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NATIONAL HErUULICAN. THE HOUSE ON THE POTOMAC IN 1676. Standing on a bluff above the river Potomac was a small log house, two stories in height, with n kitchen and dining-room on the first floor, and two bed-rooms on tho second. Old Spellmnn, the owner, was known in tho vicini ty as tho greatest Indian hunter of his day. The red skins feared his rifle, and when it came to a rough nnd-tumble fight, they feared his powerful arm more than his rifle. Of course ho was marked among the savages, known to each warrior, and held in awe by all. Tho Indian who would tiring in old spellmans scaip would De reverenced, worshipped, and bo regarded as a molto and example for all )oung warriors to imiute. lho t'.imity of opeumnu consisted ol llie lather and mother, daughter and son. I he parents were well ad anced in years, but fct ut hale, and hearty. The son was a young rami of promise large muscular frame, and, like his father, possessing a Herculean power. The daughter was a girl of eighteen, lair and beau'iful. Being inured to tho forest, she was brave and daring, cool, calculating, calm, and self possessed, in times of tho greatest danger and moil imminent peril. The housi stood within a few yards of a precipice, iibnut twenty feet high, which ex tended some distance up and down tho river, and affording it on thai side a protection ngainst an toemy. A high palisade, com mencing nt the bluff on one side, extended around the house to the bluff on the opposite side, thus enclosing it on three sides by the falisade, and one side protected by the bluff, t was considered by the neighbors ns n strong post, and tho old man himself thought it al most impregnable. Abont this time the Seneca Indians made war upon the busnuehannahs, and drove them from the head of tho Chesapeake They wan dered along the banks of the Potomac, and six of tho chiefs applied to the whites, desiring to negotiato terms of peace; they were, however, pui 10 ueam, on which occasion Sir William Berkeley said. " Tliev came in neace. and I would have sent them in peace, thouBh they uuu Kiiwn my tamer and mother. ' This in flamed the minds of the savages, and they made war on the whites, slaving indiscriminate ly all who fell into their hands. It was a cold evening in November, that Mr. Spellmnn was seated by the tabic with a hook in his hand. Tho old lady was dozing before the fire, with her knitting part the time going on and put the time lying idle in her lip. 'Ihe son was mending anil generally preparing his traps for the winter service. The daughter was suited nt her spitming wheel, occasionally casting sly glances at a fine looking young man near her, who smiled graciously in return. The gentleman alluded to wai a benu of Miss Spellman's, and had thit evening walked through a lonely forest five miles to see his sweetheart. His name was ltobert Killer, and a brave stout-hearti d man, willing and able to defend his ladyloc from harm. The wind was whistling dolefully about the house, making everything without seem cold iiiid dreary, and all within look more cheerful. The old gentleman laid down his book, took off his spec, and turned his car towards the li.ick eud ol the house. The sou noticed the father's actions, laid down his traps, and fol lowed the old man's example. " Hist 1 " said he to his sister, putting up his finger in token of silence. " Did you hear anything, pap?" asked the old lady, staitiug up in her seat. 'Thero is something wrong," replied the old man : " the horses seem uneasy, and the dogs whine. I am afraid the Indians will be " Oh 1 don't say that," plead the old lady. " Don't be frightenpd ; there is a pretty good party of us. Risler, you, and Nancy, col lect all the arms together, and put them in order; there are strong indications of Indians. Guard well the doors, and keep a sharp look out." The old man arose from his chair, and noise lessly stole up stairs. There were several port holes in the upper part of the house, through which the old gentleman took an observation of the premises within the enclosure. From what he could observe, ho was satisfied that Indians were lurking about, and, as war exist ed between the whites and savages, of course their intentions were not of a friendly char acter. When ho returned to the room below stairs, lie assisted in preparing the arms and dis tributing the ammunition. There were fire arras enough for all, except the old lady, and, for better security, she was placed in one end of the room. A screen was made to shut off the light from the fire, by suspending before it two or three bed-quilts. All the necessary preparations having been completed, the family waited, in perfect silence, the result of their suspicions. It was perhaps midnight, when there was a slight rustling out side the door, and, by closely observing and listening, a voice could be heard. The old man ordered three of the party upstairs to fire upun the savages who might be in the yard, while he would defend the door. The command was put in the hands of Kisler, who, on looking out, saw, by the faint light tlm moon cast through tho clouds, a body of Indians, just in side the palisade. They wero standing, per fectly quiet, watching the movements of their companions near the door. " Take the three Indians to the right," said ItiOer. " I will take the first one, Hurry take the second, and Nancy the third." Noiselessly they placed their wennons in the c nrt-holes, and at the same instant the arms iclihed forth fire, and three Indians fell dead on the spot. The Indians seemed stricken wiih a panic, and precipitately fled, but a mo ment alter returned and attacked the house fu riously. Their principal point of attack was the door, which the old man was defending. hile they were batterinir at it. the old lad v I iui b nemo oi waier over the lire, and in a ew minutes had it boilinc. She then ascended the stairs, and softly raising a small window direcly over the Ravages, sho threw tho whole contents over them. With loud bowls they fled, and as they retreated the party up stairs gae them a volley, and two or three wero either killed or wounded. For about half an hour there was a perfect silence; no trace of nn Indian could be seen. " I reckon they're gone," said the old lady in a whisper to her husband. " Not they well hear from them directly ; " and he had scarcely made the reply, when a rifle shot from ono of the party up stairs an nounced the reappearance ot the sava"es. "Go into the kitchen, Hannah," said the old man ; " I believe they are at the back door." . The old lady hastened to obey orders, and watched the door closely as the Indians bat tered away at it There was a party of savages at the frontdoor, which the old man was guard ing with the utmost care. Those up stairs were ordered down, and the whole force were then mustered below stairs. The son and the mother were guarding tho back door, at which the sav age' wero eagerly at work. At length it yielded to their efforts, and fell in. The son shot the first Indian, while the mother, with an axe, at tacked tho second one, nnd drove him back. The hoirlinjr of the savage? Inouglil tho ,o from ihe front door to tho rescue. And tho whole nrce were now assembled at that point. The idd lady received a serious wound, and was orne away by her son. Tho old mnn, Risler, nnd Nancy, now joined in the fight, by giving he savages a volley, wbicli was returned, wound- ng uisicr and tho elder Hpellraan ; but they . ontinued the fight, and as the savages fled, hey pursued them to the yard. Spellman re- eived a scond wound, which disabled him, nnd he crawled into the house. Tho remaining three fought with despera tion, nnd drove the savages step by step be- ond tho palitadcs. Nancy and her brother lopped to rep lir the breach, while Ulsler made circuit of the place, to see if it was thoroughly leivrea oi me enemy, as lie camo near tho recipice, an Iudinn sprung from tho darkness pon him, and then commenced a struggle for fe. 'Ihe Indian had no weapon, but endear ied to drag Uisler over the precipice. Tho itler was compelled to drop his rifle, and was hcrefore on equal footing with his savage foe. For few moments, they would dangle over le edge of the precipice, when Risler, gelling little the advant ge, would forco bis untago nt back. His only bopo was to choke the ivage; and t this purpose he put out his whole rcnglh. But the savage was tho strongest in, and Risler was somewhat weakened by to loss of blood. The struggle had continued for scvcal min tes,vvhen Uisler fell a peculiar tightness about le throat, and felt himself gradually cease his sistaiice. The Indian had planted his fingers ijhtly in the neck of Risler, nnd was choking m to death. Ho was dragging his helpless ctim towardthe precipice, when the butt of a un came whizzing down upon his head, and, ith a convulsive shudder, he tumbled over to ceive a death-blow from the hands of Nancy, he had fought bravely, courageously ; and, last t' all, saved her lover, who in after years mar ed her. The wounded all recovered, and for three ajs withstool a siege, at the end of which ne they were rescued and taken to a place of fcty. When Deacon Y. got into a bad fix, ho was ry expert in crawling out of it. Though 'ick tempered, he was one of the best dea- ii' in the world. He would not in sober mo lents utter an oath, or anything like one, for s weight in cider. At the close of a rainy ay, he was milking upon a knoll in tho barn ard, at which was a dirty slough, and near by I old ram, that, in consideration of his usual i ct disposition, was allowed to run with the iws. T he deacon was piously humming Old (undred, nnd had just finished the line, " ex .ted hish," when the ram, obeying a sudden npulse to ho aggressive, gave him a blow from ehind, that put him up a short distance, only i full directly in the slough, where the dirty 'ater was just deep enough to give him a good uckinir. As he crawled out, and before he )se from his all fours, he looked over his Moulder at the ram, and quietly vociferated, You d d old cuss you I" but, looking round, and seeing one of his neighbors at the ar, looking at him, he lidded, in the same reath, " if I may bo ullowed the cpression." Oiniror a Rocky Mouvtaiv Pavfr. The 'o( ky Mountain Xtics is the leading newpapcr f that gold region. A graceful festoon of re olvers hangs ovi r tho sanctum table, within ach of the editor, and three ominous looking uns rest in the corner. Descending to the 'omposing and press room, is found each man inielly at work in his proper place, with "some 'hing that would shoot" Ring near him. The I)uches of Kingston was remarkable or having a high sense of her own dignity, leing one diy detained in her own carriage by he uuloading of n cart of coals in a very nap ow street, she leaned with both her arms upon ie door, and said to tho man, " How dare jou, rra'a, stop a woman of quality in the street?" Woman of quality?" replied the man. "Yes, How," rejoined her Grace, "don't you see my rms on my carriage?" " Yes," replied he, "I i'o ; and a pair of coarse arms they are." Over 100,000 pounds weight of egg shells, reduced to an impalpable powder, and com monly called cascaiilla de huero, are used, it is estimated, by the Cuban ladies annually, as !' lily-white," for the face, neck, nnd arms. This is exclusive of all the cosmetics imported. The New York authorities have allowed a company to place pipes through all the streets, to convey "hvdrogenated fuel," or other heat ing agents, to every house, just as gas and water are now conveyed. So we move onward. Tho " Punch " of our " Jours " says that the secessionists seem to be without sympathy or pity at homo or in Europe ; but thinks, that if they had r mained at Columbia, they might have been jiirYcc- by the small-pox. At a recent festive meeting, a married man, who ought to have known better, proposed "The Ladies," as the "beings who divide our lorrow, double our joys, and treble our ex- pe ones." It is quite natural that when woman reigns, she should storm, and she always docs. ' If vcm are lost in a fog. Blown, what are jou most likely to be ? " " Mist, of course." Axva to inn Beau. " Frederic, what city is that you are coini; to visit this fall?" Full). " If you have no objection, I'm I m going to lav Anna." " Sonny, what are wages here ? " " Don't know." " What docs does your father get on Satur day night?" " Tight as a brick." BOARDING, Jiij the Day, Week, or Month, with or mlhout loomt. MRS. M. A. MILLS, having taken and fitted up, in handsome style, that large and pleasant house, No. 504 Pennsylvania avenue, third door east of Third street, between the St. Charles Hotel and Adams's Express Office, near the Capitol and railroad depot, is now prepared to accommodate Transient or Permanent Guests with pleasant rooms, with or without Board, nov 213 aMIB ROYAL TURKISH TOWELS. . Bathing Sponges, Velvet Sponges, Bath Oloves. Brown Windsor Soap, Honey Soaps. Lubin's Soaps' and Extracts. Genuine German Cologne, all sizes, wick ers and plain bottles. Bazin's Soaps and Extracts. Phalon's 8oaps and Extracts. Pomades of all kinds. Hair Tonics, 4c. With a full assortment of new Perfumery. Hair Brushes, Combs, Tooth Brushes. Fresh Medicines, Pure Chemicals, ke. Just received at OILMAN'S New Drug Store, jlo l'enn. Av. Congress, Empire, SaratcRi, Bedford, Blue Lick, and White Sulphur Waters, always on iiaiul, as above. dec 3 Prospectus of the National Republican. Believing that the time has arrived when the great Republican party of the United States ought to be fairly represented in the daily press of the National Metropolis, we have embarked In the enterprise of supplying the citizens of the District of Columbia with a dally publication, under the vine oi wie " UATlunAL uxrUBLICAH. In its political department, this Journal wilt advocate and defend the principles of the Repub lican party, and endeavor to disabuse the public mind of groundless prejudices which have been engendered against it, by the falso accusations of its enemies. Having the utmost confidence that the administration of Mr. Lincoln will be such as to merit our approbation, we expect to yield it a cordial, but not a servile support. In the great Issue that is likely to be made with his administration, by the enemies of the Republican party, the people of Washington and the District of Columbia have more at stake than the peopl of any oilier portion of our common country. We believe that to support Mr. Lincoln's administra tion will bo synonymous with maintaining the in tegrity of the l'ederal Union, against the machin ations of those who would rend it asunder. No one can doubt upon which side of this issue the people of Washington will te found, when they come to realize that it is fairly forced upon them. We feel confident, therefore, that in yielding to the administration of Mr. Lincoln a cordial sup port, we shall have the sympathy of an immense majority of the people of this District and vicin ity. It Is not our design, however, to make the Xalional Republican a mere political paper. We Intend, that as a medium of general and local news, it shall not be Inferior to any other journal published in this city. We shall pay particular attention to questions of local policy, and advo cate sdeh reforms as we may deem essential to the prosperity of the city, and to the. advance ment of the moral and material welfare of U Inhabitants. We deem it unnecessary, however, to multi ply promises, as the paper will immediately make its appearance, and will then speak for itself. It will be published every morning, and de livered to city subscribers at six cents per week. Mall subscribers, S3. 50 a year, payable in ad vance. The publication office Is at tho corner of Indi ana avenue and Second street. LEWIS CLEPHANE k CO. Some Opinions of Mr. Lincoln. SEL.FC.TH) VkRDATIM FROM IIIS SrEECIIES, AND rt.BTI.tT TO TUB FnESEXT OCCASION-. ' I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it ex ists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the general welfare docs not require us to do so. We must not withhold an efficient fugitive slave law, becnuse the Constitution requires us, as I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But wo must prevent the outspreading of the in stitution, because neither the Constitution nor the general welfaro requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of tho Africnn slave trndc, nnd the enacting by Congress of a Territorial slave code. We must prevent each of these things being done by either Congress or courts. Ihe people of the United States are the rightful masters of both Congresses nnd courts not to overthrow the Constitution, hut overthrow the men who pervert the Constitu tion!" Sjxeih at Cincinnati, September 18, 18J0. " I hold myself under constitutional obliga tions to allow the people in all the States, with out interference, direct or indirect, to do exact ly as they please; and I deny that I have nny inclination to interfere with them, even if there were no such constitutional obligation. I can only say aain, that I nm placed improperly altogether improperly, in spito of all that I can sny when it is insisted that I entertain any other views or purposes in regard to that mat ter (slavery.)" Speech at Jonesborough, III., Sepl.iG, lt58. ' " While it (slavery) drives on in its state of progress as it is now driving, and as it has drivenfor the last five years, I have ventured the opinion, and say to day, that we will have no end to the slavery agitation until it takes one turn or the other. I do not mean that when it takes a turn toward ultimate extinction it will be in a day, nor in a year, nor in two years. I do not suppose that in the most peace ful way ultimate extinction would occur in less than nhundrcd yenrs nt least ; but that it will occur in the best way for both races, in God's own good time, I have no doubt." Speech at Charleston, III., Sept. 18, 1858. " Mr. Douglas's popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this: If oue man chooses to make n slave of another, neither that man nor anybody else has a right to object." Sp-ech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1859. " I have intimated that I thought the agita tion (of Blavery) would not cease until a crisis should be renched and passed. I have stated in what way I have thought it would bo reached and passed. We might, by arresting the fur ther spread of it, and placing it where the fathers originally placed it. put it whero tho public mind should rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. Thus tho agitation may cease. It may be pushed for ward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South. I entertain the opinion, upon evidence sufficient to my mind, that the fathers of this Government placed that institution where the public mind did rest in the belief that it was in the courso of ultimate extinction; and wheii I desire to see the further spread of it arrested, 1 only say that I desire to see that done which the fathers have first done. It is not true that our fathers, as Judge Douglas assumes, made this Government part slave and part free. Un derstand the sense in which he puts it ho as sumes that slavery is a rightful thing within itself was introduced by the framers of the Constitution. The exact truth is, that they found the institution existing among us, and they left it ns they found it. But in making the Government, they left this institution with many clear marks of disapprobation upon it. They found slavery among them, and they left it among them because of tho dilKculty the absolute impossibility of its immediate re moval." Speech at Alton, OU. 18, 1858. " Let me say I have no prejudice against the Southern people. They are just what we would be in their situation. If slavery did not exist among them they would not introduce it. If it did now exist among us, we should not in stantly give it up. This I believe of the masses, North and South. Doubtless there are indi viduals on both sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances; and others who would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were now out of existence. We know that some Southern men do free their slaves, go North, and become tip-top abolitionists; while some Northern ones go South, and become most cruel slave masters. " When Southern people tell us they are no moro responsible for the origin of slavery than we are, 1 acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the say ing. I surely will not blamo them for not do ing what I should not know how to do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do, as to the existing institu tion. My first impulse would be to frco nil tho slaves, and send them to Liberia to their own native land. But a moment's reflection would convince me, that whatever of high hope (as I think thero is) there may be in this, in the long run, its sudden execution is impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they would perish in the next ten days ; and there are not surplus shipping and surplus money enough in tho world to carry thorn there in many times ten days. What then? Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings ? Is it quite certain that this betters their condition? I think I would not hold one in slavery at any rate ; yet tho point is not clear enough to de nounce peoplo upon. What uext ? Free them, and make them politically and sociallv our equals? My own feelings will not admit of this; nnd it mino would, we well know thai those of the great mass of white peoplo will not. Whether this feeling accords with justice and sound judgment, is not tho solo question, if, indeed, it is any part of it. A uuiversal feel ing, whether well or ill founded, cannot be safely disregarded. Wo cannot, then, make them equals. It docs seem to me that sys tems of gradual emancipation might be adopt ed ; Liit for that tardiness in this respect, I win noi unuenaKo lojuageour brethren ol the South. " When they remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly, but fully and fairly; and I would give them any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugi tives, which should not, in its stringency, be moro likely to carry a free man into slavery that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent one." Speech at Ottowa, III., Aug. 21, 1858. " " Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union, save and except this very institu tion of slavery ? What is it that we hold most dear amongst us 7 Our own liberty and pros perity. What has ever threatened our liberty and prosperity, save and except this institution of slavery? If this is true, how do you propose to improve tho condition of things by enlarging slavery by spreading it out, and making it bigger ? ' You may havo a wen or cancer on your person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you bleed to death ; but surely it is no way to euro it to engrnlt it, and sprend it over your whole body. That is no projier way of treating what vou regard ns a wrong." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 1808. " I suppose most of us fl know it of mvsein believe that the people of the Southern Mates are entitled to a Congressional fugitive slnve law. As the right is constitutional, I agree that the legislation shall be granted to it, and that not that we like the ins'itution of slavery. We profess to hav e no tasto for running and catching iiegioes; at least, I profess no taste for that job at all. Why, then, do I yield sup port to a fugitive slave law ? Because I do not understand that the Constitution, which guar anties that right, can bp supported without it." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 858. "The real issuo in this controversy tho one pressing upon every mind is tho sentiment on the part ot one class that looks upon the insti tution of Blavery as a wrong, and of another class that does not look upon it as a wrong. The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery in this country as a wrong, is the sentiment of the Republican party. They look upon it ns being n moral, social, and political wrong; and while ihey contemplate it as such, they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence anions us. and the difficulties of pet- ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all the constitutional obligations thrown about it. Yet having a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that looks to its not cre ating nny more danger. They insist that it should, as far as may be, be treated as a wrong ; and one of tho methods of treating it as a wrong is to make provision that it shall grow no larger. If there be a man among us who does not think that the institution of slavery is wrong in nny of tho aspects of which I have spoken, be is misplaced, and ought not to be with us. And if there be a man amongst us who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to dis regard its actual presence among ns, and the difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a sat isfactory way, and to disregard the constitu tional obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if he is on our platform." Speech at Allan, Oct. 15, 1858. A FEW WOIID3 TO THE SOUTH. " We tho Republicans, and others, forming the opposition of the country, intend to ' stand by our guns,' to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat you. When we do beat you, you perhaps want to know what wo will do with you. I will tell you, so far as I am au thorized to speak for tho opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as nearly as we jiossibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. Wc mean to leave you alone, and in no way interfere with your institution; to abide by every com promise of the Constitution i and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat jou as fur as degenerated men (if we have degenerated! may, according to tho examples of those noble fathers Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are as good as we arc ; that there is no dif ference between us, other than tho difference of circumstances. We mean to recognise and bear in mind, always, that "you havo as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as wo claim to have, and to treat jou accord ingly. Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 185'J. DOUGLA.8 AND JOHNSON PLATFORM. llesolved, That we, tho Democracy of the Union, in Convention assembled, hereby de clare our affirmance of the resolutions unani moiisly adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1850, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature, when applied to the same subject matter; and we recommend as tho only further resolutions the following : Ilcsolced, That it is tho duty of tho United States to afford ample and completo protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign. llesolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, nnd postal poiut of view, is speedy communication be tween the Atlantic and Pacific States; and tho Democratic party pledge such constitution al government aid as will insure the construc tion of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period. llesolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of tho acquisition of tho island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to our selves and just to Spain. llesolved, That the enactment of State Leg islatures to defeat the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. llcsohed, That in accordance with tho in ternretalinn nf flip. f!inrinnt! nlr.,r...m i.n. --lt -- ... uv( piuiiuiiu, Mini, during tho existence of the Territorial Govern ...... i.n . ... . uciMB, mo mranure ui resincuoii, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the nower of the Tprritnriiil I ni.tDt...- over the subject of the domestic relations, as inu .oiiio into uci-n, ursunii uereatier ue, nnally determined bv tho Supremo Court of the Uni ted States, should be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every brunch of tho General Gov en ment. REPUDLICAN PLATFORM. Rewired, That we, the delegated representa tives of tho Republican Electors of the United tales, in Convention assembled, In discharge f the duty we owe to our constituents nnd our ountry, unite in the following declarations : First. That the history of the nation during Se last four years has fully established the pro rlety and necessity of the organization and per etuatlon of the Republican party, and that the juses which called It Into existence are perma enl in their nature, and now, more than ever efore, demand its peaceful and constitutional lumph. Second. That the maintenance of the princinles romulgatedln the Declaration of Independence, nd embodied In the Federal Constitution, " that II men are created equal ; that they are endowed .y their Creator with certain unalienable rights; hat among these are life, liberty, and the pur lit of happiness that to secure these rights, overnments are Instituted among men, deriving lelrjust powers from the consent of thegoverncd," essential to the preservation of our republican istltutlons; and that the Federal Constitution, ie rights of the States, and the Union of the tates, must and shall be preserved. Third. That to the Union of the States this atlon owes its unprecedented Increase In popu itlon ; Its surprising development of material uources ; its rapid augmentation of wealth ; i happiness at home and its honor abroad; and e hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, ome from whatever source they may ; and we jngratulate the country that no Republican lembcr of Congress has uttered or countenanced threat of disunion, so often made by Demo ratic members without rebuke and with ap lause from their political associates ; and we nounco those threats of disunion, in case of popular overthrow of their ascendency, as de ylng the vital principles of a free Government, id as an avowal of contemplated treason, which is the imperative duty of an Indignant people ernly to rebuke and forever Silence. Fourth. That the maintenance inviolate of ne rights of the States, and especially the right ( each State to order and control its own do lestio institutions, according to Its own judg .cnt exclusively, Is essential to that balance of iwcr on which the perfection and endurance of ir political fabric depends; and we denounce . lawless invasion by armed force of the soil any State or Territory, no mailer under what eetext, as among the gravest of crimes. FflK. That the present Democratic Admlnis atlou has far exceeded our worst apprehensions its measureless subserviency to the exactions r a sectional interest, as especially evidenced i its desperate exertions to turce the infamous .corapton Constitution upon the protesting peo e of Kansas in construing the personal rela on between master and servant to involve an (qualified property in persons In its attempted iforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through ie intervention of Congrrss and of the Federal urts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely lo il Interest, and In Its general and unvarying abuse f the power Intrusted to it by a confiding people. Stzth. That the people Justly view with alarm in reckless extravagance which pervades every apartment of the Federal Government; that a iturn to Held economy and accountabilitvis in- ispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the uoiic ireasury ny tavored partisans; while the scent startling developments of frauds and cor iptions at the Federal metropolis show that an itire change of Administration is imperatively emanded. Seventh. That the new dogma that the Const! itlon of its own force carries slavery into any r all of the Territories of the United States, is a ingerous political heresy, at variance with the cpllcit provisions of that instrument itself, with otemporaneous exposition, and with legislative nd Judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its indency, and subversive of the peace and har--lony of the country. Eighth. That the normal condition of all the irritory of the United States Is that of Freedom ; lat as our republican fathers, when they had bollshed slavery in all our national tcrritorv. i-dalned that "no person should be deprived of fe, liberty, or property, without due process of iw, h Decomes our duty, Dy legislation, when rer such legislation is necessary, to maintain lis provision of the Constitution against all at mpts to violate it: and we denv the authorltv t Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of ny inumuuRis, 10 give legal existence to sla ery in any Territory of the United States. A'inth. That we braud the recent reopening of ie African slave trade, under the cover of our ational flag, aided by perversions of judicial ower, as a crime against humanity, and a burning .anie to our country and age ; and we call upon ongress to take prompt and efficient measures r the total and finul suppression of that eie--able traffic. Tenth. That in the recent vetoes by their Fed .al Governors of the acts of the Legislatures I Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in lose Territories, we find a practical Illustration t the boasted Democratic principle of non-ln- rvenllon and popular sovereignty embodied In .e Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration f the deception and Iraud involved therein. Eleventh. That Kansas should of right be Im 'lediately admitted as a State under the Constl itlon recently formed and adopted by her people, id accepted by the House of Representatives. Twelfth. That while providing revenue for the ipport of the General Government by dutieB pon imports, sound policy requires such an ad istment of these imposts as to encourage the de 3lopment of tho industrial interests of the whole mntry ; and we commend that policy of nation 1 exchanges, which secures to the working men beral wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, i mechanics and manufacturers an adequate iward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and i the nation commercial prosperity and Inde jndence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale r alienation to others ot the public lands held 7 aetnal settlers, and against any view of the fee homestead policy which regards the settlers s paupers or supplicants for public bounty ; and e demand thu passage by Congress of the com pete and satisfactory homestead measure which .as already passed the House. Fourteenth. That the Republican party is op osed to any change in our naturalization laws, r any State legislation by which the rights of tlzenship hllherto accorded to Immigrants from .reign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and i favor of giving a full and efficient protection i the rights of all classes of citizens, whether .'Ive or naturalized, both at home and abroad. Fifteirth That appropriations by Congress it river and harbor Improvements of a nation character, required for the accommodation id security of an existing commerce, are author ed by the Constitution and justified by anob jatlon of tho Government to protect tho lives jd property of its citizens. Sixteenth. That a railroad to tho Pacific Ocean imperatively demanded by the interests of the hole country; that the Federal Government ighl to render Immediate and efficient aid in s construction; and that, as preliminary thereto, daily overland mail should be promptly es bllsbed. Seventeenth, Finally, having thus set forth our lstinctlvo principles and views, we Invite the j-operatlon of all citizens, however differing on ther questions, who substantially agree with us, a their affirmance and support. HEPUMIOAH ASSOCIATIONS. NATIONAL REPUBLICAN ASSOCIA TION. orricEss. D. I). French, President. J. J. Coombs, First Vice. President. Martin Buell, 8econd Vice President. Lewis Clephanc, Secretary. Woodford Stone, Treasurer. John Hines, G. II. Plant, Job W. Angus, J. F. Hodgson, James Lynch, G R. Wilson, and Henry M. Knight, Executive Committee. Meets at the Wigwam, corner of Indiana avenue and Second street, every Thursday evening. GERMAN REPUBLICAN ASSOCIATION. OFTICERS. W. Krzyzanowski, Presideut. Dr. Briegleb, First Vice President. G. Dilli, Second Vico President. Joseph Gerhard, Secretary. John Lerch, Treasurer. Meets at Gerhard's Germania, every Tues day night, at eight o'clock. REPUBLICAN ASSOCIATION OF THE FIFTH AND SIXTH WARDS. OFFICSR9. S. A. McEim, President. George A. Bnssett, First Vice President George R. Ruff, Second Vico President. Charles Sleigh, Recording Secretary. J. L. Uenshaw, Corresponding Secretary. William Dixon, Financial Secretary. John Grinder, Treasurer. Meets on the first and third Tuesdays of eve ry month, at Odd Fellows' Hall, Navy Yard. REPUBLICAN ASSOCIATION OF THE THIRD WARD. OEFICERS. J. J. Coombs, President. G. A. Hall, First Vice President A. Duval I, Second Vico President. J. C. Clary, Secretary. Martin Buell, Treasurer. REPUBLICAN ASSOCIATION OF THE SEVENTH WARD. OFFICERS. Theodore Wheeler, President Edward Lycett, First Vice President. A. Edson, S cond Vico President. William J. Murtagh, Secretary. William Hendley, Treasurer. . J. R. Elvans, J. Dillon, G. W. Garrett, Wil Ham Martin, G. U. Larcombe, and G. B. Clark, Executive Committee. Meets at Island Hall, (third story,) corner of Virginia avenue and Sixth street, every Wednesday evening, at half past seven o'clock. GEORGETOWN REPUBLICAN ASSOCI ATION. OFFICERS. John S. Paxton, President. W. W. McNeir, First Vice President. J. W, Deeblc, Second Vico President H. G. Divine, Cor. and Hec. Secretary. Jesse Chick, Treasurer. WIDE-AWAKES OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. OFFICERS. Lewis Clephanc, President. George H. Plant, Vice President A. C. Richards, Secretary. Henry M. Knight, Captain. M. Smith, First Lieutenant R. M. Downer, Second Lieutenant Meets at the Wigwam every Monday even ing. EDMUND'F. BROWS, Notary Public, Commissioner of the Court of Claims and for the State of California, and Attorney for business in the several Depart ments, IS prepared to take Depositions for the Court of Claims, and the Courts in the several States and Territories ; and also to act as Counsellor end Attorney for business before the different Departments of Government. Deeds, Wills, and other Writings, prepared, and Acknowledgments taken. 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