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THE NAT iONAL REPUBLICAN '
IS PUBLISHED EVEEY MOilWIHO, " (srj.VDATB EXCEPTED,) On Seventh itreet, near K, opposite the General Post Office, by LEWIS CLEPHANE & CO. TERMS. To city subscribers, tlx centa per week, paya ble to ft carriers,, I To mall subscribers, three dol!txs and 'fifty centa per annum, payable In advancel ' RATES OF ADVERTISING. One square, three days $1.00 One square, fonr days 1.25 One (quare, five days 1.50 One square, six days 1.75 One square, two weeks 2.78 One square, three weeks 3.50 One square, one month 4.00 One square, three months 10.00 One square, six months 16 00 One square, one year 30.00 Every other day and once a week advertise ments, fifty per cent advance on the above. Inserted as reading matter, ten cents a line. Church and other notices, and wants, twenty fire cents for each Insertion. Ten lines or less constitute a square. QSSSattkl Vol. I. WASHINGTON, D. C, SfMbAY, DECEMBER 17, 1860. No. 18. it, n r iM -, - n askaoj- y PRICE one cawr. ALONE. st r. EV FliKROSE, Alone, while all of earth breatbei gentle lorlng, The twining flowers, the- Ivy-circled tree, The wind's low music in its quiet roving, The babbling brook, the murmur or the sea, Sad memory's rpoe, to, Jell of hllsi long flown For thou art gone I and I am 'all alone. The wing-tired bird, its mossy nest is seeking, And drowsy hums tha home-returning bee j Soft -dews from heaven fall like-tender weeping). ' O'er closing flowers; and leaTes'of whispering tree j c But memory's mine, to tell of bliss long flown ; For thou art gone I and I am all alone. Vainly for me fall sounds of mirth and gladness, Waking the heart to share in life's gay smile) My thoughts are still, In fondness and in sadness, Clinging to thee the while to theo the while! Sad memory's mine, to tell of bliss long flown ; For thou art gone I and I am all alone. For the National Republican. THE KIND OF EDUCATION WHICH OUH COUNTRY NEEDS. CONTINUED. The maxim sometime attributed to Bacon, that "knowledge is power," does not correctly illustrate the true idea of education. Knowledge is the instrument to be used by its possessor, nnd it is as powerless for good, or as powerful for evil, when possessed by an untrained and unsanctified mind, as a sledge hammer in the hands of an infant, or a steam engine tinder the direction of an untutored savage. The art ist may put me in full possession of his easel, his paints, and his brushes, but I should moke a sorry figure indeed, in attempting to do the work of an artist, if my hands, my eyes, my taste, and my judgment, had never been trained for using them. I could mix the paints, nnd use the brush, but my work would be a mere daub, and exposo me justly to the ridicule and con tempt of all. Even if my eye and my hand should be carefully trained, but my taste left unim proved or corrupted, and myjudgment unexer cised or perverted, my work would result in corrupting the morals and in perverting the tastes of all who should behold it. The young aspirant, for the fame of the masters of earlier days and other lands needs something more than the knowledge of mix ing paints and of nsing the brush, before lie" can produce specimens ot art wormy ot imita tion or of admiration, so as to find a place in the sanctuary of home or in the gallery of art. Knowledge is one thing, and wisdom qu'.te another, for the ona acquired without the proper development and training of the intellect n,nd the heart, may be as useless as the golden treasures of the miser, or as hurtful as the poison from the deadly upas ; while wisdom, which can be gained only by proper trnining and well directed experience, will enable the possessor of both, to turn everything to n good account, so aato furnish the source of constant and ever-during pleasure. We see, then, that the kind of education needed is somewhat different from what is so considered by many of those, even, who are loud in its praises. Universal free education oven in mis country nas us open anu avowed enemies as well as pretending Iriends, but their enmity is not based upou the incorrect or false uews of those engaged in imparting it, so much as upon the fact that it imparts universal power, and elevates its possessors t a position of equality. But he must bu a designing or a misguided enemy to universal free education, who can a'tribute the crimes and vices which exist in high ns well as low life, and which dis grace our halls of legislation and the streets of our national metropolis, to our publio free schools ; fur those who disgrace our nation as well as, themselves, by their ungoverned pas sions and their low vices, are not the graduates or the representatives of these freo schools. But we cannot conceal the fact, if we would, that there are causes for complaints, especially when we compare the actual results with those which wo have a right to expect from the ex penditure of so much time, labor, talent, and skill. Some of the purest and most far-reaching minds among the friends of education are justly dissatisfied with these actual results. Though they have no misgivings as to tho Teal merits of our school sj stems, they are anxious to secure higher results ; and they are seeking for the cause as well as the remedy for so many unsatisfactory results. We have no sympathy with these who attribute the growing evils of our country to the increased facilities for edu cation I yet we aro inclined to lay many of the sins of erroneous instructions at the doors of our school rooms, apd we acknowledge that the public has a right to look for higher and more satisfactory results. Philomath, to bc continued. Gone ofk to Parts Unknown. We are told that Mr. Buchanan is about to publish, in the olhcial organ, an advertisement to this ef fect! "One cent reward will bo paid to whoever will arrest, but not return, an uirent of mine. who answers to the name of Howell Cobb. He was employed, at high wages, to manage my fiscal nlluirs. At tho timo ho began his work, my chests were full, and over sinco my estate has been highly prosperous; but, in some nijs terious way, he has disposed of this surplus, aud led me almost bankrupt. Instead of remain ing to help me out of my difficulties, ho has, in the most dishonorable manner, cut stick ; and, it is said, will deyota th,e rest ol his days in a still more dishonorable manner, to ui iking w ur upon mo and my friends. The public is cau tioned against this faithless tenant. "J. 11." Mr. Buchanan would not be unjust in thus exposing his old companion. Cobb has done more than any man in tho Cabinet to bring the Administration into difficulty, if not contempt. His wretched mismanagement of the Treasury, and his late efforts to produce a panic in the money maiket, will not soon be foigottcu. But it caps thu climax of his treachery to have him deserting the Government in the midst of the einlmriHSsnients he has so largely produced. PROSPECTUS OF THE WEEKLY NATIONAL , REPUBLICAN. Washington, D. 0., December, i860. The undersigned harp cemminced the publica tion, in this city, of n Wfekly newspaper, called the Nwlonpl. Republican. " T. 3 I It U printed on a large sheet, 27 by 4 1 inches, and is famished at the low prices stafed beldw. It will contain all the original matter of the daily Natlonal.Republlcan, with the exception of local news not interesting to country subscribers. It will give full reports of the proceedings of Congress, and of the other departments tf the National Government. It will contain all the news of the day, foreign and domestic, markets, &c, Ac, as well as an original correspondence1 from' all 'parts of the country. The miscellaneous department will re celrbipeclal attention, and, in all respects, the effort will be made to establish the character of the National .Republican as a family NjwsrAnn. In politics, the paper will be Republican, Sus taining the Incoming Administration of Mr. Lin coln, but ''disclaiming, however, any pretension to be the organ of the President elect, There Is no olhqr Republican paper in the District of Columbia, or in the vicinity of it, and it is believed that recent events have opened to such a paper an important sphere of useful ef fort. The time has come, when the actual ad m'nlstrHtion of the Government upon Republican principles will explode the misrepresentations which have made those principles so distasteful to the t-outb. But It Is not only here, and In this vicinity, that the projectors of the National Republican hope to make it useful. To the whole country they offer a journal which will discuss national politics from a national standpoint, and which will never be swerved from patriotic duty by any overpowering pressure of local Interest. TERMS. One copy, one year .... Jjj.oo Three copies, one year ... 5.00 Five copies, one year .... 7,00 Ten copies, one year - - - - 12 00 Tweny copies, one year ... 20.00 Ono copy, six months - 1,00 Fire copies, six months - - - 3 BO Ten copies, six months ... u.oo Twenty copies, six months - - -10 00 Payments always in advance When a Club of subscribers has been forward ed, additions may be made to it on the same terms. It is not necessary that the subscribers to a Club should receive their papers at the same post office Money may be forwarded by mail, at our risk. Large amounts can be remitted in drafts on Bos ton, New York, Philadelphia, or Baltimore; smaller amounts in gold, or in notes of solvent banks. Address L. OLEPHANE & CO., Xational Republican, Washington, D. O. .Those of cur exchanges publishing the above conspicuously three times in the inside form of their paper, and forwarding a marked copy to this office, will receive our dally in exchange until the end of the ensuing session of Congress. FOB COUGHS, COLDS, &o. A YER'S OHERRY PEOTORAL. Jayne's Expectorant. Stabler's Expectorant. Tyler's Syrup Gum Arabic. Ilrown's Bronchial Troches. Wlstar's Cough Lozenges. Wistar's Balsam Wild Cherry. Swayne's Syrup Wild Cherry. Bryant's Pulmonic Wafers. For sale by CHARLES STOTT, No. 37S Pennsylvania avenue, nov 2G tawlm EDMUND F. BROWN, Notary Public, Oommhtioner of the Couitof Claims andor the Sttitc of California, and Attorney for business in the several Depart ments, IS prepared to take Depositions for the Court ot Claims, and the Courts in the several States and Territories ; and also to act as Counsellor end Attorney for business before the different Departments of Government. Deeds, Wills, and other Writings, prepared, and Acknowledgments taken. Office, 402 F street, next to Seventh street, op posite the Post Ollico and Pateat Office, dec i 2aw3m POTASH AND PEARLASH, FOR sale by CnARLES STOTT, Druggist, No. 375 Penu. avenue, nearly opposite nor 2G tawlm National Hotel. Faints, Oils, and Window Glass. LEWIS'S pure White Lead. French Zinc, pure. SterlingWblte Lead, In tins, at $1 and $2 each. Linseed Oil. Turpentine, Litharge. Chrome, Green and Yellow. Ochre, Red and Yellow. Red Lead, Fire-Proor Paint. Window Glass, all sites, and Putty. For sale very low for cash, by CHARLES STOTT, nov 20 tawlm No. 375 Penn. avenue. MRS. N. L. DONALDSON BEGS leave to Inform the public of Washing ton that she has opened a PIIOTOGRAPH1U GALLERY, No. 18 Centre Market Space, Penn. avenue, between Eighth and Ninth streets, whero she is prepared to take Pictures of all sizes and styles; Photographs and Sphereotypes, with neatness and dlipatch ; also, Copies from Da guereotvpes and Pictures of all kinds, either In dear or gloomy weather. My rooms ore conveniently Bltuated but ono short flight of stairs to Sitting Room so that aged or debilitated persons may sit for Pictures vt ith but little Inconvenience. Photographs can be forvvnrdi d to any part of the country by mall. I guarunt) peilect satisfaction to all who maj favor me with their patronage. Dec 4 3teod STEREOTYPE FOUNDRY, Corner of Indiana avenue and S lond street, Washington, J). C, BOORS, Pamphlets, Wood Engravings, and Jobs of all kinds, Stereotyped to order. A variety of Business Outs on hand, for sale, cheap for cash. C. W MURRAY, Stereotyper. 'JJ-jJN. Prospectus of the National Republican. ' Believing that the time has arrived when,the( great Republican party of the United States ought to be fairly represented in the dally press of the, National Metropolis, we have embarked in the enterprise of supplj tog the citizens' of the District of Columbia with a dally publication, under the title of the " National ReruauciK." In its political department, this journal will advocate and defend the principles of the Repub lican party, and endeavor to disabuse the public mind of groundless prejudices' which lave been engendered (gainst It, by th,e false accusations of its enemies. Hating the utmost confidence that the administration of Mr. Lincoln will be such as to merit onr approbation, we expect to yield It a cordial, but not a servile support. In the great Issue that is likely to be made with his administration, by the enemies of the Republican 1 party, the people of Washington and the District of Columbia have more at stake than the peopl of any other portion of our common country. We believe that to support Mr. Lincoln's administra tion will be synonymous with maintaining the in tegrity of the Federal Union, against the machin ations of those who would rend it atunder. No one can doubt upon which side of this issue the people of Washington will le found, when they come to realize that It Is fairly forced upon them. We feel confident, therefore, that In yielding to'l the administration of Mr. Lincoln a cordial sup port, we shall have tho sympathy of an Immense majority of the people of this District and vicin ity. It Is not our design, however, to make the Xational Republican a mere political paper. We intend, that as a medium of general and local news, it shall not be inferior to any other journal published In this city. Wo shall pay particular attention to qucstloos of local policy, and advo cate such reforms as we may deem essential to the prosperity of the city, and to the advance ment of tho moral and material welfare of Its inhabitants. We deem it unnecessary, however, to multi ply promises, as the paper will immediately make its appearance, and will then speak for itself. It will be published every afternoon, and de livered to city subscribers ut six cents per week. Mail subscribers, S3 50 a year, payable In ad vance. The publication office Is at the corner of Indi ana avenue and Second street. LEWIS CLEPHANE A CO. Some Opinion of Sir. Lincoln. SELEOTED VERBATIM FROM 1118 SPEECHES, AMD, PERTINEVT to the fhesent occasion. " I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it ex ists, because the Coustitution forbids it, and the ceneral welfare docs not require us to do so. We must not withhold an efficient fugitive slave law, because the Constitution requires us, as I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But wo must prevent tho out spreading of the in stitution, because neither the Constitution nor the general welfare requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of the African slave trade, and the enncting by Congress of a Territorial slave code. We must prevent each of these things being dono by cither Congress or courts. The people of the United States are tho rightful masters of both Congresses and courts not to overthrow the Constitution, but overthrow the men who pervert the Constitu tion!" Speech at Cincinnati, Setembcr 18, 1359. " I hold myself under constitutional obliga tions to allow the pcoplo in all the States, with out interference, direct or indirect, to do exact ly as they please; and I deny lhat I have any inclination to interfere with them, even if there were no such constitutional obligation. I can only say aain, that I am placed improperly aiiogciner improperly, in spuuoi ail mai 1 can say when it is insisted that I entertain any other views or purposes in regard to that mat ter (slavery.)" Speech at Jonesborough, III., Se)t. 10, 1858. " While it (slavery) drives on in its state of progress as it is now driving, and as it has driven for the last five years, I have ventured the opinion, and say to day, that we will have no end to the slavery agitation until it takes one turn or thu other. 1 do not mean that when it lakes a turn toward ultimate extinction it will be in a day, nor in a year, nor in two years. I do not supposo that in the most peace ful way ultimate extinction would occur in less man u nunurcu years hi icnsi ; out inni 11 wiu occur in the best way for both races, in God's own good time, I have no doubt." Sjieech at Charleston, III., Sept. 18. 1858. "Mr, Douglas's popular sovereignty, ns a principle, is simply this: If one man chooses nor anybody else has a right to object." tSpiecn at, Gmuinad, aept. 17, loJ'J. " I huve intimated that I thought the agita tion (of slavery) would not cease until a crisis should bo reached and passed. I have stated in what way I have thought it would be reached ana passed, we mignt, ny arresting tue iur ther spread of it, and placing it where the l.il.n.n A.ii..all nlonnil tt ..lit it wl.ai fflO public mind should lest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. Thus the agitation may cease. It may be pushed for ward until it shall become alike lawful in all tile States, old as well as new, North as well as South. I entertain the opinion, upon evidence sulhcient to my mind, that the fathers of this Government placed that institution whero the public mind did rest in the belief that it was in tue courso 01 ultimate extinction ; una wneu 1 desire to see the further spread of it arrested,! only say that I desire to sco that done which the fathers have first done. It is not true that our fathirs, us Judge Douglas assumes, made this Government part slave uud part free. Un derstand the sense in which he puts it ho as sumes that slavery is a rightful thin,; within iUelf was introduced by the framers of the Constitution, 'lhe exact truth is, that the found the institution existing among us, and they left it as they found it. But in making the Government, they left this institution with many clear marks of disuppiobation upon it. They found slavery among them, and they left it amoug them becauso of the difficulty the absolute impossibility of its immediate re moval." Speech at Alton, Oct. 18, 1858. ' Let me say I have no prejudico against the Southern people. They are just what we would be in their situation. If slavery did not exist among them they would not Introduce it. If 11 am now exist among us, we snouici not in stantly give it up. This I believe of the masses, North and South. Doubtless there are indi viduals on both sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances; and others who would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were now out of existence. We know that some Southern men do free their slaves, go North, and become tip-top abolitionists t while some Northern ones go South, and become most cruel slaw masters. " When Southern people tell ns they are no more responsible for the origin of slavery than we are, I acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the say ing. I surely will not blame tbcm for not do ing what I should not know how to do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do, as to the existing institu tion. My first impulse would be to freo all tho slaves, and send them to Liberia to their own native land. But a moment's reflection would convince me, that whatever of high hope (as I think there is) there may be in this, in the long ruu, its sudden execution is impossible. If they wero nil landed there in a day, they would perish in the next ten days ; and there are not surplus shipping and surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many times ten days. What then ? Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings ? Is it quite certain that this betters their condition? I think I would not hold one in slavery at any rate ; yet tho point is not clear enough to de nounce people upon. What next? Free them, and make them politically and socially our equals? My own feelings will not admit of this; and if niino would, we well know that those of tho great mass of white people will not. Whether this feeling accords with justice and sound judgment, is not tho sole question, if, indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel ing, whether well or ill founded, cannot be safely disregarded. We cannot, then, make them equals. It does seem to me that sys tems of gradual emancipation might be adopt ed; but for that tardiness in this respect, I will not undertake to judge our brethren of the South. " hen they remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly, but fully and fairly; and I would give them any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugi tive, which should not, in its stringency, be more likely to carry a freo man into slavery that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent one." Speech at Oltotca, III., Aug. 21, 1858. " Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union, save and except this very institu tion of slavery? What is it that we hold most dear amongst us? Our own liberty and pros perity. What has ever threatened our liberty and prosperity, save and except this institution of slavery ? .If this is true, how do you proposo to iruprovu the condition of things by enlarging slavery by spreading it out, and making it bigger ? ' You may have a wen or cancer on your person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you bleed to death ; but surely it is no way to cure it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole body. That is no proper way of treating what you regard as a wrong." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 1858. " I suppose most of us (I know it of myself) believe that tho people of the Southern States are entitled to a Congressional' fugitive slave law, As the right is constitutional, I agrco that the legislation shall be granted to it, and that not that we like the ins'itution of slavery. We profess to have no tasto for runuing and cntching negroes; at least, I profess no tasto for that iob nt all. Why, then, do I yield sup port to a fugitive slave law? Because I do not understand that the Constitution, which guar anties that right, can be supported without it." Sjtcech at Alton, Oct. 15, 858. "The real issue in this controversy the one pressing upon every mind is the sentiment on the part of ono class that looks upon the insti tution of slavery as a wrong, and of another class that does not look upon it as a wrong. Thu sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery in this country as a wrong, is lhe sentiment of the Republican party. They look upon it as being a moral, social, and political wrong; nnd while they contemplate it as such, they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence among us, and the dilhcuUies of get ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all the constitutional obligations thrown about it. Yet having a due regard for these, they desire a policy 111 regard to it tnat looks to its not cre ating any raoro danger. Thoy insist that it should, as far ns may tie, be treated ns a wrong ; and one of the methods of treating it as a wrong is to make provision that it snail grow no larger. If there be a man among us who does not think that the institution of slavery is wrong in any of the aspects of which I havo spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be with us. And if there be a man amongst us who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to dis regard its actual presence among ns, and tho difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a sat isfactory way, and to disregard the constitu tional obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if he is on our platform." Sjxcch at Alton, Oct. 15, 1858. A FEW WORDS TO THE SOUTH. " We the Republicans, nnd others, forming the opposition of the country, intend to 'stand by our guns,' to bo patient and firm, and in the long run to beat you. When we do beat von, you perhaps want to know what wo will do wim you. 1 win ten you, so nr ns 1 am au thorized to speak for the opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat jou, us nearly as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison, treated jou. Wo mean to leave )ou alone, uud in no way interfere with jour institution; to abido by every com promise of the Constitution : nnd, in n word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you us far as degenerated men (if we huve degenerated) may, according to the examples of thoio noble fathers Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you areas good as wo are; that there is no dif ference between us, other than tho diQorence of circumstances. We mean to recognise and bear in mind, always, that you have ns good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and to treat joa accoid ingly. Siieerh at Cincinnati, Sejd. 17, 18.V). KEPUBL10AN l'LATKOHM. Knotted, That we, the delegated representa tives of the Republican Electors of the United States, In Convention assembled, In discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations : Fir it. That the history of the nation during the last four years has fully established the pro priety and necessity of the organization and per petuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it Into existence are perma nent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand Its peaceful and constitutional triumph. Second. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated In the Declaration of Independence, and embodied In the Federal Constitution, " that all men are created eqnal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pur suit of happiness that to secure these rights, Governments are Instituted among men, deriving their justpowers from the consent of the governe'd," Is essential to the preservation or our republican institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the righs of the Slates, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved. Third. That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented increase In popu lation ; its surprising development of material resources ; its mpld augmentation of wealth ; Its happiness at home and its honor abroad; and we, bold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may ; and we congratulate the country that no Renubllcan member of Congress has uttered or countenanced a threat of disunion, so often made by Demo cratic members without rebuke and with ap plause from their political associates ; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as de nying the vital principles of a free Government, and as an avowal of contemplated tresson, which it is the Imperative dLty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke nnd forever silence. Fourth. That the malnlenance Inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own do mestic Institutions, according to its own judg ment exclusively, is essential to that balnnce of power on which the perfection nnd endurance of onr political fabric defends; nnd we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. Fifth. That the present Democratic Adminis tration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional Interest, as especially evidenced in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting peo ple of Kansas In construing the personal rela tion between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons in its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress and of the Federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely lo cal Inti rest, and In Its general andunvarylng abuse of the power Intrusted to It by a confiding people. Sixth. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the Federal Government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is in dispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public Treasury by favored partisans ; while the recent startling developments of frauds and cor ruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of Administration is imperatively demanded. Seventh. That the new dogma that the Const! tutioa of its own force carries slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political hereby, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative aud judici-il precedent; Is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and har mony ot the country. Eighth. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of Freedom ; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that " no person should bc deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, when ever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all at tempts to violate it; and we deny the uuthority of Congress, ot a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to sla very In any Territorj ot the United States. Ninth. That we brand the recent reopening of tho African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, ns a crime against humanity, and a burning shame to our country and age ; and we call upon" Congress to take prompt and eflicient measures for the total and hnal suppression of that exe crable traffic. Tenth. That In the recent vetoes by their Fed eral Governors of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of tho deception and fraud Involved therein. Eleventh. That Kansas should of right be im mediately admitted as a State under the Consti tution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives. Twelfth. That while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon Imports, sound policy requires such an ad justment of these Imposts as to encourage the de velopment or the Industilal interests of the whole countr) ; and we commend that policy of nation al exchanges, which secures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, ana to the nation commercial prosperity and inde pendence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the publio lauds held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or supplicants tor public bounty; and we demand the passage, by Congress ot the com plete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed the House. Fourteenth. That the Republican party is op posed to any change in our naturalitation laws, or any Slate legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged er impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes ot citizens, whether ntlvo or naturalized, both at home and abroad. Fif'eirfi That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor Improvements of a nation al character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are author ized by the Constitution and Justified by an ob ligation of the Government to proteot the lives and property of its citizens. Sixteenth. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean Is Imperatively demanded by the Interests of the whole country; that tha Federal Government onght to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction ; and that, as preliminary thereto, a dally overland mail should be promptly es tablished. Seventeenth. Finally, having thru set forth, onr distinctive principles and views, ire invite the co-operation of all cltttens, however differing on other questions, who substantially agree with m, in their affirmance and support. BELL AND EVERETT PLATFORM. Whereas experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by tho partisan Conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country, by the creation and encouragement of geograph ical and sectional parties: therefore, Hciolecd, That it is both the part of patriot ism nnd of duly to recognise no political prin ciple other than the Constitution of the country, the union of the Slates, and the enforcement of the laws ; ami that as representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the country, in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourseivi s lo maintain, protect, and de fend, separately and unitedly, these great prin ciples of public liberty and national safety against nil enemies, at Lome aud abroad, be lieving thereby pence may once more bc re stored to the country, the just rights of the people and of the States re established, and the Ooverment again placed in that condition of justice, fraternity, and equality, which, under the example and Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union, estab lish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, pro vide tor the common defence, promote the gen eral welfare, and secure tho blessings of liber ty to ourselves and our posterity. DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORM. Ilcscdred, That we, the Democracy. of the Union, in Convention assembled, hereby de clare our nfhrmance of the resolutions unani mously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 185fi, believing that Democratic principles nre unchangeable in their nature, when applied to the same subject matter; and we recommendas tho only further resolutions the following: llesohed. That it is tho duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign. Ilesolvcd, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication be tween tho Atlantic and Pacific States; and tho Democratic party pledge such constitution al government aid as will insure the construc tion of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period. liesolct d, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to our selves and just to Spain. liuolved, That the enactment of State Leg islatures to defeat the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law are hostile in chnracter, sub versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.. llesohed, That in accordance with the in terpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the cxistenco of the Territorial Govern ments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of tho Territorial Legislature over the subject of tho domestic relations, as tho samo has been, or shall hereafter be, finally dcteimiued by the Supremo Court of the Uni ted States, should be respected by all good c'.tizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General Gov ernment. BRECKINRIDGE AND LANE PLATFORM. I'esilced, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolutions: First. That the Government of a Territory organized by an net of Congress is provisional nnd temporary, and during its existence all cit izens of the United States havo an equal right to settle with their property in the Territories, without their rights, cither of person or prop erty, being destroved or impaired by Congres sional or Territorial legislation. Second. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and prop erty in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. Third. That when the settlers of a Territory, having an adequate population, form a Sjatc Constitution, the right of sovereignty com mences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with tho people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its Coustitution pro hibits or recognises the institution of slavery. Ilesolvcd, That the Democratic party nre in f.ivor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba on such terms as will bc honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment. llesoh ed, That tho enactment of State Legis latures to defeat tho faithful execution of the fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary 111 their ellect. llesoh ed, That the Democracy of the United States recognise it as the imperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether ot home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its native-born cit izens. Whercis ono of the greatest necessities of tho age, 111 a puhticol, commercial, postal, and militniy point of view, is n speedy communica tion between the Pacilic and Atlantic coasts ; therefore be it Ittsolced, That the National Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to tho cxuut of the constitutional author ity of Congress, for the construction of a Pa cific railroad from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable moment. f t t t'., -J