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The national Republican. (Washington, D.C.) 1860-1862, December 15, 1860, Image 1

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Vol. I. WASHINGTON, D. C, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1860. No. 17.
- ' ..'i' . .
Senate Chamber, December ltth, 1860.
lion. Caleb Cutting:
Sir: Pn tbe 6th , of November, one hundred
and seventy thousand men of Massachusetts
thronged to the ballot-boxes to express their
choice for Chief Magistrate of the Republic. By
speech) by letter, by act, your sentiments, opin
ions, wishes, were raAdeknowu to these thousands
of your native State; yet hardly one thirtieth
part of that holt 'of one hundred and seventy
thousand mea voted with yon for the representative-'
your aeotlmentsj opinions,' policy.
You nowj elr,tep forth froavthe ranks of your
insignificant beftd of confederates, 'to lecture the
thousands of Massachusetts freemen who heeded
not your voice on the day of the conflict You
assume to come forthto. speak to the people of
Massachusetts "on the itatt of -the Union." Yon
profess to speak for the Union now In peril. You
announce that " we. the people of .the United
States, ar'e'ln the midst of a revolution j " that
"men in the South'have taken the Initiatory step
to dissolve the Union ; " that " the ship of Sate
Is among the breakers, drifting on the lee-shore
of destruction."
At such a crisis, truth, justice, patriotism,
should have impelled you to utter the language
of the statesman, not the language of the parti
san. Have you, sir, so spoken? Have you ao
rather so spoken as to further deceive and rats
lead those who are already deceived and misted?
to excite and embitter those who are already ex
cited and embittered to madness? Have you not,
by misrepresenting the feelings, sentiments, opin
ions, purposes, of the people of your native Mas
sachusetts and of the North, by monstrous accu
sations against tbe Republican party, and by
perversions of the language of its public men,
weaponed the hands of the dlslojal men who are
now playing upon the passions and the tears of
their deceived and deluded countrymen?
Had you, sir, toiled with "malignant Indus
try " to frame accusatory and vituperative phrases
against the people of Massachusetts and of the
North, for the sole nse and benefit of your dis
loyal confederates, who, at Charleston and Balti
more, with your complicity and co-operation,
broke upthe Democratic party, as " the firsts'ep
to disunion," you could not have achieved a
greater success than you have achieved in this,
tbe most Incendiary speech which has fallen from
the lips of man during recent contests of opin
ion and of aetion. The British statesman, Can
ning, describes a class of men "whose element is
mischief and whose delight is in disturbance."
Surely you, sir, have shown that you are without
a peer in the work of misrepresenting the North
and exasperating the South, for the sole benefit
of mea " whose element, Is mischief and whose
delight Is In disturbance." No one can read
your speech without feeling that you entered
ifpon the performance of your self-lmpoied task
with a heart and will with a sort of jubilant
ferocity. Your brain seems to lust, to hunger
and thirst after accusatory and vituperative
phrases to stigmatise the " degenerate bods '' of
Massachusetts ana or tbe Norm. with reckless
audacitv you asBart that tbe mind of Massachu
OF ABOLITIONISM ;" that her people are filled
Why, sir, are these railing accusations now
made against Massachusetts? Why are these
vituperative phrases now blurted into tbe too
willing ear of the credulous, sensitive, and mad
dened South ? Will the ulteranceof these phrases,
wnlcn me Heart or Massachusetts Instinctively
pronounces false wickedly, cruelly false now
tend to save the Imperilled Union ? Will tbeir
utterance not rather spur on the fiery spirits who
would " plunge tbe cotton States into revolu
tion," and "shiver the Union from turret to
foundation stone?"
You stigmatise tbe Christian men of the North
as "degenerate sons," who "had organized, In
the Northern States, a system for the purposo of
preaching a crusade against tbe people of the
South." You oaten that " the minds of too
many at tbe North had got to be utterly lost to
all sepse of truth or falsehood, right or wrong ;
and everything of good gave way to the frantic
clamor of mere unreasoning and senseless sym
pathy with black men ; " that " the sacred pul
pit, to a great extent, became Infected with po
litical abolitionism as with an epidemic plague ; "
that " political power at the North could be ob
tained only by pandering to this unconstitutional
spirit of intermeddlesomeness ; " that " tbns the
dally speech and thought of tens of thousands
of persons in the Northern States was of such
hostility of feeling towards their fellow citizens
of the Southern States, as tbe bitterest national
hatred, and that only, could apply to foreign en
emies." Why, sir, ii this perilous crisis of the nation,
do you thus accuse the North ? Is It your pur
pose to deepen the fearful delusion of the South,
concerning tbe feelings, sentiments, opinions, of
the North? Would you Intensify the angry ex
citement of tbe South? You gave aid and com
fort to Yancey and his associates at Charleston
and Baltimore, in their efforts to disrupt the
Democratic party. Then you were their confed
erate, or their instrument Is it your purpose
now to give aid And comfort to Yancey and his
distoyaiionieasraies, in meir maa euort to dis
rupt the Union ? Mean you to be their accom
plice or their instrument now? Iago said that
be would not only deceive Othello, but so far
prevail as to cam his thanks, eveu while prac
ticing upon bim the fatal deception:
"Make the Moor thank me, love me, and reward me,
For making him egreglously an ass,
And practicing upon his peace and quiet
Even to madness,"
Are you now fired with like ambition? Do
you hope, by railing accusations against your na
tive State and' tbe North, not only to deceive the
South, but to earn tbe grateful thanks of the
South for deceiving her?
Sir, you, in your letters and speeches, have
persistently accused the people of Massachusetts
and of the North of entertaiulng feelings of bit
ter, unreasoning, malignant hatred toward their
countrymen of the South. Your words have
penetrated tbe ear and fired the heart of tbe
South ; and now, In this crisis, which falsehood,
misrepresentation, and calumny, have precipitated
upon us, you, sally out and ring Into tbe ear of
tbe South the accusation that Massachusetts Is
filled with " suctlonal bate and abolition rage."
The people of Massachusetts, of the North, do
not " bate " their countrymen of the South ; qot
one in a thousand of tbe men of Massachusetts
is filled with "sectional hate." I know Massa-
chnsetts I know something of her people. Du
ring tbe past fifteen years, 1 have traversed every
portion of the State, from the sands of the Cape
to the hills of Berkshlie; spoken in nearly tv.
err town I sat at the tables and slept beneath tbe
roofs of her people. Around those tables and.
beneath those roots Iibave heard prayers to Al
mighty God foe blessings on slave, and on mas
ter, vruui luuuiauus 01 uonsuan uoinee, in i
tr ......I ... xf U--I--J .l r .L .- ' -. '
Msuvuuitti, iinw r.niauu, me iiurui, icusui
thousands of ,men and women dally Implore
God's blessing upon the whole country upon
the poor stave r d bis proud master. Go, sir,
to the firesides of the liberty-loving, God-fear-tng
men of your native Stale, you now stigma
tize as "degenerate sons," filled with " tect'onal
hate and abolition rage and you will hear jthem,
Vith bpen HibltJ and 'on beaded' knees, com
mend master and lave, and tbe Whole coun
try, to the protection of that Being who .made
all men in His 'own Image.
Men 'of the South visiting Massachusetts, on
pleasure or business, are ever treated by all her
people with considerate kindness and fraternal
regard ' The pnblio men of the South ara ever
welcomed to Massacbuset'-s; treated with courtesy
by all, and sometimes with " complimentary fiun
keyism" by tbo few. Yancey, Henry, Illlllard,
Maynard, and other men pf the South, were du
ring tbe late canvass listened to with attention
and the utmost courtesy, and that, too, when
quiet citizens or Massachusetts were, In portions
of tbe South, subjected to the greatest Indigni
ties. During the past seven years I have travelled
more than eighty thousand miles, in seventeen
Stales, delivered more than four hundred ad
dresses, looked Into the faces of hundreds of
thousands of the people, sat with them at their
tables, slept b.neath their roots, listened to
their words; and what I have said of tbe people
of Massachusetts, I can say, alto, of tbe people
of New England and of the North. During the
late anvass I attended nearly one hundred tub
lie meetings In tbe North, saw hundreds of thou
sands of people, and hesrd many addresses by
others. 1 have often disclaimed, for myself and for
the people of tbe North, any feelings of hostility
towards our brethren of the South, and I have
heard other speakers do tbe same, and every
where the people unanimously and enthusiasti
cally applauded tbo sentiment. All over tbe
free States, the Republican speakers, while firmly
averring tbeir determination to use all constitu
tional and legal means to arrest tbe extension of
slavery, disclaimed for the Republicau party all
feelings of hostility towards tbe people of the
South, and everywhere the whole people heartily
applauded the sentiment.
Not ooe, no, not one In a thousand of the one
million eight hundred thousand men who voted
for Lincoln, was actuated by "teclional hate and
abolition rage." This Iassert positively, and with
out hes tation or qualification, and I put my as
sertion against yours.
Tbe people of Massachusetts loithed slavery
and loved liberty ; they were ready to step to
the verge of constitutional power to arrest Its
expansion, but they hated not their brethren of
the South; they embraced in tbeir affections
the whole country, and the people of the whole
country. Is it "sectional bets and rbolltlon
rage" to eipre.s "disapprobation of slavery,"
which you, sir, once pronounced in Congress
"but another form of tbe love of liberty ? " Look,
sir, at your own history, before you uudertake
to condemn others.
On the Fourth of July, 1833, you told the
men of Massachusetts that " this proud anniver
sary day of our emancipation" should be "con
secrated" to "the spreading abroad of the gr-at
trut that all men are born to equal participation in
thebleuingsoflffe the rights and wrongs or Tint
cl'ue on COMM.KXION." Vou wished " that tbo
curie of involuntary servitude did not still cling
tA ar lnwrreZh a rtnrtiAn nr nim As-tnnB virm An sJ.i
v aw migv t I'vitiwu ui vis vuuiHijuitiii ii-
stroying their peace, filling their dwellings with the
agonies of perpetual domestic suspicion, subjecting
their families to massacre, and hanging its dead
weight upon tbeir public welfare ; that the chains
of the negro uere at length ana forever struck from
his limbs ; that liberty, knowledge, and Ch. Mani.u.
were made equally the unpurchased birth ight of the
European and the AJrican, throughout the Jicw
World I"
You asserted that " the doctrines of emanci
pation are among the peculiar and character
istic lessons of the religion of Jesus Christ."
You d'dared, "We see, among tbe Slate o."
tho Union, some which nature has most bouute
cusly favored, com arat vely impoverished by
the system of slave labor rendered tributary to
the Industrious population of the free States or
of foreign countries, lor all the comforts and
conveniences of life unblessed by the sign of
universal competency, happiness, and welfare,
me commodious nab'tnt'ons, lue tbrllty and
well-o.-dered farms, the flourishing m.inu facto
ries, the ships, the churches, the schools, which
are the result and honor rf Tree labor in the
Eastern and Middle States ; we tee all this, the
re rlbutlon which slavery works out upon i self,
we see thnt monstrous disloyalty towards the Un' n,
in certain regions of the South, of which, whatever
may be the pretexts, this undoubtedly is not tub
least rauiTKUL soibik; and lu these consider
ations, even if the right of the slavo did
not cry to Heaven for hit ransom, we should
find Incentives enough to plead, and labor,
and pray, ror tne purincation ot mis ptague
ipot from onr Iand,-fr the end of this great
drawback in the palmy prosperity of tbe Union."
You fully proclaimed "I avow these to ub
Nfcw Eholand." Is it "sectional hate and aboli-
tionrage" for Massachusetts for the Republicans
of Massachusetts to wish that " tbe curse of in
voluntary senitude did not cling to so large a
portion of our countrymen ; " to regard slavery
as a "rLAOUKSPOT" the "rRurrruLBOURCn" uv
that "the doctrines of emancipation are among
the peculiar and characteristic lessons of tbe re
ligion of Jesus Christ?"
Vou, sir, in a letter to John G. Wblttier, in the
autumu of 1838, explanatory of a previous letter,
" In respect to the District of Columbia, I am
1 in favor of the abolition ofslavery and the slave
1 trade thoreln, by the earliest practicable legls
' lation of Congress, regard being had for the
'just rights of all classes of tbe citizens, and )
1 intended to be so understood." '!
' did not design it to be understood that I enter
4 tained any desire or disposition to chango my
1 course In regard to the subjects embraced in
1 the letter; but, on the contrary, being resolved
' to continue to maintain, oti all suitable occa
' sions, as I have heretofore done, tbe prluclples
1 and spirit of tbe resolves of the Legislature of
' Masachueetts, appertaining to the right of petl
1 tlon,and to slavery and the slavo trade In their
' various relations."
The resou:ions passed in 1838the "principles
and spirit" of which you " resolved to continue to
maintain as heretofore" declared that "Con
gress has, by tbe Constitution, power to abolish
slavery and the (lave trade la the DNtrl't of
Columbia:" that "Congress ought to take meas
ures to effect the abolition of slavery in 'the
Dittrlot of Columbia;" that "tbe rights of hu
manity, the claims of justice and the common
good, al&e demand tbe suppression of the slave
trade carried on in nnd through the District of
Columbia;" that "Congress has power to abol
ish slavery In tho Territories or the United
States;" that "Congress has power to abolish
tbe traffic in slava , between different States;"
" the exercise of this power Is demanded by (he
principles of humanity and justice;" that "no
ne,w slave State should hereafter be admitted
into the Union." Is t ' sectional hate and abo
lition rage" for Massachusetts "or the Republi
cans of Massachusetts. td believe that "Con
gress baa, by tbe Constltnllon, power to prohibit
slavery In the Terrlto-les of the United States,"
and to "resolve to continue to maintain as here
tofore Its principles and spirit? "
You proudly "confessed," twenty-three years
ago, In the Hlls of Congress, that " we of
the State of Massachusetts hold universally that
domestic slavery Is an evil moral, political, and
aochl ; we bold that negro Slavery, as It now ex
ists In some of the States of this Union, Is an
evil ; nnd If It depended on us, and slavery could
be abolished lawfully, and with safety both to the
blacks and tho whttes,'the two races would not
coexist in their present relations another day."
You then declared that "these opinions" were
not tho " wjld chime.'a of itctndiary schematics;"
that " the; were the opinions of the great oracles
of republicanism In, th Houth as well as tbe
North;" that " they were not only the opinions
of JefTerson, bnt of Washington, Madison, and
others, the brightest names In tbe annals of Amer
ica ." Is It " sectional hate and abolition rage " for
the people of Massachusetts, nnd for the Repub
licans of Massarhuscits, to cling to these doc
trines, which yon, in 1837, averred to be the
doctrines of Virginia, "not the Vlrgicla of the
revolutionary year 'seventy-six merely, but the
Virginia of this blessed year of our Lord ?"
In 1830, you stigmatized slavery In the Constitu
tion of Arkansas as "this noxious matter," " the un
clean thing." Then you nsked, " shall we, v. 1th the
accents of liberty perpetually on our lips, shall
wo be bn.tishly dumb, when It Is sought, hrough
us, to render slaiery Irredeemably perpetual in a
new State soliciting admission into f'e Union ? "
Then you declared, " l do not persuade myself
that liberty Is an evil, or slavery a blcsslnj.
When called upon to accord my ofhclal saactiou
to a frame of government, which not merely per
mits, but expressly perpetuates, slavery, I should
be false to ell the opinions and prluclples of my
life if I did not promp ly return n peremptory
and emphatic 'no.' " Is It "sectional hele and
abolition rage" for the people of Massachusetts,
for tbe Republicans of Massachusetts, now to re
gard slavery as a " noxious ma' tr " an " unclean
thiig" to the extension of which they would
"promptly return a perempl-ry c d emihatlc
In those days, when you "gloried" In the "old
and persevering dedication to liberty " of Neir
Eng'and, you proudly proclaimed :
" Every tendency of my nature, and every les
1 eon of my education; the institutions and his
1 torlcal associations amid which I was born and
' bred; the moral force of the literature I cultl
' vate, and tbe laws I aid to administer; the
' maxims of religion, ethics, and s'- fesmansblp;
' In a word, tbe circumstances which have eur
1 rounded me through life, and that Innate spirit
' of the undying thought, which is above and be
' yond every circumstance of time and place all
' Impel me to r; robote slavery as the greatct of
' eoeiai and poll cat evils." is It "sectional ha'e
'and abolition rage" lor the people of Massa
' chusetts, for the Republicans of Massachusetts,
now to "reprobate slavery as the greatest of so
' cial and political evils f"
In those da I, when you averred that "If It
were i llegcd to us that slavery Is a bb-slng, we
should be pione to shrug our shoulders in silent
wonder, and pass on," you declarel, ?tr the
fullest recognition of the reserved rights of the
States, " do not admit any implication in the
Constitution adverse to liberty." "Tbe political
power which tb pre-eminent statesmen of tbe
evolutionary epoch, amid the disruptions cf
ancient ties, and by tbeir blood nnd sufferings,
strove to rear up In this New World out of tbe
ruins of Ihe colonial condition, was no bifroni
janui, with r'ght in Ibis eye and wrong in that.
When tbey unfurled Ihe banner of Independence
to the startled gaze of nationa, they did not de
sign that 'liberty' should flash forth Its Ilgat
nlug letters from one Bide of it, and the dark
scroll of ' slavery ' hover . oni the other. They
looked to the eventual cessation of personal
servitude from among us, and made no mental
reservation or limitation In its favor." Is it
" sectional hate and abolition raae " for the
people of Massachusetts, for the Republicans of
JUssacbusell, now to interpret and unuersiaua
theConstltutlon as you then Interpreted and under
stood 11 to believe that " tne pre-eminent states
men of the revolutionary epoch, when they un
furled the banner of Independence to the startled
gaze of nations, did not denlgn that ' liberty '
should flash forth Its ligbtriig letters from one
side of It, and the dark scroll of slavery hover
from the other ? "
But you now say, sir, It was left to the " de
generate sons " to begin to undo the work of the
lathers " that it was not until twenty years
' after tbe establishment of the Constitution,
' when the last of the Revolutionary Presidents
' was in the seat of Federal power, that men of
' the Northern States began to strike blows at
' the equality of the Slates, by insisting on the
' putting of the institutions of Southern States
' under tbe ban of the Union, in excluding them
' from the common Federal territory."
Now, yon arraign, accuse, and cenBure the
North for tbe Missouri restrictions of 1820.
Now, those restrictions are "blows at the equal
ity of tbe States," struck by the " degenerate
eons" of the North. In 1830, when yon " felt It
to be your duty as a Northern man to take a
counter stand In conservation of one amonf, the
dearest of the Institutions of the North ' the
institution of liberty ' when " no choice re
mained to us but to maintain, temperately yet
firmly, the rights and the principles of the North,"
you approvingly referred to these Missouri re
strictions as precedents for, and Incentives to,
tho imposition of restrictions on Arkansas. You
could not " suffer the bill for the admission
of Arkansas to pass without a word of protesta
tion" you "concurred In reprobating the
clause " of her Constitution concerning slavery
it foreclosed in advance the progress of civiliza
tion and of liberty foiever" Then restrictions
upon slavery were not " blows at the equality of
tbe States" thenyou questioned not the power of
slavery restrictions, for you claimed that Con
gress might require " Cuba, If she asked admis
sion into the Union, to emancipate her slaves "
now, tbe exclusion of slavery from tbe territories
Is " putting the institutions of the South under
tho ban of tbe Union"" striking blows at the
equality of the Slates." To this, your arraign
ment of the " men of the Northern States" the
" degenerate nons " for striking "blows at tbe
equality of the States" they reply, In the words
of Daniel Webster, "Neither i principle nor
In fact IB there'apy weouality" "there la no
exclusion of SouTHEitN'people; there Is only the
exclusion of a peculiar local law."
By tho decision of the Supreme Court of the
United States, " the state of slavery Is a mere
' municipal regulation, founded upon and Hm
' Ited to the -verge of the State law." Blavery.
by common consent, Is the creature of the local
laws, customs, and usages of the States ; and
the jurists of the country, Sonth and North,
bare held and decided, that when the master
takes his slave beyond the jurisdiction of the
local law bf the Stats recognising slavery, Into
ajree State, the i slave becomes a ifreei man.
This was the doctrine of the Republican fathers,
of tbe statesmen end jurists of tbe North and
South. Sonthern State courts have again and
again affirmed this doctrine. In this crisis of
the nation, when the disloyal men in the fjoutb
threaten the disruption of the Union, you stand
forth to accuse the "Northern States" of "con
fiscating tbe property and other domestic rights
of citizens of Ihe South, sojourning or In tran
sit at the North." You say :
" Treading In the same path, the next step of
' abandonment or perversion of the Constitution
1 by the sons, was for the Northern States to as
' sume to confiscate the property and other do
' mestlc rights of citizens of tho South, sojonrn
' ing or in transit at the North, the possession of
1 which, during such sojourn or transit, is guaran
' tied to them by the same explicit provision of
1 the Constitution which guaranties to the cltl
1 zens of the North the privilege to go with their
1 property and other domestic rights lu transit or
' sojourn Into any Southern State."
To answer this monstrous accusation, now
made by you against the Northern States, of
"abandonment or perversion of the Constitu
tion," by assuming "to confiscate tbe property
and other domestic rights of citizens of tbe
South, sojournlug or In transit at the North,"
I quote your opinions In 1P58.
On tbe 20th of February, 1858, you made a
speech la the Massachusetts House of Repre
sentatives, on the "jury bill." Tbe discussion
strayed into the character and merits of the Dred
Scott decision, and a large part of your speech
was devoted to that subject. Mr. Wells said:
" The Constitution of the United States pro
' vtdes that the citizens of one State, going into
' another State, shall be entitled to all the rights,
' privileges, and Immunities, of citizens of that
1 State. I ask the gentleman if the Dred Scott
' decision does not expressly deprive every col
' ored man of that right?"
You, in reply, said :
" 1 reply, that the Dred Scott case does not
' touch that question; and I most beg pardon of
' tbe House It I occupy treble the time I lntend
' cd. Gentleman after gentleman introduces
' new questions, and I must reply to them, or
' elso leave It to be assumed that they are right.
" The gentleman assumes that but for the do
1 cislon of tbe case of Dred bcott t. Sandford,
' the citizen of Massachusc.ts has all equal rights
' in Missouri, under the Constitution. Now let
' us see what Ihe proposition of the Constitution
' to which he refers means, and I beg that tbe
' gentleman will read what there Is In the varl
1 ous commentaries on the subject. What are
'the rights of a citizen of Virg'nia in Virgmiat
' One right is to hold tlares. Does the gentleman
' admit that he has that right in Massachusettst If
' his theory is true, be has. lie has the right to
' carry bis slave through tbe State of North Car
' olina Into South Carolina. Has he the right to
' carry his slave through Mastachaietts into IVr
' monlf He has, upon the premises of the gen
1 tlenun from Greenfield. Nay, let us look at
' the etiH more extravagant consequences of these
1 premises of the gentleman from Grce fkld. In
' tbo State of Michigan, it is7 expressly p.ovided
' by Its Con-tltutlon that aliens wbo'sboll have
' made the preparatory declaration of their inten
1 tion to become citizens of the United States,
' i'.iall be citizens of that Stato. Are they citl
' zens of Massachusetts? I repeat the question:
1 Do they, therefore, become admitted to all the
' rights of citizenship in the State of Massachu
setts?" In February, 1858, you thus explicitly denied
the right of the slave owner to take bis slave
through Massachusetts Into Vermont. Tbe course
of the debate led you to put this denial Into the
form of an interrogatory, but it is none tbe less
explicit. You speak of tbe doctrine as lending
to extravagant consequences. Now, in Novem
ber, 1800, expounding the very same claute in the
Uoniittution to which your attention was directed in
1858 by Mr. Wells, you announce tbe opposite
doctrine, and berate tbe people of Massachusetts
and other Northern States, "degenerate sons"
of their fathers, as you call them, for interfering
with a constitutional right, which, two and a bait
years ago, you scouted and ridiculed as being an
absurd and extravagant claim. That you should
remember to forget your early declarations of sen
timent and opinion does not surprise me In the
least; but that you should remember to forget
your avowed opinions of two and a half years
ago, does surprlso me, 1 confess. Surely, the
audacity of inconsistency cannot further go.
The Republicans are committed, fully com
mitted, to the faith and creed of the Republican
fathers. " Our policy," la the words of Abraham
Lincoln, "Is exactly the policy of the men who
made tbe Union; nothing more nor nothing
less." Washington and his compeers "saw the
direful effects of slavery." They believed It to be
in tbo process of ultimate extinction ; they hoped
" we should have a Confederacy of free States."
Even yon, sir, admitted, aye, proudly and tri
umphantly boasted, a quarter of a century ago,
In the Halls of Congress, that " the prominent
' statesmen of tbe revolutionary epoch looked to
1 the eventual cessation of personal servitude
' from among us, and made no mental reserva
' tion or limitation in Its favor."
You now, sir, charge tbe Republican party
with the abandonment of tbe doctrine of the
"coequalitf of the States ;" with attempting to
inaugurate tbe doctrines of " tho irrepressible
conflict" the idea of "the unification of labor"
over " the rights of the States. In your speech
before the Breckinridge State Convention, in Bos
ton, In September, you said:
" The Republican party has been conceived,
' born, and nurtured into strength, in order, if
1 passible, to force or seduce the federal Uooern
' ment into alolitiontim, or else tbe Republican
' p .rly is a monstrous and ridiculous abortion, a
1 gigantic falsehood, swindle, and fraud. And I
' reassert, confidently, if Mr. Lincoln is elected, the
' Republicans will hare to burst up at once, or to
' attach the domeittc rights of the Slates."
Now, do you, sir, attempt to establish these
wanton allegations against a party that embraces
as much intelligence, character, and patriotism
as were ever embodied in any political organiza
tion, by'appealing to the authorized platforms,
State and National, of the party ? No I To the
votes of Its representative men in the Congress
of the United States? No I Not to the plat
forms of the party ; not to its faith and creed ;
not to tbe votes of its chosen representatives in
the, Nullonal or State Governments, do you refer
I Inr pttilenrM in .n.tntn lit. .a ivanlnli ull.trftllnnt.
but you refer to the language of Mr. Sen'ard.and
Mr. Lincoln language which does not,tithout
perversion, bear the tonitructlon ybu put upon
it; and to a few unpremeditated, unstudied, un
revised words of mine words which hi-e been,
and may be perverted, but which were never In
tended to express the meaning you so unjustly
and 'unfairly put upon them. ,
tVliy, sir, rcs6rt to thisquibblinfj''to this pet
ty criticism upon words and phrases, this per
version and misrepresentation of men who rec
ognise tho doctrine of State rights? Why at
tempt, by1 this playing upon words, to misstate
the position of a great party, that everywhere
proclaims non intervention by Congress with
the domestic rights of the Slates ? Mr. Seward
can appeal to the records of his country for
vindication against your allegations. Jo those
records I too can appeal for vindication. Mr.
Lincoln, in reply to the charge 6f Mr. Douglas
of being "In favor of ranking; war by tho
' North upon the South, for the eitormiilation
' of slavery," said, " I do not believe the Ian
' (range 1 employed will bear any such construe
1 tion ; " " I know that I never meant any such
' thinj.', and I believe that no fair mind cau in
' fer nny such thing from anything I have ever
' said." " Alice no purjyosc, direct
' ly ur inifircdli, to interfere with the intlitu
' tion nfflartry in the Slatm icicrc it exist. I
Uelicce 1 hate no lairjul ri;iht to do no, and I
' have no inclination to do to.'1 " When
' it i-i said that Iain in fator of interfering
' Kith slavery ichere it existe, I know it 'it tin
' wan anted ly anything I haceecer intended,
' and, as I oeliece, bu anything I have ecer
'said." " I hold myself uwhr con
' slitutional obligations to alloic the people in
' all the Slates, without interference, direct or
' indirect, to do exactly at they please, and I
' deny that I hate any inclination to interfere
' with them, eten if there were no such consli
' tutiotial obligation." " I have said
1 a hundred times, and I have now no inclina
' lion to tnko it back, that believe Oiere is no
' right, and ought to be no inclination in tltc
'people oflhcjrti States to enter into the slate
' States, and interfere wi'h the question of sla
' very at all."
To maintain your allegations against tho
Republicans, you also refer'to and quote from
a few unstudied sentences of mine, uttered in
the first flush of our brilliant national triumph.
These sentences, by which a legal mid peaceful
success, ucbieveu by the ballot box, is dcicribid
in tho metaphorical language of the conflicts
and triumphs of physical forces, you, sir, mis
interpret, misconstrue, pervert from them you
draw inferences of my meaning, wholly un
warranted. In speaking of the magnitude of
the victory, I spuko of it as a triumph over
that clement of political power, the slave
power. That phrase, the slave power, which you
now stigtnalizu as a " putty phrase of faction,"
upon which " Republicans are continually ring
ing the changes," has becu for many years used
by politicul parties, by public men, by presses,
by the people ; and I supposed every man knew
its political significance, knew there was a well
defined and vital distinction between the words
slave power and slavery, slaveholders, slave
Stales, South, Local Interest, State rights. We
speak ot the slave power as an illegitimate power,
begotten of slavery, a seductive, aggressive,
domineering power, which lias for some years
swayed and controlled the National Government,
ngumsttiio form3 and the spirit of the laws and
the Constitution, nguinst the justice, liberty,
faith, honor, humanity, and religiou, of the na
tion, for the purposes of personal ambition and
sectional domination. When we spenk of tho
slave poer, we no more speak of the purely
local domestic interests nud legal and constitu
tional rights of slave States, than do tho peo
ple of New York speak of the just legal rights
of tho Central Hailrond, when they speak of its
controlling influence at Albany.
I said, in the speech you so unfairly criticize,
that the present haughty nnd domineering slave
power had borne our country far away from
tbe faith and policy of our fathers that we
had protested against its nggiessive policy,
appealed to the heart, conscience, and reason of
tho nnt'ion that it wns now broken beneath
our feet, that our heels were upon it, that it
wis ground to powder that whatever might
happen", whoever might come into power hero
after, that ihe slnre power could never be whnt it
had been, could never sway the councils of
America. Yuu say, sir, that I "did not dis
tinctly define " what I " intended by the ex
pression, slave power;" that it "intends, and
must intend, tne entire slavchohhiig interest
of tho South that is'to say, the slave property
and the constitutional and legal rights therein
of fifteen Southern States" that 1 mean "fif
teen States of the Union, their power and their
rights und their persons," " the power and the
rights of those at tho North, who sympathize
with tho Southern States, aro crushed and
ground to powder liy the numerical power of
sixteen States." These inferences are unwar
ranted by my words these imputations aro
cruelly unjust. My unpremeditated, unguard
ed words concerning the slnve power may per
haps bo tortured by the reckless tongue or pen
of political malignity so as to appear to mean
"the entiro slaveholdiug interest of tho South,
the slavo property nnd the constitutional and
legal rights of the fifteen Southern States "
"their rights and their persons;" bat I never
conceived, thought, nor intended to give ut
terance to nny such sentiments. If I know
myself, I should blush with a sense of self
abasement, if I could cherish in my heart a
sentiment of hatred, or tho wish to put the
biand of inequality or degradation upoi my
countrymen of any section of the Union. In
hundreds of addresses before the people, in the
public press, in halls of legislation, I have over
nnd over again recognised the doctrine of
States rights in its fullest sense, disavowed
any purposo to make aggressions upon the
constitutional rights of the States within the
Union, to regulate their domestic affairs, nnd
disclaimed nil hostility towards our country
men of the South. I have voted as cheerfully
for measures for the interests of the South as I
have for the interests of the North. I would
pour out tbe treasure and the blood of the na
tion ns generously for the defence of the South
as I would for the defence of my native New
Why, sir, do you resort to these misrepre
sentations and perversions of a few words Bep
nruted from their context, to establish the faith,
creed, purpose, of tho Republican party ? The
Republican party has a right to be judged by
the faith and creed embodied in its national
platform, and not by tbe unexplained utterance
of nny man. To the Chicago platform we. ap
peal, against your fnrHrencos from the di&Wrted,
words of vneii. This platform of Republican
ism declared
" That the Mainttiiame inviolate of the
' clusively, essential to that balance of power
' on which the ferfection and endurance) oftur
'political faith depends, and we denounce the
' taictest invasion by armed force of any Slate
' or Territory, no matter under what pretext 'j u
' among the gravest of crimes."
In the Chicago platform are embodied tfwpriii-'
ciples df 'the Republican party. Mr. Seward,
foremost among the Republican statesmen or
the Republic, standing last autumn In the Hall
where this creed was proclaimed, uttered the
united voice of 1,800,000 Republicans When ha
said :
" Hnil to this council chamber of" the great
' Republican party I justly adapted by Its vast
' ness nnd its simplicity to its great purports
' the hall whee the Rpresciilaties of freemen
'framed that creed of Ittpublican faith which
' 'carries healing for the relief of a dimrdered
' nalim. Woe! icoel be to him who shall add
' to, or shall subtract on' word fiom, that
' simple, sublime, truthful, bfneftrent crcd."
Mr. Lincoln, in accepting the nomination of
lb" Republican pirty, commiltel himself fully
nnd unreservedly to this "creed of Republican
filth,'1 this " simple, sublime, truthful, benefi
cent creed."-
In hfs letter of acceptance, Mr. Lincoln said:
" The declaration of principles and senli
' meats, which acrompanirt your letter, meets
' my approval : and it shall be my care not to
' violate or disregard it in any part.
" Imploring the assistance of Divine Prov
' idenco ; and with duo regard to the views
1 and feelings of all who were represented in
'the Convention; TO THE RIGHTS OP
' and oeople of the nation ; to the inviolability
' of the Constitution, and the perpetual union,
' harmony, and prosperity of all, I am most
' happy to co operate for the practical success
' of tne principle-i declared by the Convention."
You, sir, are now retailing the theories nnd
repeating the fallacies of the disciples of Mr.
Calhoun to Massachusetts. Vain, sir, will be
your efforts to pervert the reason or seduce the
heart of her sons. The men of Massachusetts
stand, and they will continue to stand, on these
questions concerning tho powers of the Gen
eral Government, secession, nullification, and
disunion, by the doctrines of Daniel Webster
ami the nets of Andrew Jackson. They will
be slow to repudiate tho principles of Constitu
tional construction Daniel Webster maintained
in his immortal replies to Hayne and Calhoun,
und which Andrew Jackson enunciated in his
proclamation against nullification.
You speak, sirj of " reigns of terror," of be
ing "doomed to diein exile from Massachusetts,"
of your "chances of proscription, exile, or
axe." Have you a renlzing sense that you
merit tbo "doom of proscription, eile, or
axe?" Or do you wish to arouse the sensi
bilities, excite the admiration, quicken the
gratitude, of the secessionists ? Or aro these
only the utterances of that teeming fancy
which Dees the advancing spectre of the " man
on horseback?" Pray, bir, pardon ine fo sug
gesting that you quite magnify your position
in Massachusetts. Surely, a geulloinau who
was "exiled" into the ranks of the little squad
of the slave-code Democrats of Massachusetts,
last No ember, cannot be deemed, by the peo
ple of that Commonwealth, in tbeir pride of
conscious power, other thau harmless. If you
make no attempt and I am sure you will not
to put in execution vour impotent threat, to
"throttle us in our tracks," in a certain event,
ou may jet lite many years on the banks of
your clear, bright, sparkling Mcrrimac, and,
after ' life's fitful lever," sleep among friends
and kindred. Perhaps ft guierous people may
forgive, if they do not forget, your speeches
aud acts in tho interests of slavery, and grate
fully remember your earlier accents for liberty,
F street, north side,) near Eleventh.
a"MHC subscriber has opened a regular Family
. Market on F street, near Eleventh street,
where ho is prepared to furnish Meats of all kinds,
Vegetables, Oysters, Jlutter, Eggs, and every de
scription of Family Provisions, for family use,
and respectfully solicits a share of the public
He still continues to carry on tbe Butchering
business at bis stands, No. 7 In the Centre
Market, and No. 48 In tbe Northern Liberties
Market, where he will always be found on
market days, ready to supply his customers with
choice .Meats.
nov 20 G. W. DUTTON.
Plumber and Qas and Steam Titter,
5G4 Seventh street, near Canal Bridge, Washington.
ALL orders executed at the shortest uotice, in
the most substantial manner, and on rea
sonable terms.
Personal attention given to every department
of the business. nov 20
CAMK to tbe premises of tbe subscriber, on
Thursday last, a stray SHEEP, which the
owner can have by proving property and paying
all eipenses Incurred.
dec 11 CDS G street.
Bittoetii Ninth anl Tenth streets,
DEiica IN
Stan or the Abx axd Haumbb.
nov 26 lmeod.

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