopt as my husband. He is a good-looking and feeble individual, knowing enough, however, to go In when it rains, unless some good looking girl offered her umbrella. Answered to the name of John. Was last seen in company with Julia Harris, walking, his arm round her waist, looking more like a fool, if possible, than over. Any one that will catch the poor fellow and bring him carefully back, so that I may chastise him for running away, will be asked to stay to tea by Henrietta Smith." A gentleman who could not pronounce the letter R, was asked to read the following : "Robert gave Richard a rap In the ribs, For roasting the rabbit so rare." He evaded the difficulty in tbe following in genious manner : " Bobby gave Dicky a thump in the side, For cooking the bunny so little." An old farmer was in tho habit, every night, of counting his livo stock, to see if ony had gone astray. Ho called to his son, "John, have you counted the hogs?" "Yes, sir." "And the turkeys, cows, and sheep?" "Yes sir." " Well, then, John, go wake np the old hen, and count her, and then go to bed." Mrs. Partington says, " I haven't any desire to livelonger than the breath remains in my body, if it isn't more than eighty years. 1 would not wish to be a centurion j and the idea of surviving one's factories always gives me a disagreeable censoriousness. Hut whatever is to be, will be, aud there is no knowing a thing will take place till it expires." On a certain railway the following intelligible otice appears : " Hreafter, when trains mov ing in an opposite direction are approaching each other, on separate lines, conductors and cneineers will be rcnuired to brine their respect ive trains to a dead halt before tho points of meeting, and be very careful not to proceed 1 11 eacn train Has passed tbe other. STRAY SIir.EP. CAME to tbe'premlses of tbe subscriber, on Thursday last, a stray SHEEP, which tbe owner can have by provlug property and paylog an expenses Incurred. JAMES GORMAN, dec 11 C9CQ street. PROSPECTUS OP THE WEEKLY NATIONAL REPOBLIOAN. Wasiuhotox, D. 0., December, 18C0. The undersigned have commenced the publica tion, in this city, of a weekly newspaper, called the National Republican. It Is printed on a large sheet, 27 by 42 inches, and is lurnished at the low prices stated below. It will contain all the original matter of the dally National Republican, with the exception of local news not interesting to country subscribers. It will give full reports of the proceedings of Congress, and of the other departments of the National Government. It will contain all the news of the day, foreign and domestic, markets, &c, 4c, as well as an original correspondence from all parts of the country, The miscellaneous department will re ceive special attention, and, in all respects, the effort will be made to establish the character of the National Republican as a rAXlLY MCWSPAP1R. In politics, the paper will be Republican, sus taining the incoming Administration of Mr. Lin coln, but disclaiming, however, any pretension tote the organ of the President elect. There is no othor Republican paper in the District of Columbia, or In tho vicinity of it, and it is believed that recent events have opened to such a paper an important sphere of useful ef fort. The time has come, when the actual ad ministration of the Government upon Republican principles will explode the misrepresentations which hare made those principles so distasteful to the S-'outh. But It is not only here, and in this vicinity, that the projectors of the National Republican hope to make it useful. To the whole country they offer a journal which will discuss national politics from a national standpoint, and which will never be swerved from patriotic duty by any overpowering pressure of local interest. TERMS. One copy, one year .... $2.00 Three copies, one year ... 5.00 Fire copies, one year - 7.00 Ten copies, one year - - - 12 00 Tweny copies, one year ... 20.00 One copy, six months - 1.00 Five copies, six months ... 3.50 Ten copies, six months ... o.OO Twenty copies, six months ... 10.00 Payments always In advance. When a Club of subscribers has been forward ed, additions may be made to it on the same terms. It is not necessary that the subscribers to a Club should receive their papers at the same post office. Money may be forwarded by mall, at our risk. Large amounts can be remitted in drafts on Bos ton, New York, Philadelphia, or Baltimore; smaller amounts in gold, or in notes of solvent banks. Address L. OLEPHANE k CO., National Republican, IVathinglon, D. C. Those of our exchanges publishing the above conspicuously three times In the Inside form of their paper, and forwarding a marked copy to this office, will receive our dally in exchange until the end of the ensuing session of Congress. HENEY JANJJEY, No. 348 Pennsylvania avenue, between Sixth and Sevtnth ttreets, Washington, V. O., MANUFACTURER OF GENTLEMEN'S FASHIONABLE BOOTS & SHOES, HAS at all times a sufficient force of the most experienced hands to make promptly to or der every variety of work in bis line. He has on his shelves a very good supply of work of, bis own make. Also, a general Buppfy of Northern work, direct from the ManuTacturers, as well as from Auction, and assures the public that no house In this 01 iiny other city can supply, WHOLE SALE or RETAIL, at lower rates. nov 26 PHILADELPHIA CONFECTIONERY. ICE CREAM, Water Ices, Wedding- Cakes, Pound Cakes, Mince Pies, Pastry, Crusts for Oyster Piea, Jellies, and a general assortment of nice things in the Confectionery line, at F US SELL'S, corner of Twelfth add F streets, at the lowest prices. nov 30 lm GAS FIXTURES! THE BEST ASSORTMENT EVER OFFERED IN THIS CITY. THOSE who desire to select from new patterns, with the advantage of a reduction In prices, will call early and examine. We would also call tbe attention of persons about introducing gas into their dwellings to our increased facilities, and consequent low prices, for this branch of our trade. Inviting all who desire their work done promptly, and free from gas leakages, to call at 269 Pennsylvania avenue, between Tenth and Eleventh streets, south side. nov 20 J. W. THOMPSON & CO. THE ROYAL TURKISH TOWELS. Bathing Sponges, Velvet Sponges, Bath Gloves. Brown Windsor Soap, Honey Soaps. Lubin's Soaps and Extracts. Genuine German Cologne, all sizes, wick ers and plain bottles. Basin's Soaps and Extracts. Pbalon's Soaps and Extracts. Pomades of all kinds. Hair Tonics, ic. With a full assortment of new Perfumery. Hair Brushes, Combs, Tooth Brushes. Fresh Medicines, Pure Chemicals, Ac. Just received at OILMAN'S t New Drug Store, 350 l'enn. Av. Congress, Empire, Saratoga, Bedford, Blue Lick, and White Sulphur Waters, always on hand, as above. dec 3 3t gmn NOTICE! HLmII T WISH all gentlemen to bear HHM I in mind that the plan which 1 HI adopted, six jenrs ugo, of selling HATs and BOOTS at greatly reduced prices, for each, Is in successful operation. Just received, a full supply of the latest New York styles of DRESS HATS. The very finest Hat at $3 50 ; a first-rate Hat, $3 ; and very good, fashionable Hat, $2.50. All of the latest styles of soft HATS and CAPS, at tbe very lowest prices. I am constantly supplied with a very large stock of those fine DRESS BOOTS, at $3.75 which I have been selling for many years as well as tbe very best quality of Patent Leather GAIT ERS, at $3 50. Fine French Calfskin Gaiters, from $2 to $2.50. Terms cash. No extra charge In order to off set bad debts. ANTHONY, Agent for tho Manu facturers, Seventh street, second Hat Store from the corner, opposite Avenue House, No. 640. nov 20 Prospectus of the National Republican. Believing that the time has arrived when the great Republican party of the United States ought to be fairly represented in the daily press of the National Metropolis, we have embarked In the enterprise of supplying tho citizens of tbe District of Columbia with a dally publication, under the title of the " Natiokai Ripdblioan." In lis political department, this journal will advocate and defend the principles of the Repub lican party, and endeavor to disabuse the publlo mind of groundless prejudices which have been engendered against it, by the false accusations of its enemies. Having the utmost confidence that the administration of Mr. Lincoln will be such as to merit our approbation, we expect to yield it a cordial, but not a servile support. In the great Issue that Is likely to be made with his administration, by the enemies of the Republican party, the people of Washington and tbe District of Colombia hare more at stake than the peopl of any other portion of ourcommon country. We believe that to support Mr. Lincoln's administra tion will be synonymous with maintaining the in tegrity of the Federal Union, against the machin ations of those who would rend it asunder. No one can donbt upon which side of this issue the people of Washington will be fbund, when they come to realise that it is fairly forced upon them. We feel confident, therefore, that In yielding to the administration of Mr. Lincoln a cordial sup port, we shall have the sympathy of an Immense mnjorlty of the people of this District and vicin ity. It Is not our design, however, to make the National Republican a mere political paper. We intend, that as a medium of general and local news, it shall not be inferior to any other journal published in this city. We shall pay particular attention to questions of local policy, and advo cate such reforms as we may deem essential to the prosperity of the city, and to the advance ment of the moral and material welfare of its inhabitants. We deem it unnecessary, however, to multi ply promises, as the paper will Immediately make its appearance, and will then speak for itself. It will bo published every afternoon, and de livered to city subscribers at six cents per week. Mall subscribers, $3.50 a year, payable In ad vance. The publication office is at the corner of Indi ana avenue and Second street. LEWIS CLEPIIANE k CO. Somo Opinions of If r. Lincoln. 0 SELECTED VEIIDATIU FROM HIS SPEECHES, AND FERTINKtIT TO TUE PRESENT OCCASION. " I say that we must not interfere with the institution 01 slavery in tbe States where it ex ists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not withhold an efficient fugitive slave law, because tho Constitution requires us, as I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we must prevent the out-spreading of the in stitution, because neither the Constitution nor tbe general welfare requires us to extend it. Wo must prevent tbe revival of the African slave trade, and the enacting by Congress of a Territorial slave code. We must prevent each of these things being done by either Congress or courts. The pcoplo of the United States are the rightful masters of both Congresses and court b not to overthrow the Constitution, but overthrow the men who pervert the Constitu tion I " Speech at Cincinnati, September 18, 1859. " I hold myself under constitutional obliga tions to allow the people in all the States, with out interference, direct or indirect, to do exact ly as they please j and I deny that I have any inclination to interfere with them, even if there were no such constitutional obligation. I can only say ogain, that I am placed improperly uiiugciuer iiujirupctiv, in buiio vi till mat 1 call say when it is insisted that I entertain any other views or purposes in regard to that mat ter (slavery.)" Speech at Jonesborough, III., Scjit. 16, 1858. " While it (slavery) drives on in its state of progress as it ii now driving, and as it has driven for the last five years, I have ventured the opinion, and say to day, that we will have no end to the slavery agitation until it takes one turn or the other. 1 do not mean that when it takes a turn toward ultimate extinction it will be in a day, nor iu a year, nor in two years. I do not suppose that in the most peace ful way ultimata extinction would occur in less than a hundred years at least ; but that it will occur in the best way for both races, in God's own good time, I have no doubt." Speech at Charleston, III., Sept. 18, 1858. "Mr. Douglas's popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this : If one man chooses to make a slave of another, neither that man nor anybody olse has a right to object." Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 185'J. " I havo intimated that I thought the agita tion (of slavery) would not cease until a crisis should be reached and passed. I have stated in what way I have thought it would be reached and passed. Wo might, by arresting tho fur ther spread of it, and placing it whero the fathers originally placed it. put it where the public mind should rest in tho belief that it was iu tbe course of ultimate extinction. Thus the agitation may cease. It may be pushed for ward until it shall become alike lawful in all tho States, old as well as new, North as well as South. I entertain the opinion, upon evidence sullicient to my mind, that the fathers of this Government placed that institution whero the public mind did rest in tbe belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction; uud when I desire to see the further spread of it arrested, I only Bay that I desiro to Bee that done which the fathers have first done. It is not true that our fathers, as Judge Douglas assumes, made this uovornment part slave and part tree, un derstand the sense in which he nuts it he as sumes that slavery is a rightful thing within itself was introduced by the framers of the Constitution. The exact truth is, that they fourjjl the institution existing among us, and they left it as they found it. But in making the Government, they left this institution with many clear marks of disapprobation upon it. They found slavory among them, and they left it among them becnuso of the difficulty the absolute impossibility of its immediate re moval." Speech at Alton, Oct. 18, 1858. " Let me say I. havo no prejudice against the Southern people. They are just what wo would be in their situation. If slavery did not exist among them they would not introduce it. If it aia now exist among ns, we should not in stantly give it up. This I believe of the masses, North and South. Doubtless there are indi vidual's on both sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances; and others who would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were now out of existence. We Know that some Southern men do free their slaves, go North, and become tin-tOD abolitionists i wtiiln Rnmn 'Northern ones go South, and becomo most cruel slave masters. " When Southern people tell ns they are no more responsible for the origin of slavery than we are, I acknowledge tho fact. When it is said that the institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the say ing. I surely will not blamo them for not do ing what I should not know bow to do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do, as to the existing institu tion. My first impulse would be to free all the slaves, and send them to Liberia to their own native land. But a moment's reflection would convince me, that whatever of high hope (as I think thero is) there may be in this, in the long run, its sudden execution is impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they would perish in the next ten days ; and there are not surplus shipping and surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many times ten days. What then ? Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings ? Is it quite certain that this betters their condition? I think I would not hold one in slavery at any rate ; yet tho point is not clear enough to de nounce peoplo upon. What next? Free them, and make them politically and socially our equals? My own feelings will not admit of this; and if mine would, wo well know that those of the great mass of white people will not. Whether this feeling accords with justice and sound judgment, is not the sole question, if, indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel ing, whether well or ill founded, cannot bo safely disregarded. We cannot, then, make them equals. It does seem to me that sys tems of gradual emancipation might be adopt ed; but for that tardiness in this respect, I wili not undertake to judge our brethren of the South. " When they remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly, but fully and fairly; and I would give them any legislation for tho reclaiming of their fugi tives, which should not, in its stringency, be more likely to carry a freo man into slavery that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent one." Speech at Ottowa, III., Aug. 21. 185. " Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union, save and except this vpry institu tion of slavery ? What is it that we hold most dear amongst us? Our own liberty and pros perity. What has ever threatened our liberty and prosperity, save and except this institution of slavery ? If this is true, how do you propose to improve the condition of things by enlarging slavery by spreading it out, and making it bigger? 11 You may have a wen or cancer on your person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you bleed to death ; but Surely it is no way to cure it to engraft it, and Bpread it over your whole body. That is no proper way of treating what you regard as a wrong." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 1858. " I suppose most of us (I know it of mvself i believe that tire people of the Southern States are euuucu iu a vungressiunui lugiuvo slave law. As the right is constitutional, I agree that the legislation shall bo granted to it, and that not that wo like the ins'itution of slavery. We profess to have no taste for running and catching negroes ; at least, I profess no taste for that job at nil. Why, then, do I yield sup port to a fugitive slave law? Because I do not understand tbat tbe Constitution, which guar anties that right, can be supported without it." SjKcch at Alton, Oct. 16, 858. "The real issue in this controversy the one pressing upon every mind is the sentiment on the part of one class that looks upon the insti tution of slavery as a wrong, and of another class that does not looK upon it as a wrong. The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery in this country as a wrong, is the sentiment of the Republican party. They look upon it as being u moral, social, and political wrong; and while they contemplate it as such, they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence among us, and the difficulties of get ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all the constitutional obligations thrown about it. Yet haing a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that looks to its not cre ating any moro danger. They insist that it Bhould, as far as may be, bo treated as a wrong ; and one of the methods of treating it as a wrong is to make provision that it snail grow no larger. If there be a man among us who does not think that the institution of slavery is wrong in any of the aspects of which I have spoken, ho is misplaced, and ought not to bo with us. And if thero be a man amongst us who is so impatient of it ns a wrong ns to dis regard its actual presence among ns, and the difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a sat isfactory way. and to disregard the constitu tional obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if he is on our platform." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 1858. A FEW WOIID3 TO THE SOUTH. " We the Republicans, and others, forming the opposition of tbe country, intend to ' stand by our guns,' to be patient and firm, and in tho long run to beat you. When we do beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will do with you. I will tell you, so far as I am au thorized to' speak for the opposition, what we mean to do with yo. Wo mean to treat you, as tiearly as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Mudison, treated you. Wo mean to leave you alone, and in no way iuterfere with your institution ; to abide by every com promise of the Constitution : ana, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you as tarns degenerated men lit we havo degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noble fathers Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember tbat you aro as good as we are ; that there is no dif ference betweon us, other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recognise and bear in mind, always, that you havo ns good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to nave, and to treat you accord ingly. Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 185'J. REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. Resolved, That we, the delegated representa tives of the Republican Electors of tbe United States, in Convention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations : First. That the history of the nation during the last four years has fully established the pro priety and necessity of the organisation and per petuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called.lt into existence are perma nent In their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph. Second. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied In tho Federal Constitution, "that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pur suit of happiness that to secure these rights, Governments are Instituted among men, deriving their Justpowers from theconsentofthegorerned," Is essential to the preservation of our republican institutions; and that tbe Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and Bhall be preserved. Third. That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented Increase in popu lation ; its surprising development of material resources ; Its rapid augmentation of wealth ; its happiness at home and its honor abroad; and we hold In abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may ; and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced a threat of disunion, so often made by Demo cratic members without rebuke ami with ap plause from their political associates ; and we denounce those threats of disunion, iu case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as de nying the vital principles of a free Government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of nn indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. Fourth. That the maintenance invlolato of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own do mestic Institutions, according to its own judg ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless Invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, ns among the gravest of crimes. Fifth. That the present Democratic Adminis tration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evidenced In Its desperate exertions to force tbe infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting peo ple of Kansas in construing the personal rela tion between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons in its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land andsea, through the intervention of Congress and of the Federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely lo cal interest, and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to It by a confiding people. Sixth. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the Federal Government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is In dispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public Treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of frauds and cor ruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of Administration is imperatively demanded. Seventh. That the new dogma that the Consti tution of its own force carries slavery into any or all of tbe Territories of the United States, Is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument Itself, with cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and har mony of tho country. Eighth. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States Is that of Freedom ; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that "no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, when ever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of tbe Constitution against all at tempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to sla very in any Territory of the United States. Ninth. That we brand tbe recent reopening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning shame to our country and age ; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and bnal suppression of that exe crable traffic. Tenth. That Iu the lecent vetoes by their Fed eral Governors of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those Territories, we find a practical illustration of tbe boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty embodied In the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud Involved therein. Eleventh. That Kansas should of right be im mediately admitted as a State under the Consti tution recently formed and adopted by ber people, and accepted by the House of Representatives. Twelfth. That while providing revenue for the support of tbe General Government by duties upon Imports, sound policy requires such an ad justment of these imposts as to encourage tbe de velopment of tlje Industrial interests of the whole country ; and we commend tbat policy of nation al exchanges, which secures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, nnd to tbe nation commercial prosperity and inde pendence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of tbe free homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or supplicants for public bounty ; and we demand the passage by Congress of tbe com plete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed the House. Fourteenth. That the Republican party Is op posed to any change In our naturalisation laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of citisenshlp hitherto accorded to Immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether n'lve or naturalized, both at home and abroad. Fiftarth That appropriations by Congress for river and barbor improvements of a nation al character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are author ized by the Constitution and justified by an ob ligation of tbe Government to protect the lives and property of Its citizens. Sixteenth. Tbat a railroad to the Pacific Occaa is imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole country,; that the Federal Government ought to render immediate and efficient aid In Its construction ; and that as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly es tablished. Seventeenth. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we Invite tbe co-operation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substantially agrte with ns, in thru affirmance and support. BELL AND EVERETT PLATFORM. Whereas experience has demonstrated that platforms'adopted by the partisan Conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country, by the creation and encouragement of geograph ical and stc tonal parlies : therefore, llctohcd, That it is both the part of patriot ism and of duty to recognise no political prin ciple other than the Constitution of tho country, the uuion of the States, and the enforcement of the laws ; ami that as representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the country, in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and de tend, separately nnd unitedly, these great prin ciples of public liberty and national safety against nil enemies, at noma and abroad, be lieving thereby peace may once more be re stored to tho country, the just rights of the people and of the States re-established, and the Goverment again placed in that condition of justice, fraternity, and equality, which, nnder me example aud Uonstitution ot our lathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union, estab lish justice, insuro domestic tranquillity, pro tide tor tho common defence, promote the gen eral welfare, nnd secure tho blessings of liber ty to ourseUcs uud our posterity. UOUGLA8 AND JOHNSON PLATFORM. llesohcd, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in Contention assembled, hereby de clare our alKrmanco of the resolutions unani mously adopted aud declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature, when applied to the same subject matter; and we recommend as tho only further resolutions the following : llesohcd. That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether nativo or foreign. llesohcd, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication be tween the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic party pledge such constitution al government aid as will insure the construc tion of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period. llesohcd, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to our selves and just to Spain. llesohcd, That the enactment of State Leg islatures to defeat the faithful execution of the fugitivo slave law are hostile in character, sub versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. llesohcd, That in accordance with the in terpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during tho existence of the Territorial Govern ments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may die, imposed by tbe Federal Conslitutiou on the power of the Territorial Legislature over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be. finally determined by tbe Supreme Court of the Uni ted States, should be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General Gov ernment. BRECKINRIDGE AND LANE PLATFORM. Ilcsihcd, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolutions: First. That tho Government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress is provisional and temporary, and during its existence all cit izens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territories, without their rights, either of person or prop erty, being destroyed or impaired by Congres sional or Territorial legislation. Second. That it is the duty of tho Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, wtienuccessary, the rights of persons and prop erty in tho Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. Third. That when the settlers of a Territory, having an adequate population, form a Stato Constitution, the right of sovereignty com mences, and, being consummated by admission into tho Union, they stand on an equal footing with the peoplo of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its Constitution pro hibits or recognises the institution of slavery. llesolved, That tho Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba on such terras as will be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at tho earliest practicable moment. ltcsolced, That the enactment of State Legis latures to defeat the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law aro hostile in character, sub versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their eifotU llesohcd, That the Democracy of the United States recognise it as the imperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen, in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its native-born cit izens. Whereas one of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy communica tion between1 tho Pacidc and Atlantic coasts ; therefore be it llesolved, That the National Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to tho exluut of tho constitutional author ity of Congress, for the construction of a Pa cific railroad from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, at tho earliest practicable moment. i 14 m 1 IN