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The national Republican. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1860-1862, December 13, 1860, Image 1

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Tho National RErunucAN la published
every afternoon, (Sundays excepted,) at tho
corner of Indiana avenue and Second street,
and is delivered to city subscribers at six
cents per week, mail subscribers at threo dol
lars and fifty cents per annum, in advance.
Advertisements inserted at liberal rates.
tSF All communications, whether on busi
ness or for publication, should be addressed to
Washington, D. C.
Subscriptions, advertisements, and commu
nications, intended for this paper, may bet left at
Adamson's periodical store, on Seventh street,
opposite the General Post Office, where copies
of the paper may also be had immediately on
its issue.
Advertisements shoold be sent in before
twelve o'clock, M., otherwise they may have to
lio over a day.
Communications upon all subjects, particu
larly with reference to our city affairs, will re
ceive respectful attention.
Vol. I.
No. 15.
y WTim-mwrnxmAjems
n s yr o
Beside a pure and living iprlog
I sat, nor thought but of the present ;
For summer glowed o'er everything
The trees were green, their shade was pleasant.
And forth a tiny streamlet ran
Gay flowsrs grew along its border,
Emitting " ever and anon "
A grateful and" refreshing odor.
But Autumn's winds have scoured the plain,
And swept alike the Tate and mountain,
And strewed the russet leaves again
O'er all that pleasant shade and fountain.
Thus Time, to beauty ever deaf,
Regardless of the " Loves and Graces,"
Will bring the "sear and yellow leaf,"
And rudely push us from our places.
The Damn Ruarino au. A young fellow
who sparked a pastor's daughter came one
night to ber father's house, which stood near a
mill dam, over which the waters rushed with
considerable noise. He tapped lightly, at first,
but received no answer. Again and again he
repeated his knock, but still unheard. Muster
ing up courage, he proceeded to inflict some
severe thumps on the outer door, which brought
the said old gentleman out.
"I suppose" said the youngster (who had
become by this time slightly savage, from be
ing compelled to wait so long,) " I suppose
you could not hear me knock for the dam roar
tag." " The damn roaring 1 what do you mean,
sir ? How dare you speak in that way ? " said
the divine, somewhat angry at hearing the
young man swear in his presence.
" I mean to say, sir, that I suppose you could
not hear me knocking, on account of the dam
"Damn roarinz Ream I You scoundrel I
have ypu the impudence to insult me with the
rcpeuuuu ui mose worus i uegone, sir :
"My dear sir," quoth the now bewildered
youth, "I intended to say that I presume I
could not be heard on account of the dam roar
ing," laying particular emphasis on the last
two words.
"Insult on insult I" shouted the infuriated
man, and ho rushed toward the poor fellow with
the evident intention of ejecting him, but was
restrained by the voice of his daughter, ex
claiming " Papa, I suppose the young man intended
to say that he could not bo heard on account
of the roaring of the dam."
"Oh I beg pardon, sir I beg pardon
really, walk in : ah, well 1 I declare. The dam
roanngl Capital. Come in. That is really
Fbencu Gloves. Few of our readers are
aware of the extent of the glove business of
France. Every one who has aver worn a glove
knows that the French ejteel all other nations
in the material, cut, and fit, of the article. Even
the English, who make excellent gloves of
some kinds, acknowledge that they cannot
equal the French in any single department of
the manufacture, and that a Frenchman will
cut more gloves out of a given quantity of
stock than the best English workman. Mer
cantile statistics put down four and a half mil
lions of skins, or three hundred and seventy
five thousand dozen, as the annual supply used
in France for the manufacture of gloves alone.
Where are the skins obtained, to keep the
makers at work tho entire year? and from
what animals are they alt taken ? These que
ries are of much interest.
A delinquent husband is thus advertised in
a newspaper by his loving spouse :
" Lost, strayed, or stolen, an individual whom,
in an unguarded moment of loneliness, I was
thoughtless enough to adopt as my husband.
He is a good-looking and feeble individual,
knowing enough, however, to go In when it
rains, unless some good looking girl offered
her umbrella. Answered to the name of John.
Was last seen in company with Julia Harris,
walking, his arm round her waist, looking more
like a fool, if possible, than over. Any one
that will catch the poor fellow and bring him
carefully back, so that I may chastise him for
running away, will be asked to stay to tea by
Henrietta Smith."
A gentleman who could not pronounce the
letter R, was asked to read the following :
"Robert gave Richard a rap In the ribs,
For roasting the rabbit so rare."
He evaded the difficulty in tbe following in
genious manner :
" Bobby gave Dicky a thump in the side,
For cooking the bunny so little."
An old farmer was in tho habit, every night,
of counting his livo stock, to see if ony had
gone astray. Ho called to his son, "John,
have you counted the hogs?" "Yes, sir."
"And the turkeys, cows, and sheep?" "Yes
sir." " Well, then, John, go wake np the old
hen, and count her, and then go to bed."
Mrs. Partington says, " I haven't any desire
to livelonger than the breath remains in my
body, if it isn't more than eighty years. 1
would not wish to be a centurion j and the idea
of surviving one's factories always gives me a
disagreeable censoriousness. Hut whatever is
to be, will be, aud there is no knowing a thing
will take place till it expires."
On a certain railway the following intelligible
otice appears : " Hreafter, when trains mov
ing in an opposite direction are approaching
each other, on separate lines, conductors and
cneineers will be rcnuired to brine their respect
ive trains to a dead halt before tho points of
meeting, and be very careful not to proceed 1 11
eacn train Has passed tbe other.
CAME to tbe'premlses of tbe subscriber, on
Thursday last, a stray SHEEP, which tbe
owner can have by provlug property and paylog
an expenses Incurred.
dec 11 C9CQ street.
Wasiuhotox, D. 0., December, 18C0.
The undersigned have commenced the publica
tion, in this city, of a weekly newspaper, called
the National Republican.
It Is printed on a large sheet, 27 by 42 inches,
and is lurnished at the low prices stated below.
It will contain all the original matter of the
dally National Republican, with the exception of
local news not interesting to country subscribers.
It will give full reports of the proceedings
of Congress, and of the other departments of the
National Government.
It will contain all the news of the day, foreign
and domestic, markets, &c, 4c, as well as an
original correspondence from all parts of the
country, The miscellaneous department will re
ceive special attention, and, in all respects, the
effort will be made to establish the character of
the National Republican as a
In politics, the paper will be Republican, sus
taining the incoming Administration of Mr. Lin
coln, but disclaiming, however, any pretension
tote the organ of the President elect.
There is no othor Republican paper in the
District of Columbia, or In tho vicinity of it, and
it is believed that recent events have opened to
such a paper an important sphere of useful ef
fort. The time has come, when the actual ad
ministration of the Government upon Republican
principles will explode the misrepresentations
which hare made those principles so distasteful
to the S-'outh.
But It is not only here, and in this vicinity,
that the projectors of the National Republican
hope to make it useful. To the whole country
they offer a journal which will discuss national
politics from a national standpoint, and which
will never be swerved from patriotic duty by any
overpowering pressure of local interest.
One copy, one year .... $2.00
Three copies, one year ... 5.00
Fire copies, one year - 7.00
Ten copies, one year - - - 12 00
Tweny copies, one year ... 20.00
One copy, six months - 1.00
Five copies, six months ... 3.50
Ten copies, six months ... o.OO
Twenty copies, six months ... 10.00
Payments always In advance.
When a Club of subscribers has been forward
ed, additions may be made to it on the same
terms. It is not necessary that the subscribers
to a Club should receive their papers at the same
post office.
Money may be forwarded by mall, at our risk.
Large amounts can be remitted in drafts on Bos
ton, New York, Philadelphia, or Baltimore;
smaller amounts in gold, or in notes of solvent
banks. Address
National Republican, IVathinglon, D. C.
Those of our exchanges publishing the above
conspicuously three times In the Inside form of
their paper, and forwarding a marked copy to
this office, will receive our dally in exchange
until the end of the ensuing session of Congress.
No. 348 Pennsylvania avenue, between Sixth and
Sevtnth ttreets, Washington, V. O.,
HAS at all times a sufficient force of the most
experienced hands to make promptly to or
der every variety of work in bis line. He has on
his shelves a very good supply of work of, bis own
make. Also, a general Buppfy of Northern work,
direct from the ManuTacturers, as well as from
Auction, and assures the public that no house
In this 01 iiny other city can supply, WHOLE
SALE or RETAIL, at lower rates. nov 26
ICE CREAM, Water Ices, Wedding- Cakes,
Pound Cakes, Mince Pies, Pastry, Crusts for
Oyster Piea, Jellies, and a general assortment of
nice things in the Confectionery line, at F US
SELL'S, corner of Twelfth add F streets, at the
lowest prices. nov 30 lm
THOSE who desire to select from new patterns,
with the advantage of a reduction In prices,
will call early and examine.
We would also call tbe attention of persons
about introducing gas into their dwellings to our
increased facilities, and consequent low prices,
for this branch of our trade.
Inviting all who desire their work done
promptly, and free from gas leakages, to call at
269 Pennsylvania avenue, between Tenth and
Eleventh streets, south side.
nov 20 J. W. THOMPSON & CO.
Bathing Sponges, Velvet Sponges, Bath
Brown Windsor Soap, Honey Soaps.
Lubin's Soaps and Extracts.
Genuine German Cologne, all sizes, wick
ers and plain bottles.
Basin's Soaps and Extracts.
Pbalon's Soaps and Extracts.
Pomades of all kinds.
Hair Tonics, ic.
With a full assortment of new Perfumery.
Hair Brushes, Combs, Tooth Brushes.
Fresh Medicines, Pure Chemicals, Ac.
Just received at OILMAN'S
t New Drug Store, 350 l'enn. Av.
Congress, Empire, Saratoga, Bedford, Blue
Lick, and White Sulphur Waters, always on
hand, as above. dec 3 3t
HLmII T WISH all gentlemen to bear
HHM I in mind that the plan which 1
HI adopted, six jenrs ugo, of selling
HATs and BOOTS at greatly reduced prices, for
each, Is in successful operation. Just received,
a full supply of the latest New York styles of
DRESS HATS. The very finest Hat at $3 50 ;
a first-rate Hat, $3 ; and very good, fashionable
Hat, $2.50. All of the latest styles of soft HATS
and CAPS, at tbe very lowest prices. I am
constantly supplied with a very large stock of
those fine DRESS BOOTS, at $3.75 which I
have been selling for many years as well as
tbe very best quality of Patent Leather GAIT
ERS, at $3 50. Fine French Calfskin Gaiters,
from $2 to $2.50.
Terms cash. No extra charge In order to off
set bad debts. ANTHONY, Agent for tho Manu
facturers, Seventh street, second Hat Store from
the corner, opposite Avenue House, No. 640.
nov 20
Prospectus of the National Republican.
Believing that the time has arrived when the
great Republican party of the United States ought
to be fairly represented in the daily press of the
National Metropolis, we have embarked In the
enterprise of supplying tho citizens of tbe District
of Columbia with a dally publication, under the
title of the " Natiokai Ripdblioan."
In lis political department, this journal will
advocate and defend the principles of the Repub
lican party, and endeavor to disabuse the publlo
mind of groundless prejudices which have been
engendered against it, by the false accusations
of its enemies. Having the utmost confidence
that the administration of Mr. Lincoln will be
such as to merit our approbation, we expect to
yield it a cordial, but not a servile support. In
the great Issue that Is likely to be made with his
administration, by the enemies of the Republican
party, the people of Washington and tbe District
of Colombia hare more at stake than the peopl
of any other portion of ourcommon country. We
believe that to support Mr. Lincoln's administra
tion will be synonymous with maintaining the in
tegrity of the Federal Union, against the machin
ations of those who would rend it asunder. No
one can donbt upon which side of this issue the
people of Washington will be fbund, when they
come to realise that it is fairly forced upon them.
We feel confident, therefore, that In yielding to
the administration of Mr. Lincoln a cordial sup
port, we shall have the sympathy of an Immense
mnjorlty of the people of this District and vicin
ity. It Is not our design, however, to make the
National Republican a mere political paper. We
intend, that as a medium of general and local
news, it shall not be inferior to any other journal
published in this city. We shall pay particular
attention to questions of local policy, and advo
cate such reforms as we may deem essential to
the prosperity of the city, and to the advance
ment of the moral and material welfare of its
We deem it unnecessary, however, to multi
ply promises, as the paper will Immediately make
its appearance, and will then speak for itself.
It will bo published every afternoon, and de
livered to city subscribers at six cents per week.
Mall subscribers, $3.50 a year, payable In ad
vance. The publication office is at the corner of Indi
ana avenue and Second street.
Somo Opinions of If r. Lincoln. 0
" I say that we must not interfere with the
institution 01 slavery in tbe States where it ex
ists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the
general welfare does not require us to do so.
We must not withhold an efficient fugitive slave
law, because tho Constitution requires us, as I
understand it, not to withhold such a law. But
we must prevent the out-spreading of the in
stitution, because neither the Constitution nor
tbe general welfare requires us to extend it.
Wo must prevent tbe revival of the African
slave trade, and the enacting by Congress of a
Territorial slave code. We must prevent each
of these things being done by either Congress
or courts. The pcoplo of the United States are
the rightful masters of both Congresses and
court b not to overthrow the Constitution, but
overthrow the men who pervert the Constitu
tion I " Speech at Cincinnati, September 18,
" I hold myself under constitutional obliga
tions to allow the people in all the States, with
out interference, direct or indirect, to do exact
ly as they please j and I deny that I have any
inclination to interfere with them, even if there
were no such constitutional obligation. I can
only say ogain, that I am placed improperly
uiiugciuer iiujirupctiv, in buiio vi till mat 1 call
say when it is insisted that I entertain any
other views or purposes in regard to that mat
ter (slavery.)" Speech at Jonesborough, III.,
Scjit. 16, 1858.
" While it (slavery) drives on in its state of
progress as it ii now driving, and as it has
driven for the last five years, I have ventured
the opinion, and say to day, that we will have
no end to the slavery agitation until it takes
one turn or the other. 1 do not mean that when
it takes a turn toward ultimate extinction it
will be in a day, nor iu a year, nor in two
years. I do not suppose that in the most peace
ful way ultimata extinction would occur in less
than a hundred years at least ; but that it will
occur in the best way for both races, in God's
own good time, I have no doubt." Speech at
Charleston, III., Sept. 18, 1858.
"Mr. Douglas's popular sovereignty, as a
principle, is simply this : If one man chooses
to make a slave of another, neither that man
nor anybody olse has a right to object."
Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 185'J.
" I havo intimated that I thought the agita
tion (of slavery) would not cease until a crisis
should be reached and passed. I have stated
in what way I have thought it would be reached
and passed. Wo might, by arresting tho fur
ther spread of it, and placing it whero the
fathers originally placed it. put it where the
public mind should rest in tho belief that it was
iu tbe course of ultimate extinction. Thus the
agitation may cease. It may be pushed for
ward until it shall become alike lawful in all
tho States, old as well as new, North as well as
South. I entertain the opinion, upon evidence
sullicient to my mind, that the fathers of this
Government placed that institution whero the
public mind did rest in tbe belief that it was in
the course of ultimate extinction; uud when I
desire to see the further spread of it arrested, I
only Bay that I desiro to Bee that done which
the fathers have first done. It is not true that
our fathers, as Judge Douglas assumes, made
this uovornment part slave and part tree, un
derstand the sense in which he nuts it he as
sumes that slavery is a rightful thing within
itself was introduced by the framers of the
Constitution. The exact truth is, that they
fourjjl the institution existing among us, and
they left it as they found it. But in making
the Government, they left this institution with
many clear marks of disapprobation upon it.
They found slavory among them, and they left
it among them becnuso of the difficulty the
absolute impossibility of its immediate re
moval." Speech at Alton, Oct. 18, 1858.
" Let me say I. havo no prejudice against the
Southern people. They are just what wo would
be in their situation. If slavery did not exist
among them they would not introduce it. If
it aia now exist among ns, we should not in
stantly give it up. This I believe of the masses,
North and South. Doubtless there are indi
vidual's on both sides who would not hold slaves
under any circumstances; and others who
would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were
now out of existence. We Know that some
Southern men do free their slaves, go North,
and become tin-tOD abolitionists i wtiiln Rnmn
'Northern ones go South, and becomo most cruel
slave masters.
" When Southern people tell ns they are no
more responsible for the origin of slavery than
we are, I acknowledge tho fact. When it is
said that the institution exists, and that it is
very difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory
way, I can understand and appreciate the say
ing. I surely will not blamo them for not do
ing what I should not know bow to do myself.
If all earthly power were given me, I should
not know what to do, as to the existing institu
tion. My first impulse would be to free all the
slaves, and send them to Liberia to their own
native land. But a moment's reflection would
convince me, that whatever of high hope (as I
think thero is) there may be in this, in the long
run, its sudden execution is impossible. If
they were all landed there in a day, they would
perish in the next ten days ; and there are not
surplus shipping and surplus money enough in
the world to carry them there in many times
ten days. What then ? Free them all, and
keep them among us as underlings ? Is it quite
certain that this betters their condition? I
think I would not hold one in slavery at any
rate ; yet tho point is not clear enough to de
nounce peoplo upon. What next? Free them,
and make them politically and socially our
equals? My own feelings will not admit of
this; and if mine would, wo well know that
those of the great mass of white people will not.
Whether this feeling accords with justice and
sound judgment, is not the sole question, if,
indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel
ing, whether well or ill founded, cannot bo
safely disregarded. We cannot, then, make
them equals. It does seem to me that sys
tems of gradual emancipation might be adopt
ed; but for that tardiness in this respect, I
wili not undertake to judge our brethren of the
" When they remind us of their constitutional
rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly,
but fully and fairly; and I would give them
any legislation for tho reclaiming of their fugi
tives, which should not, in its stringency, be
more likely to carry a freo man into slavery
that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an
innocent one." Speech at Ottowa, III., Aug.
21. 185.
" Has anything ever threatened the existence
of this Union, save and except this vpry institu
tion of slavery ? What is it that we hold most
dear amongst us? Our own liberty and pros
perity. What has ever threatened our liberty
and prosperity, save and except this institution
of slavery ? If this is true, how do you propose
to improve the condition of things by enlarging
slavery by spreading it out, and making it
11 You may have a wen or cancer on your
person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you
bleed to death ; but Surely it is no way to cure
it to engraft it, and Bpread it over your whole
body. That is no proper way of treating what
you regard as a wrong." Speech at Alton, Oct.
15, 1858.
" I suppose most of us (I know it of mvself i
believe that tire people of the Southern States
are euuucu iu a vungressiunui lugiuvo slave
law. As the right is constitutional, I agree
that the legislation shall bo granted to it, and
that not that wo like the ins'itution of slavery.
We profess to have no taste for running and
catching negroes ; at least, I profess no taste
for that job at nil. Why, then, do I yield sup
port to a fugitive slave law? Because I do not
understand tbat tbe Constitution, which guar
anties that right, can be supported without
it." SjKcch at Alton, Oct. 16, 858.
"The real issue in this controversy the one
pressing upon every mind is the sentiment on
the part of one class that looks upon the insti
tution of slavery as a wrong, and of another
class that does not looK upon it as a wrong.
The sentiment that contemplates the institution
of slavery in this country as a wrong, is the
sentiment of the Republican party. They look
upon it as being u moral, social, and political
wrong; and while they contemplate it as such,
they nevertheless have due regard for its actual
existence among us, and the difficulties of get
ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all
the constitutional obligations thrown about it.
Yet haing a due regard for these, they desire
a policy in regard to it that looks to its not cre
ating any moro danger. They insist that it
Bhould, as far as may be, bo treated as a wrong ;
and one of the methods of treating it as a
wrong is to make provision that it snail grow
no larger. If there be a man among us who
does not think that the institution of slavery is
wrong in any of the aspects of which I have
spoken, ho is misplaced, and ought not to bo
with us. And if thero be a man amongst us
who is so impatient of it ns a wrong ns to dis
regard its actual presence among ns, and the
difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a sat
isfactory way. and to disregard the constitu
tional obligations thrown about it, that man is
misplaced if he is on our platform." Speech at
Alton, Oct. 15, 1858.
" We the Republicans, and others, forming
the opposition of tbe country, intend to ' stand
by our guns,' to be patient and firm, and in tho
long run to beat you. When we do beat you,
you perhaps want to know what we will do
with you. I will tell you, so far as I am au
thorized to' speak for the opposition, what we
mean to do with yo. Wo mean to treat you,
as tiearly as we possibly can, as Washington,
Jefferson, and Mudison, treated you. Wo mean
to leave you alone, and in no way iuterfere
with your institution ; to abide by every com
promise of the Constitution : ana, in a word,
coming back to the original proposition, to
treat you as tarns degenerated men lit we havo
degenerated) may, according to the examples
of those noble fathers Washington, Jefferson,
and Madison. We mean to remember tbat you
aro as good as we are ; that there is no dif
ference betweon us, other than the difference
of circumstances. We mean to recognise and
bear in mind, always, that you havo ns good
hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as
we claim to nave, and to treat you accord
ingly. Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 185'J.
Resolved, That we, the delegated representa
tives of the Republican Electors of tbe United
States, in Convention assembled, in discharge
of the duty we owe to our constituents and our
country, unite in the following declarations :
First. That the history of the nation during
the last four years has fully established the pro
priety and necessity of the organisation and per
petuation of the Republican party, and that the
causes which called.lt into existence are perma
nent In their nature, and now, more than ever
before, demand its peaceful and constitutional
Second. That the maintenance of the principles
promulgated in the Declaration of Independence,
and embodied In tho Federal Constitution, "that
all men are created equal ; that they are endowed
by their Creator with certain unalienable rights;
that among these are life, liberty, and the pur
suit of happiness that to secure these rights,
Governments are Instituted among men, deriving
their Justpowers from theconsentofthegorerned,"
Is essential to the preservation of our republican
institutions; and that tbe Federal Constitution,
the rights of the States, and the Union of the
States, must and Bhall be preserved.
Third. That to the Union of the States this
nation owes its unprecedented Increase in popu
lation ; its surprising development of material
resources ; Its rapid augmentation of wealth ;
its happiness at home and its honor abroad; and
we hold In abhorrence all schemes for disunion,
come from whatever source they may ; and we
congratulate the country that no Republican
member of Congress has uttered or countenanced
a threat of disunion, so often made by Demo
cratic members without rebuke ami with ap
plause from their political associates ; and we
denounce those threats of disunion, iu case of
a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as de
nying the vital principles of a free Government,
and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which
it is the imperative duty of nn indignant people
sternly to rebuke and forever silence.
Fourth. That the maintenance invlolato of
the rights of the States, and especially the right
of each State to order and control its own do
mestic Institutions, according to its own judg
ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of
power on which the perfection and endurance of
our political fabric depends; and we denounce
the lawless Invasion by armed force of the soil
of any State or Territory, no matter under what
pretext, ns among the gravest of crimes.
Fifth. That the present Democratic Adminis
tration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions
in its measureless subserviency to the exactions
of a sectional interest, as especially evidenced
In Its desperate exertions to force tbe infamous
Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting peo
ple of Kansas in construing the personal rela
tion between master and servant to involve an
unqualified property in persons in its attempted
enforcement everywhere, on land andsea, through
the intervention of Congress and of the Federal
courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely lo
cal interest, and in its general and unvarying abuse
of the power intrusted to It by a confiding people.
Sixth. That the people justly view with alarm
the reckless extravagance which pervades every
department of the Federal Government; that a
return to rigid economy and accountability is In
dispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the
public Treasury by favored partisans; while the
recent startling developments of frauds and cor
ruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an
entire change of Administration is imperatively
Seventh. That the new dogma that the Consti
tution of its own force carries slavery into any
or all of tbe Territories of the United States, Is a
dangerous political heresy, at variance with the
explicit provisions of that instrument Itself, with
cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative
and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its
tendency, and subversive of the peace and har
mony of tho country.
Eighth. That the normal condition of all the
territory of the United States Is that of Freedom ;
that as our republican fathers, when they had
abolished slavery in all our national territory,
ordained that "no person should be deprived of
life, liberty, or property, without due process of
law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, when
ever such legislation is necessary, to maintain
this provision of tbe Constitution against all at
tempts to violate it; and we deny the authority
of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of
any individuals, to give legal existence to sla
very in any Territory of the United States.
Ninth. That we brand tbe recent reopening of
the African slave trade, under the cover of our
national flag, aided by perversions of judicial
power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning
shame to our country and age ; and we call upon
Congress to take prompt and efficient measures
for the total and bnal suppression of that exe
crable traffic.
Tenth. That Iu the lecent vetoes by their Fed
eral Governors of the acts of the Legislatures
of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in
those Territories, we find a practical illustration
of tbe boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention
and popular sovereignty embodied In
the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration
of the deception and fraud Involved therein.
Eleventh. That Kansas should of right be im
mediately admitted as a State under the Consti
tution recently formed and adopted by ber people,
and accepted by the House of Representatives.
Twelfth. That while providing revenue for the
support of tbe General Government by duties
upon Imports, sound policy requires such an ad
justment of these imposts as to encourage tbe de
velopment of tlje Industrial interests of the whole
country ; and we commend tbat policy of nation
al exchanges, which secures to the working men
liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices,
to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate
reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, nnd
to tbe nation commercial prosperity and inde
pendence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale
or alienation to others of the public lands held
by actual settlers, and against any view of tbe
free homestead policy which regards the settlers
as paupers or supplicants for public bounty ; and
we demand the passage by Congress of tbe com
plete and satisfactory homestead measure which
has already passed the House.
Fourteenth. That the Republican party Is op
posed to any change In our naturalisation laws,
or any State legislation by which the rights of
citisenshlp hitherto accorded to Immigrants from
foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and
in favor of giving a full and efficient protection
to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether
n'lve or naturalized, both at home and abroad.
Fiftarth That appropriations by Congress
for river and barbor improvements of a nation
al character, required for the accommodation
and security of an existing commerce, are author
ized by the Constitution and justified by an ob
ligation of tbe Government to protect the lives
and property of Its citizens.
Sixteenth. Tbat a railroad to the Pacific Occaa
is imperatively demanded by the interests of the
whole country,; that the Federal Government
ought to render immediate and efficient aid In
Its construction ; and that as preliminary thereto,
a daily overland mail should be promptly es
tablished. Seventeenth. Finally, having thus set forth our
distinctive principles and views, we Invite tbe
co-operation of all citizens, however differing on
other questions, who substantially agrte with ns,
in thru affirmance and support.
Whereas experience has demonstrated that
platforms'adopted by the partisan Conventions
of the country have had the effect to mislead
and deceive the people, and at the same time
to widen the political divisions of the country,
by the creation and encouragement of geograph
ical and stc tonal parlies : therefore,
llctohcd, That it is both the part of patriot
ism and of duty to recognise no political prin
ciple other than the Constitution of tho country,
the uuion of the States, and the enforcement
of the laws ; ami that as representatives of the
Constitutional Union men of the country, in
National Convention assembled, we hereby
pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and de
tend, separately nnd unitedly, these great prin
ciples of public liberty and national safety
against nil enemies, at noma and abroad, be
lieving thereby peace may once more be re
stored to tho country, the just rights of the
people and of the States re-established, and the
Goverment again placed in that condition of
justice, fraternity, and equality, which, nnder
me example aud Uonstitution ot our lathers,
has solemnly bound every citizen of the United
States to maintain a more perfect union, estab
lish justice, insuro domestic tranquillity, pro
tide tor tho common defence, promote the gen
eral welfare, nnd secure tho blessings of liber
ty to ourseUcs uud our posterity.
llesohcd, That we, the Democracy of the
Union, in Contention assembled, hereby de
clare our alKrmanco of the resolutions unani
mously adopted aud declared as a platform of
principles by the Democratic Convention at
Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that
Democratic principles are unchangeable in
their nature, when applied to the same subject
matter; and we recommend as tho only further
resolutions the following :
llesohcd. That it is the duty of the United
States to afford ample and complete protection
to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad,
and whether nativo or foreign.
llesohcd, That one of the necessities of the
age, in a military, commercial, and postal
point of view, is speedy communication be
tween the Atlantic and Pacific States; and
the Democratic party pledge such constitution
al government aid as will insure the construc
tion of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the
earliest practicable period.
llesohcd, That the Democratic party are in
favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba,
on such terms as shall be honorable to our
selves and just to Spain.
llesohcd, That the enactment of State Leg
islatures to defeat the faithful execution of the
fugitivo slave law are hostile in character, sub
versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary
in their effect.
llesohcd, That in accordance with the in
terpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that,
during tho existence of the Territorial Govern
ments, the measure of restriction, whatever it
may die, imposed by tbe Federal Conslitutiou
on the power of the Territorial Legislature
over the subject of the domestic relations, as
the same has been, or shall hereafter be. finally
determined by tbe Supreme Court of the Uni
ted States, should be respected by all good
citizens, and enforced with promptness and
fidelity by every branch of the General Gov
Ilcsihcd, That the platform adopted by the
Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed,
with the following explanatory resolutions:
First. That tho Government of a Territory
organized by an act of Congress is provisional
and temporary, and during its existence all cit
izens of the United States have an equal right
to settle with their property in the Territories,
without their rights, either of person or prop
erty, being destroyed or impaired by Congres
sional or Territorial legislation.
Second. That it is the duty of tho Federal
Government, in all its departments, to protect,
wtienuccessary, the rights of persons and prop
erty in tho Territories, and wherever else its
constitutional authority extends.
Third. That when the settlers of a Territory,
having an adequate population, form a Stato
Constitution, the right of sovereignty com
mences, and, being consummated by admission
into tho Union, they stand on an equal footing
with the peoplo of other States; and the State
thus organized ought to be admitted into the
Federal Union, whether its Constitution pro
hibits or recognises the institution of slavery.
llesolved, That tho Democratic party are in
favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba
on such terras as will be honorable to ourselves
and just to Spain, at tho earliest practicable
ltcsolced, That the enactment of State Legis
latures to defeat the faithful execution of the
fugitive slave law aro hostile in character, sub
versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary
in their eifotU
llesohcd, That the Democracy of the United
States recognise it as the imperative duty of this
Government to protect the naturalized citizen,
in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign
lands, to the same extent as its native-born cit
izens. Whereas one of the greatest necessities of
the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and
military point of view, is a speedy communica
tion between1 tho Pacidc and Atlantic coasts ;
therefore be it
llesolved, That the National Democratic party
do hereby pledge themselves to use every means
in their power to secure the passage of some
bill, to tho exluut of tho constitutional author
ity of Congress, for the construction of a Pa
cific railroad from the Mississippi river to the
Pacific ocean, at tho earliest practicable moment.

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