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The National BcroBUCAN It published, every afternoon, (Sundays excepted,) at the corner of Indiana avenue and Secoad street, nbd is delivered to city subscribers at six cents per week, mail subscribers at throe dol lar! and fifty cents per annum, in advance. Advertisements inserted at liberal rates. Jgy All communications, whether on usl ncss or for publication, should be addressed to LEWI8 CLEPHANEACo, Washington, D. C. PUBLISHERS' IfOTIQBS. Subscriptions, advertisements, and comma nications, intended for this paper, "may be left at Adarason's periodical store, on Seventh street, opposite the General Post Office, when ooplei of the paper may also be bad immediately 'oti' its issue. Advertisements should bo sent in be'pra twelve o'clock, M., otherwise they may hare to lie over a day. Communications upon all subjects, particu larly with reference to our city affairs, will re ceive respectful attention. Vol. I. WASHINGTON, D. C, FIRDAY, DECEMBER 14, 1860. No. 16. "fL- ' )iC z' if "Y c Km. mm C J?cv i c it : a J I PRICE ONE CENT. DISUNION. At a meeting of the Republican Associa tion, .yesterday evening, Gko, M. Weston, Esq, of this city, delivered an address upon the sub ject of Disunion, of which 'we are enabled to present tho following report': Mr. Weston: said: If we are to believe in the new philosophy of the present day, the Government under which we so. long reposed in vain security, is a mere house ,of painted cards) beautiful to the eye, but1 destined to crumble at the lightest (ouch, or even at the lightest breath. With the right of secession claimed for each one of thirty-three States, to be exercised at their caprice, or what is in practical effect the same thing, with the theory proclaimed by the President; that the act of secession by either one of thirty-three States is not to be resisted by force, the Gov ernment which went into operation in 1789, and whioh two generations of men have landed as the perfection of wisdom, has been tho most stupendous sham which ever imposed upon the credulity of mankind. For myself, I believe that the Union will be perpetuated, peaceably if we can, but forcibly if we, must; or, at any rate, that it cannot be destroyed without a convulsion so tcrriblo and bo bloody, that it will be conspicuous even on the long and dark record of human wars and revolutions. This Government of thirty mil lions of people, with a history of a century, stretching from ocean to Ocean, and shaped by the geography of n continent, is not a bubble to be pricked, or a farthing caudle to be snuff ed ont. If it goes down, it will be amid the 6torm of battles, and with the whole heavens lurid with the glare of conflagrations. Woe bo to those who think otherwise I Let us not be deceived by temporary ap pearances. The Executive authority, which is the natural rallying point of public opinion in troublous times, and which saed the couutrj from war itr 1682 by a Seasonable and wcll-di-rected,bIow, now fails us with uncertain sounds. To this element of weakness and of wavering counsels, is addtd the panic of the commercial press, the first to speak, and with an artificial reverberation, which multiplies an editor by the whole number of his subscription list. But tho great country has not been heard from. Indeed, the great country has hardly yet, cvei) itself heard, much less pronounced its judg ment upon, the strange events which are pass ing in South Carolina and in the adjoining States. The men who live on the cross roads have yet to, hear and to be heard from. The lion is not aroueed,-buU still sleeping. Woe" be to those' against whom his wath shall be kindled I Better for them if they had never been born! It is loosely said, in respect to certain States, that they have been troublesome and unprofit able partners, and that the best way to bo rid of them is to let them go. At the first blush, such a consummation presents an expected re lief from the brawling clamors which have irri tated and wearied us for an age. But reflection and events will prove that it is net a question of letting South Carolina go, but of giving up the Union altogether. If South Carolina goes, the Gulf States will go, certainly if Georgia yields ; and who, theu, is to guaranty that the border slave States will remain loyal? Many may hope it, but who could have that steady confidence in it, which is the only possible basis of a stable Government?' The work of disin tegration once commenced, it will go on until scarcely any two States remain united. A uulon of the free States by themselves is a chimera, and so also is a-Southern Confederacy. When the idea of unity is once shaken, and men be am to speculate upon new combinations as af- lecting personal and material iuterests, it is the centrifugal force everywhere which will over power the centripetal. If you begin in the Northeast, how long would Maine remain in a political connection, from which she is already dissuaded by geographical position, and many of the persuasives to which would be lost by the withdrawal of the Southern States ? Pennsyl vania and N ew York, competitors for the trade of the West, would inevitably separate, and neither of them would consent to such a Union as we have now, with their combined weight in a Senate, only equalling one third of thi weight of the New England States. That is a predic ament of things to which they are at present reconciled, as a part of a grent system, in which they find many 'compensations, but to which they would never agree upon a new adjustment in a new partnership, the West herself, trust ing to her overwhelming strength, and looking to the sword for outlets to the sea, would reject all alliances which would fetter her own self reliant sovereignty. Not only would it be difficult to keep States together, but, even at this early day, we have propositions to divide States themselves. During this very week, tho Representative in the House of the lower wards of New York city declares that that cltv wilt sever its connection with a State which bo denounces as " puritanical." If wo once cut loose trom our moorings, bo is a wise man who can predict whither wo shall drift, and even such a proposition as this will una auvocates. If the dream of a Northern Confederacy is vain, the dream of a Southern Confederacy is even more palpably so. Covering an area so much larger than that of the free States, with a sparser population, with an equal rivalry of commercial interests, and with the same ele ment of disagreement as between large and small States, the South would unite even less easily than the North. The people of the South aro more tenacious of theories, and less prac tical. While in the heat of contests with the free States, of which the subject matter is sla very, they find in that institution a strong bond of union ; but, with the outsido pressure taken off, that bond would lose its power. Even now, and in advance of that trial of framing a new Government which would develop the real diffi culties of it, South Carolina proclaims her op position to anything more than a leoguB, leav ing her Btill in the possession of full sovereignty. The Gulf States would never put it in tho power of the northern slave States to make commer cial regulations, or to prohibit the African slave trade. The Southern States, if lea to them solves to-day, would be fortunate, indeedj if they could even agreo to disagree, and that is more than could bo rationally hoped of them, by those who understand tho oharaotcr of thtir popula tiou. No I The question is not of letting South Carolina go, but of let ting tho whole Union crumble into its elemental parts, and of sinking the power of the American Confederacy, not by degrees, but with a plunge, into the chaos and Imbecility of Mexico. Depend upon it, that is not a thing to be done betore breakfast, or by drunken meri, or at tho ipse dixit of a Charles ton mob, with the passive non-interferenco of the thirty milb'ons who are to be crushed in all their interests by it The magnitude of the calamity of disunion is only to bo measured by the happiness we have derived from union. That, we know, has been and is inestimable. National dignity, credit, and security, as regards the rest of the world, peace and freedom of trade and inter course at home, with all tho'amazlng develop ment of wealth which has resulted from them, depend directly upon the Union. It is less ob vious, but not less true, that safe and regulated liberty depends upon the Union, and upon the limitations of State sovereignty, which the Union Imposes and enforces. The rights of property in this country have found their best, and, as I believe, their only security, from those clauses in 'the Constitution of the Union, which pro hibit the States from making laws tx post facto, or in violation of contracts, from emitting bills of credit, and from making anything but gold and silver a tender in payment of debts. It is the fashion of degenerate times to laud tho sovereignty of the States, upon which our fathers, fresh from a bitter experience, imposed vigorous curbs. We are ourselves destined to this experience, if we open up that chapter of factious violence, of partisan confiscations, and of robberies by the contrivances of paper money, which will follow the ascendency of temporary majorities in the States, unrestrained by a national authority, which represents the deliberate sense of the people The country will not yield in a moment, or without a struggle, wh.it they know to be the bulwark of their security, tho main-spring of their prosperity, and the palladium of their rights. Observe, that thisqnestion is to be adjudged by the country, not in the condition in which it was sixty da)s ago, but in the Condition in which it will be sixty days hence, or six months heuce, if events proceed in their present course. Men in the full tide of material prosperity are inclined to see wisdom only in pacific measures; but when credit is utterly destroyed, when prices bf property have touched bottom, and when nothing more is at hazard, it is energy, and not timidity, which will assert itself in the public councils. It was in tho depths of its misery, that the old French Republic threw down the challenge of deGance to all Europe, and made the challenge cood by armies invin cible with want and rf f"!r. 7y-" men are dangerous men; and now loug is to be be fore the thousands who aro beggared in for tune, and the tens of thousands who aro thrown out of employments, by threatened treason, will demand and help to execute vengeance on the traitors ? Observe, further, that it is precisely from the classes and the localities, whence now proceeds the language of timidity, that will come at last the boldest notes of decision and energy. It is com merct and manufactures which suffer the quick est, in this emtule against the Union, and which are casting about for patch-work remedies for an evil, the nature of which is not comprehended in the first moment of alarm ; but as it is commerce and manufactures which have suffered the quickest, so it is commerce and manufactures which will suffer most lastingly by the over throw of the Union, and which will be foremost to resist that overthrow by force, if at last force E roves to be the only remedy which is left. It i the cities, controlled by interest, and ready to yield principles to save the Union, which, in tho end, will fight for it with all the desperation of cowards driven to the wall. It is Manhattan Island, which will be most ready for arms, if it sees that its imperial supremacy in commerce is onlv to be maintained by arms. Cupidity will take a new direction, and tho owners of hundreds ot millions ot real estate in cities threatened with ruin from political disruption, will resist with the bayonet, what hitherto they have vainly endeavored to stavo off by conces sion. The Beoublic. one and indivisible ! That was settled by our fathers in the consultation at Albany, before the Revolution, maintained during that seven years' struggle, and consum mated at Philadelphia in 1787. It was settled by U9, and for our time, by that magnificent act of statesmanship, of patriotism, and of Amer ican nationality, tho annexation of Texas. It is said that we cannot live together under the same Oqvernmcnt, because we hate each other. Tho fact is no fact, but the delu sion of angry men, who mistake their own Sessions for tho sentiments of communities, ut if the fact is true, the inference will better commend itself to boarding school misses, who believe that the world rests upon love, and poetry, and bouquets, than to statesmen, who understand the real basis of the social state. Hateful, and hating one another, is an old and scripture description of mankind. If men loved each other, there would be no need of government ; and It is precisely because the natural state of man is that of war, as the wise old philosopher Hobbes said it was, and precisely because it is necessary to throw the restraints of the social forces upon tho malig nant passions, that Governments are instituted. If we don't love each other, so much the worse, but so much the greater reason for maintaining a Union, which keep3 angry passions from breaking out into bloodshed. It is upon inter est, and not upon love, that the unity of indi vidual States depends. How much love or congeniality is there, pray, between Eastern and Western Virginia ; between SUiteu Island and tho New York counties west of Cayuga bridge ; or between Egypt nnd Northern Illi nois? What Stato in the Union is free, or ever has been free, from the contention of sec tions, or tlfo feuds of Individuals? Tho Protestant and Catholic Cantons of Switzerland never think of separating because they are always in a quarrel ; and as to England and Scotland, they were induced to the act of Union, a century and a bait ago, not oy love, but bv loug experience ot sucn moriai . . . s- .. i... -I" , natrea, as maae separation a conuuion oi ut most perpetual war. This American Union was not founded upon love, but upon interest. Uur latbers, who es tabhshed it, wero not puling sentimentalists, but men ot vigor and courage, anu vimo sense. They left us a strong Union, and wo nave maue u stronger, uy umuug tuu ngm wj the left bank of the Mississippi, and by carry ing our dominion to the Gulf of Mexico and the Straits of Florida, the true mouth of the Mississippi. Whether we love each other, or hata each other, we will maintain boundaries which nature has herself unmistakably indica ted. When the American Goncral, who first took possession of the left bank of the Bio Grande, found himself, from the want of inter preters, at a loss to explain how long his Gov ernment intended to hold what it had taken, he evaded the difficulty by dictating the word, cttrnidad. That is tho word to be inscribed upon the fortress, upon heJ?ry.Tortugas. Wo hold our line of coast upon the sea which that fortress commands, by honest purchases from the Crowns of France and Spain, and it will bo time enough to give it up, when we can weigh the price of national honor and national secu- :ty. . . ...... The question whether this Union is to be dissolved, is not a South Carolina question, but a National question. If this Union is a bar gain, it takes two to unmake a bargain, as well as to make one. That is the law of the case, aud what is more important, it is tho fact of the case. It is not the telegraph from the Capitol of South Carolina which is to announce the fate of this Government. We are masters of our own actions and of our own destinies: and so far as liberty, property, and material interests, depend upon the stability of political institutions, we bold neither by tho base tenure of anybody's sufferance. No interference with Stato sovereignties, or collision with Stato authorities, is required. Under our admirable form of government, the people of each Stato manage their own affairs in their own way. In return for protection from foreign enemies, requiring the costly maintenance of armies and navies, moderate duties are levied at the ports upon goods en tered for consumption. It will bo no interfer ence with the internal concerns of States, or with the legitimate sovereignty of States, to continue the collection of these duties at all ports of entry, ami it-is essential to the national authority that it should be continued. But it is not essential that the administra tion of justico by Federal courts, or the Post Oliice system, should be continued in localities averse to them. As to tho latter system, in deed, it is a growing opinion, that it should bo discontinued everywhere, and there can be uo sort of difficulty in withdrawing it from any state which snail indicate a desire to that el fect. An obvious exception to this course of re mark, is found in tho case of Florida. If that State, which I will not anticipate, should enact au ordinance of secession, such a proceeding, whatever other effects it might have, would at least have tho eject ofgiying her assent to the repeal of the act of Congress of 1845, admit ting her into the Union. That act was unques tionably fraudulent and factious in its origin, as Florida never bad, has not now, and with out, some radical changes never c&n have, the requisite numbers, wealth, and importance, to entitlo her to membership in tho Union. It may prove a most opportune relief, if she her sell voluntarily assents to and invites the re peal of the unwise act of 1845. Without pro posing to govern her through a Governor in vested with autocratic and dictatorial powers, as was done by President Monroo during the first period of her acquisition from Spain, an equally safe, and, on many accounts, a more acceptable procedure, would bo to follow the model of tho provisional administration origi nally devised for Louisiana by Mr. Jefferson, that is to say, to confide the direction of affairs to a Goveruor, assisted by a Legislative Coun cil composed of discreet and well affected citi zens, to bo designated by the President and Senate of the United States. Tho happiest consequences would unquestionably follow. It would not cost us tho oue-hundredth part of the money to expel the nullifiers from Florida, which it cost us to expel the Scminoles ) ana with a stable Government, sustained by nation al authority, a great population would flow into that really lino region. This flow of popula tion might, if necessary, be aided by a revival of Col. Benton's armed occupation act, with proper modifications and adaptations. Florida, 111 mo iuuici Y ) wuir ouireu lu fjiuutviuuc, but would support an immense population of larmers, garuuuers, iruu raisers, uuu usuuruicu. I have myself no doubt that the most auspi cious results, as well to the prosperity of Flori da as to tho consolidation ot our national pow er in that quarter, may confidently be hoped from that change in social institutions which would result from remanding her to the Territo rial condition, under present circumstances. It is hardly necessary to add, that all tho motives which prompted tho purchase of that country at an onerous price, and which have recon ciled us to the still more onerous -burden of de fending it from Indian hostilities, exist now,to induce us to retain it, and with a force in creased aud increasing with all tho rapidity of the development of the commerce of the Mis sissippi valley. Having thus briefly stated tho measures which I believe will bo adopted by the country to defend itself against the handful of madmen who seek to deprive it of government and of union, it is proper to consider, by way of con trast, the measures suggested by the President, ostensibly with tho samo view, but which can have no other effect than to aggravate and em bitter existing mischiefs. Before considering these Presidential sug gestions, it is pertinent to observe that the only States whose voluntary concurrence with South Carolina in the act of secession is feared by anybody, are the Gulf States, it being conceded that the border slave States aro opposed to se cession, and will be dragged into it, if they go into it at all, by a supposed necessity of union with communities identified with them by a leading institution. The matter in hand, then, is tho apprehended secession of the Gulf States. Now, tho President assigns as the causes of this menaced disruption, two grievances, in which, from the nature of them, the Gulf States can by no possibility be concerned. They arc, first, the failure of tho free States to return fu gitiveslares escaping into them; and, iccond, the resistance to the occupation of the territo ries of the Union, by slaveholders. As to the first matter complained of, it is notorious that it does not affect the Gulf States at all; and as to the second matter, it is equally notorious that those states, insteau oi aesiring more ter ritory to work their slaves upon, desire more slaves to cultivate the territory they already have, and to procure them in sufficient num bers, and at prices low enough, are well inclined to reopen tho African slave trade. Thero is, therefore, not only no truth, but not a color of probability, that the States threatening secession are influenced in the least degree, by either of the causes so strangely suggested by the 1'rr-i-dent, or that they would be pacificated in the least degree by the removal of both those causes. The things complained of affect Vir ginia, it is true; but it is not Virginia which is inclined to secession, even if she may by possi bility be dragged into secession. But the thinzs comolaiiicd of do not iniure South Caro- I Jinain the slightest degree, and their existence, lunma no firm waaiever upon ine poucyrmen South Carolina proposes to pursue. If we ever have a secession of South Carolina, or its Gulf associates, and a recital by them of their own wrongs, it is not conceivable that they will in sult the common sense of mankind by any such enumeration of impossible sufferings as we find in the President's message. As no such grievances affect the complaining States, as are vainly pretended by the President, so the rem edy which he proposes, of the removal of those grievances, fails to hit the mischief at all. The President is simply beating the air. If there is anything connected with slavery, of which the Gulf States really do complain, it is the acts of Congress prohibiting the slave trade. The President does not propose to re peal those acts, but tho Gulf States do, by tho movement of going out of the Union. But the indubitable fact is, that tho present effort at secession has no connection whatever with any aspect of the slavery question. Its intelligent advocates put it upon wholly differ ent grounds. It originates in the nullification theories which were in full dovelopement thirty years ago, and long beforo slavery, in itself a matter of local concern, became mixed up in national politics. This is tho great historical fact which tho President ignores in his message, but which ho cannot efface from the records of tho country, or obscuro in the recollection of the living generation of men. What we have to deal with to day, is the same South Carolina nullification which Gen. Jackson scotched, but not killed, in 1832. Saved theu from a bloody extinction by tho postponement of a compromise, it has been for a generation poisoning the Southern mind, with vain theories of Southern independence and aggrandizement outside of a Union which is the ouly efficient protection of Southern in stitutions. Tho evil has burst upon us in a day, but it has been gathering bead for long years. It must now be met, not by the holiday pa rade, but by the stern resolves of patriotism. It is idle to indulge in the illusions of hope. A danger so terrible, that we are even yet, If not incredulous of its existence, unable to gauge its proportions, is actually upon ns. We are menaced with that loss which involves all other losses, the loss of our country. There is scarce ly any form of property which is not threatened with ruinous depreciation, while many forms of property are trembling on the brink of total extinction. Business in numerous departments is already visited with paralysis, and this paral ysis is only the forerunner of death, if the dis ease is not arrested. It is in vain that we delude ourselves with the idea that we can safely rid ourselves of a few querulous partners by letting them go. If wo could have a bond of fato that the mischief would stop where its limits aro now defined, we might acquiesce, with regret, to be sure, but without serious alarm. But not only can we have no such se curity, but no such hope. With the loss of a single stone, the arch tumbles to the ground. Tho withdrawal of a part of the States destroys the cohesion of all that remain. A Northern nnd a Southern Confederacy are equally chi meras, aud the permitted secession of South Carolina is tho signal of a catastrophe which will leave scarcely any two States in political combination. The only thing which is possible, short of tho anarchy of Mexico, is tho Republic, one and indivisible. The public judgment, stunned by the rapid march of great events, hesitates and vacillates as vet, but the conclusion to which it will arrive is inevitable. Nothing, not even civil war, can bo. to ruinous to men's iuterests as the dissolution of the Union. I repeat it, the Republic, one and indivisible, at all costs, even of such a struggle as that by which France made those words good against La Vendee, if there is no other escape for us from tho horrors of disunion, will be the rally-cry of tho country. Tho alternative is terrible, but we cannot escape the necessities of our position. No man s property, no man s liberty, no uiau's life, is safe, if we do not maintain the Govern ment of our country. We cannot elude danger by running away from it. We must confrout it. Thank (iod I If the danger is great, the re sources of defence are still greater, and the in dications multiply that the bow of promise will soon span the vault of the heavens, now black ened by tho storm-cloud. We never really knew how strong the Union was, until this mo ment of fierco assault. The main body of the South is as true as steel. The great States upon the Chesapeake, the Ohio, and tho Mis souri, containing more than four millions of people, may bo indulgent to erring sisters, but in tho end, they will be governed by patriotism and enlightened self-interest. Kentucky, which, two generations ago, made the acquisition of the mouth of tho Mississippi the well-understood condition of her own ad herence to the Union, and which, in 1814, sent down her riflemen, famous in history and song, to tho defence of New Orleans, will not yield tier free outlets either to the ocean or tho Gulf. Missouri, hopeful of central empire, and with the reality of it nof far distant, will not sink patiently to the condition of a dismembered und isolated province. On this side of the mountains, Virginia and Maryland are loyal to tho core to a Government, located upon their own majestic Potomac, identified with the re nown of their ancestors, and essential to all their present interests. If, for a moment, a suspicion has attached to tho " mother of States and statesmen," from the language of men, who, making good their individual escape from the overthrow of the heresy of 1 832, have availed themselves of an indulgent amnesty ana popu lar forgetfulncss to creep into high places, the suspicion is allayed by the assurances of that crowd of citizens, who come up here, day by day, to protest their devotion to institutions which Virginia herself, more than any other State, gave to the country. Even in that portion of the South which now seems to be disloyal, there is ground to hope that reason will yet prevail over passion, se cession cannot be successful, if at all, without civil war, and civil war will bo followed by the extinction, utter and in blood, of negro slavery upon this continent. Such a solution of that quealiun will bo gratifying to fanaticism in America nnd in Europe; out wise men will recoil from it with unspeakable horror. It is not the language of menace, to point out the inevitable results of conduct, and it Is not the part of brave men to maintain a useless strag gle with fate. The courage of the horsr, rush ing into the battle, of which ho knows not the perils, is not a fit object of emulation by ration al men. That is a strange confusion of ideas, which esteems it Cowardice for mess to regard 'consequences, in actions which Involve all the interests of themselves aud of their children. Not only will the disloyalty which exists, yield to time and reflection, but the present ex tent of It is enormously exaggerated. Even in South Carolina, it is a safe conclusion, from the hot haste with which matters have been pushed on, that tho managers of the disunion movement had no confidence that the deliberate judgment of that State was on their side. Theatrical ef fect and surprise, have been the instruments relied upon, aided, where necessary, by actual terror and intimidation. The resignation of Federal officials and of Senators Chesnut and Hammond, the raising of Palmetto flags, and military processions, were concerted and con trived to stun and bewilder tho public mind, while legislative unauimity was secured by the threat that dissenting members should bo " tummarili dealt witli." And eveu down to the present moment, the conspirators feel so little secure of the sober support of the people, that the retiring Goveruor of South Carolina declares that the delay of even a single week, in the proclamation of secession by tno Stato Convention, will be fatal to the enterprise. Such hot haste assures ns of tho existence of an opposition at home, only needing the sup port of the national force, to coerce an acqui escence in on eventual accommodation. The Union, let us hope, will bo preserved without a struggle, but, at all ewents, it will be preserved. The emergency will call out the quali ties and inspire the conduct which will carry the country through the danger, great as it un doubtedly is. Firmness in repressing treason, and conciliation in harmonizing the sound ele ments against the conspirators, arc both needed, and in an equal degree. It will not be per mitted, that what is really a contest between the Government and tho old nullification of South Carolina, shall be artfully converted into a conflict between tbo freo and slave States, for which there is no cause, and of which no man can foresee tho issue. The nullifiers are themselves beyond the reach of conciliation, but they can be weakened and isolated, by depriving them of pretexts for complaints, which give them the sympathy of otherwise well-affected citizens, tor some of these complaints, not merely a Jiretext, but probably good cause, is to be 1UUUU ill lug leglBlUblUU Ul OUUIU Ul 1U uuu, directed against a fugitive slave law, believed to have been made purposely offensive in its provisions. But whatever excuse there may be for the legislation referred to, and even if it does not go beyond the letter of the technical right of the 8tates which have enacted it, the prudence and patriotism of the people may be relied upon to remove everything which either in reality or in appearance conflicts with tho undisputed claim of the slave States to the re turn of fugitives from labor. With that claim recognised in a spirit of fraternal and constitu tional duty, the Southern mind will be pre pared to believe what is true, that no interfer ence of any kind threatens an institution which is incorporated with the whole framework of Southern society. Nullification must be crushed, but it will be crushed with ease and safety, by thus depriving it of tho power to alarm the fears ot fifteen States at. a vital point. And this, which is an urgent policy at tho present time, is a duty of patriotism at all times, required by the ordinary relations of amity between the States, and much more by the intimate re lations of a Federal Union. TO HOUSEKEEPERS OF WASHINGTON, GEORGETOWN, AND VICINITY. WE invite the attention of housekeepers to our very large and beautiful stock of China, Glass, and Earthen Ware, Which is now rendered complete In every depart meat by our recent Importations. We deem It unnecessary to enumerate articles, as we have everything that is usually kept In the China business, from rich decorated French China Dinner and Tea Sets, to the ordinary Earthen Ware; and, as wo import the majority of our goods, we are prepared to furnish the best quality, either to the wholesale or retail trade, as low as any of the Importing houses of Balti more. English and American Cutlery of superior quality. Also, fforn, Duck, and Cocoa-handled Cutlery, from the same factories. Silver-plated Ware on fine albata, warranted. A large stock of Coal Oil Lamps, nnmerous patterns. Parlor Lamp-shades and Chimneys. Cut Glass Globes. Hyacinth Glasses, Fancy Articles, Toys, ic. C. S. FOWLER & CO., dec 4-eo 504 Odd Fellows' Hall, 7th street. W. KRZYZANOWSKI, Seventh Street Crockery Depot, 383 Seventh street, (under Dortey't Hotel,) " Sign of the Platei," Washington, D. C. CROCKERY, Glass, Cutlery, Ooal-Oll Lamps, Kerosene and Coal Oil, at lovtett prices, nov 26 MRS. N. L. DONALDSON BEGS leave to inform the public of Washing ton that she has opened a PilOTOQRAPUlO GALLERY, No. 18 Centre Market Space, Penn. avenue, between Eighth and Ninth streets, where she is prepared to take Pictures of all sizes and styles; Photographs and Spbereotypes,wlih ...in... and illinAtoh . atari. (Innlftji from t)a guereotypes and Pictures of all kinds, either in clear or gloomy weather. My rooms are conveniently situated but one short flight of stairs to Sitting Room so that aged or debilitated .persons may sit for Pictures n ith but little Inconvenience. Photographs can be forwarded to any part of the country by mall. I guaranty perfect satisfaction to all who may favor me with their patronage. Dee 4 3teod Rooms to Let, with or without Board. APPLY to Mrs. HARRIS, 483 Tenth, between D and E streets, who has one very fine par lor and chamber. AlsO, several small rooms. Charges moder ate, nov 28 HENRY JANNEY, A'o. 348 J'ennstlrania nvtnue, tetietm Sixth and Seventh ttreet; Washington, D. C, UANUrAOTURER OF GENTLEMEN'S FASHIONABLE BOOTS & SHOES, HAS at all times a sufficient force of the most experienced -hands to tsWke promptly to or der every variety of work In his line, lie has on his shelves a very good supply pf work of, hli own make. Also, a general supply of Northern" work, direct from the Manufacturers. 'as werfast from Auction, and assures the pubib that no hootw in Ibis or any other city can supply, WHOLE SALE or RETAIL, at lower rates. nor 34 PHILADELPHIA. CONFECTIONERY. ICE CREAM, Water Ices, Wedding Cakes, i. Pound Cakes, Mince Pies, Pastry, Crusts for Oyster Pies, Jellies, and a general assortment of nice things in the Confectionery line, at PUS SELL'S, corner of Twelfth and F streets, at the lowest prices. nov 30 lm GAS FIXTURES! THE BEST ASSORTMENT EVER OFFERED IN THIS CITY. THOSE who desire to select from new patterns, with the advantage of a reduction in prices, will call early and examine. We would also call the attention of persons about introducing gas into their dwellings to our increased facilities, and consequent low prices, for this branch of our trade. Inviting all who deslro their work done promptly, and free from gas leakages, to call at . 209 Pennsylvania avenue, between Tenth and Eleventh streets, south side. nov 20 J. W. THOMPSON A CO. THE ROYAL TURKISH TOWELS, Bathing Sponges, Velvet Sponges,, Bath Gloves. Brown Windsor Soap, Honey Soaps. Lubin's Sosps and Extracts. Genuine German Cologne, all sizes, wick ers and plain bottles. Buzln's Soaps aud Extracts, i'halon's Soaps and Extracts. Pomades of all kinds, rialr Tonics, fie. With a full assortment of new Perfumery. Hair Brushes, Combs, Tooth Brushes. Fresh Medicines, Pure Chemicals, 4c. Just received ut OILMAN'S New Drug Store, 350 Penn. Av. Congress, Empire, Saratoga, Bedford, Blue Lick, and White Sulphur Waters, always on hand, as above. dec 3 3t MB N O T I C El H T WISH all gentlemen to bear' K I in mind that the plan which! Xaiaiaiis' adopted, six years ago, of selling IIAT3 and BOOTS at greatly reduced prices, for cash, Is in successful operation. Juit received, a full supply of the latest New York styles of DRESS HATS. The tuj finest Hat at $3.50 ; a first-rate Hat, $3 ; and very good, fashionable Hat, $2.50. All of the latest styles of soft HATS and CAPS, at the very lowest prices. I am constantly supplied with a very large atoek o( those fine DRESS BOOTS, at $3.75 which t bare been selling for many years as well as the very best quality of Patent Leather GAIT ERS, at $3.50. Fine French Calfskin Gaiters, from $2 to $2.50. Terms cosh. No extra charge in order to off Bet bad debts. ANTHONY, Agent for the Manu facturers, Seventhstreet, secoad Hat Store from the corner, opposite Avenue House, No. 540. nov 2G G. W. DUTTON, BUTCHER AND VJ.CTTJALLEB, Fitreet, (north side,) near Eleventh. THE subscriber has opened a regular Family Market on F street, near Eleventh street, where he Is prepared to furnish ileatt of all kinds, Vegetablit, Oyttert, Butter, Eggt, and every de scription of Family Provisions, for family use, and respectfully solicits a share of the public patronage. He still continues to carry on the Butchering business at his stands, No. T in the Centre Market, and No. 46 in the Northern Liberties Market, where he will always be found on market days, readjr to supply his customers with choice Meats. nov 26 Q. W. DUTTON. G. W. GOODALL, Plumbor and Gas and Steam Fitter, 564 Seventh ttreet, near Canal Bridge, Wathington. ALL orders executed at the shortest uotice, In the most substantial manner, and on rru tonable terms. 1'ertomil attention given to every department of the business. nor 2d JOHN R. ELVANS, 309.PENNSYLVANIA AVEHTE, Jtctmein Ninth and Tenth streets, niixin ix COACH AND CABINET HARDWARE, BAR-IRON, STEEL, 4o. Siax or Tiic Arm ind IUmmir, nov 20 lmeod. STRAY SHEEP. CAME to the premises of the subscriber, on Thursday last, a stray SHEEP, which tha owner can have by proving property and paying all expenses Incurred. . AMES GORMAN, dec 11 690 G street MERCHANT TAILORING. THE advertiser respectfully Invites the atten tion of his friends and the public in general to his new stock of Cloths, CaisLmeres, and Vesting. He baa always on. band goods suitable far the season, which be would be pleassd to maks.up to order on as liberal terms as any other estab lishment In this city. v e nnnv ln.nL u. u. " , -e.-f :; C street, next ut to Dank or Washington. nov 26 ( II ! '. .