OCR Interpretation

The southern press. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1850-1852, October 08, 1851, Image 4

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I# Mr. Robert E. Seyle, Charleston,
( South Carolina, assisted by Mr. 8. E. Burger,
are our duly authorized stents for the States of
South Carolina and Georgia, to collect monies
doe this office, and receive subscriptions.
Mazyck is our agent for Cltarleston.
bank panic in New York is reported |
to be subsiding.
Commercial centralism is as bad as political, j
The currency and credit of the whole Union are
dependent on the will, the wisdom, the folly, the
honesty and the treachery of the banks in the
city of New York. Tbey have deposits and a
circulation amounting to some thirty or forty
millions?and have now less than six millions
in specie. Tbey do not usually have more than
about eight millions. This is not a sufficient
metallic basis for so large an amount of immediate
liabilities as forty millions of deposits and
circulation. It subjects the banks to a long
chapter of accidents. A great fire, a foreign revolution,
a blasted crop, a riot, a rumor, may
cause a run which will result in suspension, or
at leaat in a rapid curtailment of discounts, and
many private failures.
But unsafe as the system is in New York,
and of itself, its connection with that of other
States, renders it much mors dangerous. According
to the general banking law of Ohio, the
circulation of banks in that State is regulated
by the specie they have on hand, or the amount
of their Eastern deposits. These deposits are
chiefly in the New York banks. Banks in Ohio
are allowed by law to have a circulation of nine
millione for three millions of deposits in New
York. Hence it will be seen that the basis ef
Ohin Avirvonrtv ia n Wow Ynrlf i?rr*Hit ftf nna. third
of the amount, and the basis of that credit at tiie
present moment is coin of one-sixth of its
amount. Hence the actual specie basis of a
dollar of circulation in Ohio ia one-sixth of onethird
of its own amount, or about five cents and
a half. *
This is what the law allows. We suppose
no banker of honesty or sense, would permit his
paper to become so insecure as that But the
banks of Ohio and of other States are in the
habit .of regarding a deposit in a New York
bank as equal, or even superior to so much specie
aa a basis of circulation. And hence the
currency of the whole country is subjected to
the two-fold or four-fold contingency of the honesty
and ability of the interior banks which make
the issues, and the New York banks that hold
the deposits.
The circulation of a large part of the New
York city banks, is secured by a deposit cf the
stocks of that State, or the U nited States, with
the Comptroller, who, in case of a failure, is authorized
to sell the stock he holds of the delinquent
bank, and redeem the notes. We observe
the New York papers are very positive
that banks whose circulation is thus guarded,
are entirely aafe. We don't think so. In case
of bank panic, and the failure of many banks,
and the consequent offer in market of a large
amount of State stocks, the price of them, in a
panic stricken market, would fall fifty per cent.
There would not be enough specie to buy them
at par: and besides, aa tliev pay only a common
intercut, capitalists would prefer investing at
aoeh a time in property at a great sacrifice, which
would pay much higher interest or income.
But the deposits of stock with the Comptroller
don't protect the depositors at all?only
Of coarse, the great resources of the banks
are their loans, or discounts. These constitute
the great portion of the banks' capital,
and if due from responsible men, will make
the banks ultimately safe. But although the
amount of bank discounts is very gieat?being
equal to their capital, deposits, and circulation
combined, deducting their specie on hand?yet
the discounts osnnot be paid quick enough for a.
panic. The loans at.d discounts of the banks [
of the United 9 la tea cannot Da leaa, at praacni,
than eight hundred trillions? the total of specie
in all the United States is probably not one hundred-?and
but a amafl portion of that can be
accessible to bank debtors in a short period
The New York banks would require one-third
of the specie in the United States to pay their
circulation and deposits, and of course never
could ai'ju.re such a sum,particularly in a period
of alarm, w hen all other banks were also collecting
14 The prom/ ?nd effectual measures which
have been tat r the Pennsylvania authorities
and by the I' 'thoritieu for the punishment
of the outragt Jhristima, will no doubt prevent
the occurrence of any similar atrocity for a
long time to come. The law will be executed
In its sternest rigor."?I/tmitrilU Journal.
Almost at the very time this paragraph waa
punned, the outrage occurred at Syracuse. And
thus events are continually crushing the policy
and promisee of submission. If attempts were
now made to recover one out of a hundred of
the fugitive slaves in the North, we should
have civil war.
Ae for the punishment of those who reeiat that
law, either for treason or murder, it cannot be
done, and will not. If it warn, it would five
the AbolitionieU the complete control of the
North. If K is not, there will only lure to be
another wbo'eeele esse of word eating, winding
op with praises of this glorious Union.
prWt observe thet the Washington I'nicv
and the Louisville Drmncrml advocate the election
of Foot* against Da via, in Mississippi.
The Southern Democrats of the State will
readily understand how they will fare if they
permit themselves to fall into the power and
organization of the national Democracy.
As for Foote, we don't know hot he is a good
enough representative in the Senate of Southern
submission, lie is a very noisy and incessant
talker, and if there were a few more like him in
both Housee, the North, notwithstanding her
numerical superiority, would have no chance in
debate. But that she might submit to, for it
la good policy for her to indulge Southern men
with Northern principlea. Still Foote is soch
a bore that he would undoubtedly disgurt Northern
men with Congress snd with the Union.?
When he rises, there is apt to be quite a secession
of members North snd South from the:r!
rests. And if he hsd remained s little longer
en our side, we might have extorted some concsasinna
from the North, if we eosld have only
stipulated that he wonld not speak mors than
ftx times a day on every question that arose. 1
Letter from John H. flovard, Esq.,
To Hon. Judge Nicoll, on the Sovereignty of each
State, the right of Peaceable Secession, and the
Perilous Condition of the South.
Columbus, (Ga.J July 20, 1851.
To Hi* Honor Judge N coll, Savannah, Ga.:
I address myself to you, as from the friendly
interchange of opinion between us when
I was last in Savannah. I know you will take
no offence; and that your independence as a
man, your attainments both as a scholar and a
constitutional lawyer, and your sound logical
mind fully qualify you to admit truth as well as
detect and expose error, the one or the other
may be exhibited in the positions I assume.
The actual oppressions of the North upon the
South, have unsettled the government and pro
duced such great and wide-spread dissatisfaction,
that something must be done in the way of substantial
atonement, for the wrongs already inllicted
and others threatened to be perpetrated.
We must have indemnity for the past and security
for the future, or collision will be the conTsiu
ffAuarnmunt must, hi, hronnht
nu\junao. A UIO ^V??? ?- ?- ? ? Q...
by the States which formed it, to a proper sense
of its true character, or its constitutional reign
must soon terminate by a dissolution of the
Union, or a consolidation of all powers in the
general government As our fathers made it,
it is a magnificient temple of liberty,?as a majority
of abolitionists and federalists have perverted
nnd administered it, it is the form through
which the legality of the oppressions of one section
of the Union upon the other, is defended.
The beauty and equality of its structure has
been spoiled and defaced by ambitious and corrupt
men, both North and South. The perversion
of its powers endangers tho rights nnd liberties
of the whole South. This danger cannot
be avoided by hiding our heads: we must look
it in the fnce. What ought to be done then in
such an emergency ? We must unite in defence
of sound principles.
It is unnecessary to talk of rights, unless we
have the power to defend and protect them. A
right is a blank without a remedy. If we have
no power, we have no right that we can enjoy
or defend. It becomes necessary then in the cutset,
to look into the political relations of the
States, as they exist by compact, I assume the
position of the old Slate's rights and republican
party, and defy successful contradietion, that
sovereignty is not only inherent, but resides by
compact in the people of each of the Americin
States?that each State has the right and political
power to judge foritsef on all matters which
concern its own State government?and that
each State has the same political right of judging
of the eonstiluti nality of the measures of
the general government, as it has of its own
State government Now, how do I prove this
latter proposition, the former not being questioned
? In the easiest manner imaginable;?
simply by reference to facts which cannot be
disputed, and conclusions from which establish
the position irresistibly. All the thirteen States
which formed this government, although at one
time under the dominion of the Bri'iih crown,
were separate, distinct and independent of each
other. For familiar illustration, let us examine
into the political condition of Georgia?our beloved
Georgia?what she was and what she is.
She was a colony of Great Britain, under the
royal charter of George the II, and governed bv
her until she joined the other polonies in the ,
war which resulted in her independence. She
was by the treaty of '83, acknowledged by the
mother country to be an independent Slal*.?for
that treaty did not recognise the thirteen States
as one nation, for they never had been one nation,
but a? thirteen independent "States."?
She formed two gi.vernments?as all the other ,
Slates did?one a State government, and the
other a general government, by which she con. ,
nected herself with the other Slates under the
confederation. That instrument In terms recog- j
nized her as holding the separate and distinct
character of a St-if?for although by article 1st i
it wa* declared that the style of this confedera- J
lion shall be the * United States of America,"
vet article 2d declared that u each Sta'es retains
its sovereignly, freedom and independence, and
every power,jurisdiction and right which Is not
by thin confederation expressly delegsted to the
United States in Congress assembled." '
Thus far in the history of Georgia, I pre* u me
no man ran be hardy enough to dispute her
sovereignty}^. The Constitution la the next form '
of a general government into which she volon- '
tartly entered. She did this bv her own separate '
action, and that Constitution has not changed '
her condition, except that she granted to the '
general government more power than she had '
done to the confederation, but still retained her 1
sovereignty, almost in the seme language as was I
used in the confederation?for by article 10th '
in the amendments, it is stated that u the powers I
not delegated to the United States by the Con- 1
utitjtion, nor prohibited by it to the States, ere
reserved to the Stalet retpectively, or to the
people." It wua unnecessary to incorporate this
article. for the parties to the compact being independent,
sovereign State*; and the character
of the instrument being clef rly for limited purpose*
only, proved beyond all doubt that a
limited government wa? axpreaned. and the only
government intended to be established; and, of
coarse, without an express surrender of their
sovereignty, and an express amalgamation of
territory and destruction of State linen and State
government, the Slates retained necessarily their
sovereignty unimpaired, and in the fullness of its
To crown the argumen' in favor of the com
plete sovereignty of the States separately, I call
your atte' tion to the last clause in the Constitution,
which provides that the ratifications of
the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient
for the establishment of this Constitution be
tween the States ao ratifying the same. And
while on the suhjeet of ratification, we will call
attention to tne proceedings of the conventions
of New York and Rhode Island, in which the
right to reassume the power by the people of the
State was distinctly asserted. Tne convention
of New York declared that " the power of gov.
eminent may be re assumed by the people,
whenever it shall become necessary to their 1
happiness?that everv power, jurisdiction and
right, which is not by the said Constitution
clearly delegated to the Congress of the United
State* or the departments of the government
thereof, remains to the people of the uteral
States or to their respective Stale governments,
to whom thev may have granted the same."
And in the 3d article in the ratification of the
convention of Rhode Island, the same language
was copied from New York, and employed?by
which these Stale" expressly assert the right of
secession, as one of the conditions upon which
they enter into the union, mow, air, it any
doubt retted on your mind it must be dissipated,
aa you are too pood a lawyer not to know that
in mutual compact* between two or more partie*.
a reservation by one, enure* to the benefit
of the whole. Von ?ee that the independence
and itirrreignfp of taeh State waa acknowledged
by the British crown, acknowledged by the confederation,asserted
by the State* in their eoneentiona,
and la*t)y acknowledged by the Constitution
How is it possible for it to have been otherwise
with a State that make* a government ?
How could a Slate, in its conjoint action with
others, have formed the United State* government,
if it had not been in possession of sovereignty
? What power had it lo restrict a government
without the attribute of sovereignty ?
What authority could it have conferred had it
not been sovereign ? Who woo d have obeyed j
the government that it made, if the State which
made it, so far as it acts in her limits or is affected
by its other relations with the government,
had it not been sovereign? Where, then,
is the sovereignty surrendered ? No where.
What sort of corporeal, tangible thing is the
government of the United States, without the
authority of each State ? It ha* no people?it
baa no land, houses or people. It has not a single
citizen without it. It is not like England,
France, or Russia, or even the rcpnblie of Han
Marino. They are Slates or nations, but this
United Slates government is nothing corporeal
or mental. It has neither body nor soul. It is
tuAhtng without the Constitution, and but for
that Instrument, it has no resting place in the !
minds or imagination* of men. I
Let the States withdraw the Constitution, and i
where is the government 7 Can you tind it any. ;
where? Withdraw the Constitution, and where i
is your Congress? Can you tind a member of i
it, from Henry Clay down to the lowest federal J
parasite who sits in its halls? Withdraw your
Constitution, will you find the President? And I
if he should remain at Wasnington, who will f
feed him ? He would have to pay his own ex- i
penaes in hunting up a government that does i
not exist t
Without youf Constitution, where is is your i
Supreme Court of the United States ? Has it 1
a resting pl ace on the globe? Stripped of Its |
ermine, without a bench to sit upon, or an ex- i
chequer to support it. What would be the con- <
dition of your honor if you attempted to hold c
a circuit court? What marshal have you ? The (
power of his staff becomes as impotent as your i
order,?all it gone. \
I have indulged in these playful enquires, not i
for the purpose of ridicule, but to prove that the i
Constitution is the only foundation of the gov. t
eminent, and that all of ita parts are necessary t
and indispensable to that foundation, and that t
there is no government without it. I
The United States government is wholly un- r
like a State government, and is inferior to it in
dignity and power. The latter is substantial, it (
has boundaries, it hns people, and if the form of c
its government was destroyed, those people have i
sr vereignty.and could make another government, t
There is substance in the State government, and <
whenever they choose to destroy the general f
government they made, there is not then a man (
left from whom Phoenix-like, another government
could be regenerated. There is nothing
intrinsic in the government of the United
States under a withdrawal of the Constitution.
It has no boundary, no jurisdiction, no population,
not a foot of land to rest on, nor a single
man, woman, or ohild to act or be acted on, and
and yet, in its attempt to pervert its power and
become greater than its creator,
"Dressed in a little brief authority.
Plays such fantastic tricks before high Heaven,
As make the angles weep."
Being a tenant at will, its authority ceases the
instant that will is determined.
These positions are too clear to be contested
by the most reckless Federalist or Abolitionist,
and yet Seward and his coadjutors say that they
are governed by a higher law, their conscience.
Conscience! Conscience never gave a seat to a
senator. He holds that seat by virtue of the
Constitution alone, which he has frequently
sworn to support VVhataman! and " mirabile
dicta" what a set of men who act with him!
The Constitution grants power to the United
States government, and makes a perfect government
of it but it is at the same lime a limited
government w hich limitations are to be regarded
and obeyed. l,et us examine, for illustration, a
few clauses: Article 1st, section 21.?'All legislative
power herein granted, shall be vested
in a Congress of the United States, which shall
consist of a Senate and I Iouce of Ilepresentati ves.'
Mark, unlimited legislative powers have not been
granted, but only the legislative powers herein
gran'ed, which are found to be specific when you
refer to the powers of Congress. Sume section
provides, "No person shall be a representative
who shall not have attained to the age of
twenty-five." This is a restriction as to age.
It is the law, and must be obeyed; but I know
young gentlemen from eighteen to twenty-three,
who would make much better and more patriotic
memhera than manv of our Southern reDresen- o
tative*. a
Sectios 3d. The senate shall be composed of a
two senators from each State. c
Article 21. The executive power shall be c
vested in a President of the United Statea of
America. lie shall hold hia office during the a
term of four years. c
Article 3d. The judicial power of the United t!
Statea shall he vested in a Supreme Court, and L
uch other inferior eourta as Congress shall a
from time to time ordain and establish. t
Very well: We have all the departments of J
a perfect government granted, but the powers 1
of each nre pointed out and limil-d, and gener- ''
illy particularly described and defined.
In article flr*t, section 8th, it ja declared that [
4 Congress shall have power to lay and collect
taxes, duties, imposts and excises; to pay the
lebt* and p-ovide for the common defence and
general welfare of the United States" The
ibove power ia cleariv granted, and is the main
recti on which the Federalists and Abolitionists
prevert, to give them absolute power ever every
"ubject and every inte.eat. The States rights e
party of former days contended that the clause
was only intended to confer upon Congress the V
power to raise money for the pvrjn>*e of paying
the debts, providing for the common itfrncr and
general wtlftire of the United States; and they '
were certainly right, for if Congress had been
clothed by (Lie clause with an undefined and
general power to legislate upon all subjects
which it might conceive for the geneeul iprlfarr
inch power woo Id destroy every limitation and .
restriction in the Conetitution. They might ,
overturn the State governments, and convert the '
United States government into an oligarrhy or ,
absolute mO' Srvhy. There would be no neces- .
?ity for any limitation, if that clause was to be
in construed ?indeed under such cons'ruction
that clause would have b"en all the clause in the
Constitution, as It repeals ail other*. The last "
rlause in the eection enumerating the powers of T
Congress, declares that Congress shall have the 11
poweru to make all laws which shall be neces
ssry and proper for carrying Into execution the T
foregoing powers vested hy this Constitution in .
the government of tho United Statea or in any .
department or officer thereof." Thia ia all right 1
? 1 LI I. _?i /-a *!*-*?_ .L J ft
inn proper, una wnicn bii * /<rn*niuiv*tn iuiuiri|r .
men are willing to grant, but mark! it is re- i
tricted to laws to carry into effect only the
powers granted.
There are other clauses of the Constitution j(
equally obligatory as the foregoing, vir.: 14 The t
enumeration In the Constitution of certain rights
shall not be construe^ to deny or disparage y
others retained by the people." Again? The ^
powers not delegated to the United Slatee by
the (Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the r
States, are reserved to the States respectively, ?
or to the people." Again, article fourth, aection
3d, declares " that no person held to service g
or labor in one State under the lawa thereof. ,
escaping into another, shall In consequence of
ary law or regulation therein, be discharged jfrom
such service or labor; but shall be de
i: J ? 1_:? _# ,U. ,? ...k .??k "
llTf-rw up ifti naim ??i uir |wriy ? ? winrm nuvii
service or labor ma? be doe." Again, Congees*
ahall make no lawa respecting an eatabliahment T
of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise *
thereof; or abridging the freedom of ape#, h ;or ''
of the press, or the right of the people peaceably
to assemble and to petition for redre*s of
greivances. " The right 'of the people to keep "
and t ear arma ahall not be infringed." I have 1
recited the foregoing elanaea w a email part of *
the Constitution only, bat auftbnent to prove ita r
rharaeter, and the limited powers confered on 1
the government. Each State waa at liberty to [
ratify or rejeet. It waa not pretended by nine J
States or even twelve, that they had any right
or power to coerce the thirteenth. North Caro- 1
lina and Rhode laland were a eoneiderahle time '
not of the Union, and It waa rot pretended hy
any jtrrton of that day, that the other State* t
would or mold attempt to coerce them. All j '
thia provea the sovereignty of each State, a? <
well aa the restrictions which each in ita aov. <
ereign capacity impoaed upon the new govern- I
ment in the act of ita creation, and that having I
power to limit and retrain ita creature, each haa , |
the right to require the obaervance of aooh liml- I
tationa, and to enfoee anoh obaervance with all *
the meana in ita power aa an independent State, I
in anrh mode aa in her aovereign judgment ehe '
mar think beat Suppose Congreaa, the executive j
and the iodiciary. which emhrac.ee the whole i
power of tl?e government, all combine to take J
awav from the people the privitigee of bearing f
arma? Hnppoae they establish a religion or a r
monarchy ? Suppoae they abridge the liberty r
of the preea by paaaing a law that no preaa ahall F
publish a political article againat the govern, f
ment, until it peae ft ritfeion of eome United r
States officer appointed by the President to
gnard against treason? .Suppose the abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia ? What say
^ou to the political power (not revolutionary,
tor revolutionary rights belong to the people of
ill conditions) of any one of tie Stales to secede
r. om (tie Union for any such cause ?
Why, sir, Vermont, who is now sharpening
tier sword for our execution, would have a right
to secede, if Congress interferes against slavery
n the District of Columbia, for though she is
lot interested for it, yet she could properly se<
:ede. because the govenuaent exercises power
lot delegated, and even that State would have
Jie politcial right to aav in convention of her
leople where her sovereignty is represented, we
will no longer belong to this government bemuse
it exercises powers which we have never
>onsented t> confer on i'; the representatives
>f the other State* have violated the compact,
ind u we will no longer endure a connection
with them ; we reserved to ourselves all power
lot granted ; we have not granted such power,
ind consequently we will secede." Who will
iay that this right does not inherently belong
o the sovereignty of a State, and who will any
hat it has ever been surrendered either in exiresa
terms or by implication? The surren
ler or sovereignly ai once anniiiiiaiesi uie oiuw.
The man who questions the peueable exercise
>f this right of secession, or denies it aa a policial
right resulting from sovereignty, roust aue
ipon examination, that by annihilating the power
if the State, lie merges all the States into
>ne nation,"irresponsible to any State, and thereore
that he remits all the limitations in the
Constitution, consolidates the government, and
rives a majority in Congress the power of esablishing
religion, abolishing slavery, obliteratng
State lines, setting up a hereditary monarchy,
or anything else that an absolute or des>otio
government could do or conceive it proper
0 attempt.
Each State singly, without recognizing the
>ower or consulting the will of any other Stute,
id opted thjs Constitution for itself, by which it
mposed restraints as well a? grantee) powers,
t is absurd to restrain a government, if the
lower which makes the government and retrains
it, cannot exercise a power of jtgplf to
iommand the . observance of the limits which it
irescribed to it in the act of its creation. It
bllows then that the government thus formed
mist not in its practical operation look beyond
he powers granted by its makers. It must
1 ways enquire what i' has the authority from
ts iqalfers to do, and not consult its ideas of
chat act would redound to the general welfare
if the whole or to n particular section.
Toe power of a State, in its relation with the
ither States, has been compared to the feeble
,nd humble relation which a pounty bears to a
Itate; and it is frequently and vauntingly asked
f a county can secede from the rest of the State?
Ilo. A county cannot secede, because it is only
part of the State, and has no sovereignty,
niere is not the slightest similitude in the relaion
which each bears to the ether. The State
9 self-created?the State is one great commulity,
with a fixed boundary which it hus marked
utnvM lu n/itiflxxs? A rxxan?x*t if ft.
' "? HI*3 T? Vf? I *? IP'VMJVM ?V?|?vv. ...
ias sovereign jurisdiction wilhln Ha limit*, the
lower of legislation and taxation, and all other
lowers with which any independent nation in inested,
except those grant d to the United
itutee government, and those which it has agreed
o forbear from exercising. It makes counties
t ita pleasure?niters their names and their
ineo, divides them and joins parts of two or more
if them together without regard to their poiocr,
ntj oftep against their wishes. The majority of
Sta e has perfect control and command of a
ounty, because it is a part and parcel of its own
The State makes compacts with other States,
nd has the political power to enforce them. A
ounty, on the contrary, can do nothing without
he authority of the State, not even to levy a
sx for a poor school, or to build a court-house
nd jail, Thi* comparison reducing a S'atc to
he level of a county ia ao dissimilar and inapiropriate
that it is ludicrous, but nevertheless
t proves somoflii.ig against those who are weak
nough to rely on it; that Is that the federalists,
o maintain their doctrines rf consolidation, are
ressed to introduce arguments which will not
ear examination.
[ To Ift Continued. ]
Prom thr .V. Y. firming Pott.
Senator Chase and the Ohio Free-sollers.
We noticed, some time since, a c<>mratinicaion
addressed by Senator Chase, of Ohio, to the
ditor of a freesojl journal in that State, in
rhieh he signified his intention to support the
andidates that had been nominated by the
remocraiic ouuc convention. i nn course, noirithstanding
Mr. Chase's elaborate explanation,
nd, a* we thought, justification of hia course,
aa prr?doeed aome sensitiveness among a porion
of hie friends, especially those whose politic
si associations previous to 1848 were with the
Vhlg party.
In view of this feeling, we presume, Mr.
'base attended the recent freesoil convention at
Cleveland, and made a ape eh, mainly devoted to
be subject of his political relations. We copy
is remarks as they are reported hy the editor of
be Hartford Republican, who w*a present and
eard them.
Mr. Chase was replied to. by one or two
peakera, bv Mr. (iiddirgs. at least, who donhtd
the wisdom, though no one questioned the
itegritv rf his coq-se.
Mr, Chase falls into one error, at least such
re deem it, in his commentary upon one of the
lalti-nore resolutions, that deserves correction.
Ie says that the Baltimore platform forbida all
pgialation upon the subject of slavery under
ny circumstances This ia a mistake. The
laltimore resolutions discountenance all inter
i-rence with the institution of slavery within
he Ntatee where it exists, hat they do not qnes
ion the right of Congrc-s to pasa any laws resting
to slaverv, which may be necessary to prorot
the constitutional rights of the people.
The passage of the Fagitire-alave law, to
rhich Mr. Chase refera wlh such appropriate
lisguat, received the votes and support of a
srge nufflfcfr of Democrats, who profess to oeopy
the Bifllifcore platform,and who, of conrae,
lever snpposed they were violating any of its
?rincit lea by advocating that hill in Congress, or,
ince then, upon the atomp, or in the pulpit,
kII the compromise measures woutd eqnally
nine within t^e senator's proscribed cntegory,
or the? all Involved not only agitation In Con.
rrea?, but legislation upon the subject of slavery.
Of the wisdom of Mr. Chase's rourse in
lodging his auppnrt to the Democratic ticket,
re never entertained a particle of doubt. There
s no material difference pf opinion between him
nd the candidates which the Democracy of'
)hin hxvr j nt in nmnini'ion, npon the aulject
if elavery, while upon all other ipieationa, and
nany of thoee at prevent of paramount Importune,
there he* never been a diversity of eentinent.
Between htm awl toe Wnljre. on the
?ther hand, there la no coio? i<ienc- of opinion
pon any enhjeet. They are, and have alwaye
wen, absolutely faithle?e to the r professions of
loetility to elavery ; end upon other novation*
hey have no polnta of doctrine or policy with
vhi. h a Democrat could sympathize.
Mr. Ohaee had hot one other alternative, to
isaiat in maintaining a eeparate party organize
ion. Much a cooree eoold hare resulted in but
?ne or two way*, either to weaken and thereby
iefeat either the Whig or the Democratic party,
'or it wonld not he pretended that any third party
taa any rhanee of success now in Ohio. Apjreciatjng
three eonaideratiooe, and preferring
he success of the latter to that of the former, |
'specially while Ita moral policy launder thede
militating influence of the preaent national adninMration,
Mr. Chase very wiaely.aa we think,
oined hla etrength with thoee whose course he
nost entirely approree. No Freesoiler can nt?ect
to any of the derlarationa or auppreeeiona
tf the Ohio Democratic State convention. Their |
eaolutiona contain nothing at war with the
pinlona uniformly profcaaed and maintained hy
nr. Chase and hla political frienda. We thereore
can eee no reaaon why Mr. Chaee ahonld
lot five the nominations of that convention hia
support, unless he dusigncd to perpetuate a third
organization in Ohio, which could by no possibility
do the cause of freedom and justice any
good and might do it much harm.
With these comments we invite the attention
of our readers to (lie following abstract of Mr.
I Chase's remarks:
"I have never before made my own actions the
iheme of my remarks.
I have always exercised my best judgment
upon all questions, and acted upon my convictions
regardless of consequences. Many years
ago, when there were no anti-slavery men, I, a
young man, just entering upon my profession in
Cincinnati, was the tirat in this State to take
ground publically in defence of the hunted fugilive,
and maintain that Congress hud no power
to legislate for the extradition of slaves, and thus
invade the sovereignty of the Slates. And the
consciousness of having done my duty, was the
best fee I ever received! In passing from the
court-room I heard the remark?"there is a
promising young man who has ruined himself."
I recollect that when J. G. Hirney was hunted
down in Cincinnati, I stood alone in the doorway
against the mob?no one aided me; I cared
for no assistance, and I never repented of the
It is well known, that, in my course with respect
to our coining State election, I differ from
some friends whom I respect But I ain acting
in accordance with the convictions of my own
mind. The question with me was?"Is the
I it- A? c /\L! . _|_A ' iL
i/emu'-nuiu jJttriy 01 wmu nuw ngut on uw
record ?" Ye*, it is so. It leaves the "compromise"
to it* supporters, and declares that it recognises
as its duty, tn use all constitutional powers
to prevent the increase of slavery, to mitigate
its evils, and, tn eradicate it. Do I ask more that
that? I too propose the snme thing, and I too
propose to effect it by constitutional means.
But I utterly repudiate the Baltimore platform,
which opposes the platform of the Ohio
Democrats. The Baltimore platform forbids all
efforts by f riends of freedom to induce Congress
to interfere with slavery at a|l. Jt savs we have
no right to meddle witn the slaveholder's institution,
under any circumstances. But the slaveholders
themselves have made it a dead letter,
by always putting forth their institution to interfere
witn us. Jefferson Davis and others drove
Congress to legislate for the protection of slavery
in the territories; and Northern men have been
driven to adopt the Fugitive-slave bill, in the
face of their previous professions. Thus Congress
has been driven to " interfere with slavery."
If we act against slavery,the Baltimore platform
will proscribe us. I care not. I stand by the
principles of the Ohio platform. I have always
stood th-re. I shall remain there. Should all
the Barnburners in the country go over to the
Baltimore platform, I will not go with them. I
aim to restrain and eradicate slaveiy. My life
is committed to this work. I seek to pursue
the t est policy and use the best means for its accomplishment.
I may misjudge; but I shall
steadily follow this aim. 1 cannot relax in this
war with slavery. I shall not rest until the evil
is removed. Wh'<n my efforts, in my present
position, prove utterly useless, I will retire to
private life, nnd to the more pleasant and profitable
pursuit of my profession.
Land reform has been spoken of hero to-day.
It is a glorious idea. May it spread and triumph.
Lvery man, too, has a right, not only to life and
liberty, but also a right to be entirely free to
pursue happiness, to cultivate the intellect, and
to elevate his whole nature to become more like
the angels. A democracy is a government that
protects and enforces the great ideas of right
and justice. I tell every consistent lover of
freedom and justice to call himself a Democrat.
As Cassias M. Clay said,?" Let those who are
not Democrats s-ek a distinctive name of their
own." Apologists for slavery and injustice cannot
assume the name without hypocrisy. If the
name describes you, take it; and, remember, if
our hearts are true, if we are earnest and sincere,
scorning alliance with those who reject and
scorn our principles, we shall be strong and the
people will flock to our standard.
1 believe that, some day not far ofT, slavery
will be extinct. When it becomes obvious that
emancipation must take place, you will see two
opposite parlies, each pressing its own method
of emancipation.
One of these parties will be directed by the
interests of monopoly and tho money power.
Of course It will be anti-Democratic, it will
supiinrt the slaveholders in nskinir Congress to
appropriate money to pay for emancipation.
Daniel Webster haa already advocated that the
proccedsof western territories?the $19,000,000
that Ohio haa paid to the general government,
should be given to Virginia slaveholders to pay
them for emancipation. Congress can just as
well create a debt of $500,000,000, and emancipate
all slaves. Were this done, you would
have a slavery of capitalists holding slave bonds,
and the war would be between capitalists and
The method of the other party will be to af.
firm State rights and restrain Congress trom the
exercise of such unconstioiti* nal power. It
will say Congress haa no right to interfere with
emancipation in the State*?has no right, for
any purpose whatever, to go beyond the jurisdiation
to which the Constitution confines it. It
will have nothing to do with th* compact that
in this case may grow up between the old slave
power and the money power.
Conversing with a South Carolinian, he said
that if the general government would only favor
freedom so moch that slaveholders could
discuss the question and speak freely, aure of
protection again*t outrages, slavery could not
long exist in that Htate. Restrict slavery to the
slave States! prevent its progress to the territories;
repeal to the Fugitive-slave law! put
the general government on the side of freedom !
and emancipation will spring op in the Southern
States immediately.
It was said by a very wi*e man nf the last
century, that slavery pouI I not live in this conntry
one hundred yerra longer. Seventy.five
have already passed away, and let ua r.ow rerolve
..Li? l. a .
iiihi, w?m nirrh|(in4 in ?wrmj ?if|j yrnrn
there ehall not be a alnve in the Union.
In cnnclu?ion, whoever choneeN to diatruat or
calumniate me, can do n.v?Sw injustice may recoil
upon himaelf. I nay, (iod bl*ea every man,
w hoever he may he, that ia devoted to the great
cauae of human liberty."
A New Feat?Wai.*ino en a* Inverted
Plane?By invitaliooof Mr. Wood, we venterday
had the pleasure o| witneaaing Mr. McCormick'a
experiment of walking on an inverted
plane. , The experiment waa a private one, only
a few peroona being preeent. and waa mado under
diaadvantagenna circumatancea, the prepara
tiona being incomplete, and the health of Mr.
McC. being enmewhat feeble. The experiment,
however, panned off, to the entire eatiafaction of
all prevent A heavy frt.me waa erected, with a
alab of marble, nine feet long, at the top, the
under aurface being poliehed like a mirror.
We aaw the experimenter mount hia platform,
and adinat hia unwieldy boota; then placing
both feet agiinat the annate of the marble, he
awnng himself off with hi* head downward*.
Disconnecting one foot from the nlab, and
placing it firu.ljr aevcral feet in advance of the
other, he continued the alternate movement,
till he had taken ten rtpea, and arrived at the
other end of the alab. We held our breath
during the experiment, expecting, momentarily,
that he wonld fall, but he appeared to walk a*
aafely aa a fly rnna along the ceiling. After hi*
decent, however, we noticed that he wna mnch
cxhanated, owing to the excitement and exertion.
The pohlie exhibition of thia wonderful
expcrinieal will take place at the Melodeon, on
Monday evening next ? ( mnnvrttt IStiwperuU
Koaatrrn?A letter from Malta, dated September
18th, ultimo, in notieing the departure
of Koaenth for the United State* on hoard
the ateamer Mi*?i**ir>pi on the 7th of September,
aaya that nothing could exceed the klndneaa, the
attention of the Turkiah government. The Pa.
cha of Brou**a, in accordance with ordera forward
ed to him from Constantinople, aent no leaa
than fifty carriage* to convey the exilea to tbe
point of their embarkation.
- *
- "5
j| :2 3
S 1 J
o ? f
Benton - - - 3,188 2,193 6,834
Blount - - - 1,127 1,133 3.530
Cherokee - - - 3,039 2,031): 6,180
De Kalb - - - 1.251 1,251, 3,871
Fayette - - - 1 408 1,408 4,374
Franklin - - 1,955 1,955: 5,875
Hancock - - - 351 351 739
Jackaon - - - 2,000 2,000 5,933
Jefferaon - - - 1,140 1,14lj 3,452
Lauderdale - - 1,868 1,893 5,618
Lawrence - 1,469 1,471 4,290
Liiueeione - 1,429 1,429, 4,211
Madiaon - - - 2,046 2,047 6,061
Marion - - - 1.108 1,130 3,510
Marahall - - - 1,301: 1,336 4,018
Morgan - - - 1,1031 1,104 3,319
St. Clnir - - - 9441 944 2,829
Walker - - - 79?! 799| 2,490
___ 25,426,25,521 77,124
Dwelling-houses..... ... 25,4
Families 25,5
While males... 77.124
White females 74,566
Free colored males 231
Free colored females 264
Total free population... 152,]
Slaves 62,i
Total popula tion 214,6
a ?
Counties. 5 I ?2
a ? a a
SI i 13 x
o_ ? ? ?
Autauga - - 1,114 1,133 3,2311 3
Baldwin - - 397 397 1,161,
Barbour - - 2,306 2,379 6,603 6
Bibb - - 1,153 1,153 3.642 3
Butler - - 1,210 1,210 3,606 3
Chambers - - 2,138 2,138 6,569 6
Choctaw - - 760 760 2,451j 2
Clarke - - 873' 873 2.565 2
Coffee - - 893| 893 2,787| 2
Conecuh - - 847i 847 2,479 2
Coosa - - 1,725 1,725 5,358. 5
Covington - - 503| 503 1,5111 1
Dale - - 928, 928 2,928 2
Dallas - - 1,375 1,375 3,845 3
Green - - 1,730! 1,730 4,740 4
Henry - - 1,142! 1,162 3,549 3
Lowndes - - 1,354 1,354 3,814 3
Macon - * - 1.849 1,857 5,911 5
Marengo - - 1,353 1,353 3,829 3
Mobile - - 3,027 3,318 9,480 7
Monroe - - 1,00 if 1,005 2,934 2
Montgomery - 1,881 1,934 5,449 4
Pike - - 1,973 1,973 6,181 5
Pickens - - 1,896 1.949 5,624 5
Perry - - 1,331 1,352 4,258 4
Randolph - j 1,904 1,904 5,447 5
Russell - - ! 1,411 1,411 4,424 3
Shelby - - j 1,170 1,173 3,f?8l 3
Sumter - 1 1,342 1,373 3,890 3
Talladega - - ,1,861 1,907 5,902 5
Tallapoosa - ; 2,037 2,037 5,864 5
Tuscaloosa - ! 1,914 1,914 5,400 5
Wilcox ! 983 983 2,875 2
Washington - 258 262 616
47,6441 48,265| 142.604 132
Dwelline-houses 47,C
F amilies 48,2
White males 142,604
White females 132,213
Free colored males 816
Free colored females 961
1,777 _
Total free population 276,1
Slaves 280,'
Total population 557,(
The Ceusltii of Landnfrld?Lola Hootei.
The European correspondent of the New
York Exprets speaks as follows of this ce!e<
brity :
"The moi' curious event of the week ha*
been the dobut of the Coonteea He Lvndafeld?
Lola Montez, 'the final letter a x, and not an a) na
a daneeuae, before an audience of about two bund
ed invited guest*, at the Salle Mabille. After
a long quiescence, thla extraordinary woman ia
about to act forth again on a new knight errantry
of adventure. She dancea at Rouen,
Havre, perinjm at Faria, and thenre atarta for the
New World, there to exerciae her profeaaion.
The above mentioned performance waa preliminary
to thia career. The peraona preaent comprised
moat of the critic* and literati of Faria,
with a aprinkling of ladiea and strangers. The
dancea ahe ha* practiced are aix in number,
though on thia occaaion ahe only executed three
?a Bavarian, Hungarian, and Hpaniah dance.
Her dreaaea were in exquisite taate, and her appearance
waa that of a spirited, handsome woman
of 19 or 90, though ahe haa entered her
98th year, having been born in Seville in 1893.
Her face ia very like the portraits of her< witli a
wide forehead, betokening powerful intellect,
combined with a chin, mouth, and teeth, exceedingly
ii i mituiKf noi, iniii convaaamry pnysiog.
nnmy is an indei to her character, for it bespeak*
at once that commanding intelligence, and that
Acklenrss of design, which have marked and
governed her career; whk-h have made her at
one time the cafflcr of Mcttefnich and the ruler
of the king and conrt of Munich, and at another
the roving t?allet-dancer over hall'the continent.
Her eye of gray, tinged with bloc, ia the leading
feature of her countenance, and when once eeen
ia never forgotten. It ia very large, fillings pro ligiotia
socket, and scrme, in ita flashes, to become
all pupil. No one who haa observed this
attentively, can he at a Inaa to believe, what indeed
ia well known, that her power over the
King of Havana and hia ministers, sustained for
two years and a half, was wholly a triumph of
intellect, and not the sorcery of a courtezan.
The outline of the atory of Lola Montez is
well known, hut her real character ia not generally
understood. She ia the centre, here, of a
Ifirifn I'iroU nf ft/lfninnit frion^a ennaiafinr* a(
the l*iimx e*yr\t* of Paris. She in a cheri-hed
meml?er of the ArliaU' Cloh, ? nm posed of four
hondred moo of genius in every line of art.
I?ola Monter. speaks nine languages fluently.
When the Nepaulese Prince waa here, ahe van
the only pereon In Paria with whom he could
converse. She ia famous for her daring and
dashing eloquence in conversation. Viewed aa
a man, a ith the latitude taken to themselves by
the Inrda of creation, ahe would have claimed
and won general admiration ; aa a woman, ahe ia,
of course, banished from the greater part of the
sisterhood, and find* what consolation ahe can in
he society open to her. She and her friends
deny and denounce as false the gross libertinism
im uted to hsr. Mow much of the irregularities
of her career may be explained and extenuated
hy the adversities of a life betrayed at the onteet
by a corrupt mother, and a base, brutal hoshmd
it ia not for me to aay. At all event*, while 1
make no apology for her, it ia proper to elate
that th'M?e who know her, declare her to be noble,
generoua, and unselfLh, svsn to a degree ol
Tk? fackl Mudm.
To the Editor ef the New York Herald.
Da a* Sta In your article of the 90th nit.,
on "The Yaehta of Amerie-a," you omitted to
name one of the fleetest of vour own city, the
Hilvie, owned by Lewi* A. Depsn, esq . of Locust
Island, New Rochelle. This beautiful craft
ia sloop rigged, and 105 tons burthen. Hbe waa
built under the auperintendence of Mr. George
SETEIfTfl CKVSV8, 1881.
Ill I |i
! * | 5 s ll
? ? ; U : ? -a m j & 2
| l l i" j 1 i |i
P O O H M Q fa S_s
6,563 11 2 13.400 3.763 145 1,297 31
3,421 - - 6,341 426 44 753 9
5,990 7, 16 12,193 1,691 106 1,126 15
3.HVJ 4 5 7,739 506 66 616 H
4,076 41 6| 8,460l 1,221 103 1,065 24
5,524 10 4 11,413 8,197 J26 913 28
741 - - 1.480 62 10 144 1
5,823 18 22! 11,796 2,292 137 856 4
3,262 2 ? 6,722 2,267 55 752 4
5,479 23 37 11,157 6,015 207 1,180 32
4 053 29 34 8,406 6,852 261 930 24
4,194 8 7i 8,420 8,063 302 649 28
5,876 78 86; 12,101 14,326 409 1,080 92
3,412 2 l: 6,925 908 86 j 573 5
3,935 13 12{ 7,978 868 1121 586 12
3,319 28' 22 6,688 3,437 163! 584 13
2,672 4' 3 5,508 1,321; 68i 573 2,367
-I 1 4,858 266 28 909 11
! , ,
74,566| 2311 264j 152,185 62,481 j 2,4:8'14 216 341
126 Deaths during the year 2,428
21 Farms in cultivation 14,216
? Manufacturing establishments producing
annually $500 and upwards 341
? . # 1
>66 Federal representative population.... 189,673
2 3 W3 ?
? o. C o
s I 8.. gl
' S 11 : ll
! fi ? -3-S 5 -I S 2-2
i .2 .2 ? " 3 ? 5 S
! <? ? rS ? ? r* * ??
o o F"1 03 Q U. 38
,043' 7 12 6,293 '8,730 246 711 61
939 42 54 2,196 2,218 71 121 38
,239 7 3 12,852 10,780 210 1,325 39
,45 4 7 7,108 2,861 108 654 13
,556 19! 16 7,197 3,639 70 5"3 14
,215| 7 11 12 802 11,158 209: 1,342 56
.169 - - 4,620 3,769 68 445 ,336
6 3 4,91ii 4,876 198 456 16
,595' 1 - 5,383 557 66 604 9
.443! 4 2 4,928 4,394 , 123 498 IS
.056: 6 3 10.423 4,120 71 1,130 13
.566 47 41 3,165 480 34 138 6
.C95l 1 1 5,625 721 42 697 ,616!
3 5 7,469 22,258 495 749 33
,525 28 21 9,314 22,127 625 J.,310 71
,227 1 - 6,777 2,242 86 671 ,444
8 - 7.2C6 14 619 220 874 2
,369 10j 12 11,302 15,5)6 66 14203 19
,272 18 19 7,138 20,693 365 818 4
,826 395 543: 18,244 9,356 722 249 61
,714 19 21 5.681- 6,325 199 692 23
,723 46 66 10,284 19,511 583j 962 6
,921 12 12 12,126 3,794 145| 1,533 5
,348 4 2 10,978 10,534 323 1,438 34
,084 15 11 8,36* 13,917 22l)| 1,006 21
,169 15 14 10,645 936 67 969 23
.981 19 13] 8.437 11,111 12? 1,049 4
,472 2 5 7.164 2,376 69 693 9
,479 29 21 7,419 14,831 275 668 12
.716 19 16 11,653 6,971 179 998 21
,647 - J 11,511 4,073 117 1,270 18
,153 12 14 10,579 7,477 100: 1,115 32
,641 1 - 5,517 11,835 128 666 6
579 9 13 1.217 1.496 34| 141 1,213
816 961 276,594 280,411 6,656ft7,748| 68l
i44 Deaths during the year 6,656
65 Farms in cultivation 27,748
? Manufacturing establishments producing
annually $500 and upwards.......... 681
M)7 Federal representative population.... 444.840
I Steers, at the name time and alongside of the
r | America; and "twin'd at a berth," an they were,
I ia considered, by those " who know the ropea,"
I as in no wiae inferior to her more celebrated
j sister. Her spirited owner, at least, attests the
i purity of his own convictions, on this point, by
his avowed willingness to sail her with i nything
i of wood and cnnvsas afloat.
An occasional guest on board the Silvie, the
wri'er?whose object, when he commenced, was
simply to supply an omission?cannn', in his
admiration of her sailing qualities, refrain front
saying that, like her owner, he yet hopes to see
the America again in her own waters?that tha
unknown cutter may obtain the power she covets
to dispute the right to the Inurels won so well
and worn ao gracefully by the victorious schooner.
Wiiho it in any way subscribing to your quaint
notions that the pilots of New York ever had
anything to do with the model* of tha American
yachts, I beg to jein you, hand in hand and
I. 1 < U . ?... . tA J .J I
iivnrt MI iirnifc, in jwur rnriirvi priue mru iMjunra*
lion of IheM manly playthings?these antelopes
of the ocean?the yachta themselves.
The Case op Or. (Jardirer?The current
eem* now to be turning aouiewhat in favor of
i I)', George A, Ga diner, who it awaiting hi* tiial
' at Washington for attempts to defraud the U. 8.
i government out of a very large mm, by awear.
ing to falae Mexican claim*. Ilia voluntary aurrender
or himeelf ia considered much In hi* fa- s
vor; and the fact that he left on depoait in banking
houae* in thi* country, when he went to Europe,
over $200,000, i* alao considered prexumplce
evidence of hia honeaty. The caae will aoon
eotae to trial. In the mean time, a government
agent haa b?en despatched to Mexico to invest!gate
the matter there, and alao the juaiice of
certain other claims of which the government
have suspicion*. .
Morpy Matters ir New York?The panic
ha* partially subsided, and the broker* are purf
rbaaing the bill* of all the interior bank*, except
the Jsme* Bank, Hark of New Roehelle,
Western Bunk at Whi:e Creek, and Farmer*'
Hank of Mine, which were the institution* put
, under ban yesterday. After the brokers had
r refused to redeem any country bill*, yesterday
afternoon, and the excitement was at its height,
a gentleman deposited $ 100,000 with hie agent
'o purchase the notes of all sound country banka
at one pet cent. This seriously interfered with
I the plan* of throwing suspicion alike upon all
these institntions, snd the brokers imroedistely
re commenced receiving the same notes them
i wire*, throwing out only th? four banks noticed
For the information of the public, we are authorized
to state that the Metropolitan Rank has
never demanded epecie for the billa of any of the
regular banka of the State which are redeemed
i by the banka at Albany, but have received eherko
on lliia city from their redeeming agenta. For
i the hilla of the brokers' banka, or bonka of mero
circulation, and which are redeemed by broken
, in Albany, aprcie has I eon demanded if the i
per rent, discount was taken, or checka on thia
( itv if taken at par. These banka have had the
offer of redeeming their billa here at i per cent,
discount, at which rate a large number of the
r beat banka redeem here.
These banks, therefore, have not. been fnrml
to redeem their billa in specie, and it cannot ho
for this cnose they allow their billa to be protested.
There is therefore no reason why confidence
in the regular hanks of the State should
; he shaken.? Et*. F.d Jmtr. Com. Minn.
Thomas fefTereon Sutherland, tha hero of Navy
I aland, ia in Nebraaka Territory. He proposes
' to found a settlement there, and expresses the fe
lief thet Nebraaka will yet be the "Eden State " of
i the Union.

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