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The southern press. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1850-1852, July 13, 1852, Image 4

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V? SOUTHERN
PRESS
* ASillNUTON CITY.
TUESDAY, JULY 13, 1868.
Br. Websters's Speech at Beaten.
There is but one political religion! And
Dakibl Webster is ita prophet! The sincere
lovers of the Union who, admiring it as a great
good, forget that it ic not the greatest?the Conaolidationiate
who, wielding by superior numbers
the power of federal organization, sincerely j
cherish it aa a source of wealth and an access of I
force to themselves?the self-styled Unionists
of the Sooth, who in the masses prefer the repose
of submission to the activity of self-protection,
and in the persons of their leaders, love
the gilded servitude of federal office more than
the aimple dignity of independence?all these
are continually vocal in praiae of the Ureal Expounder.
VVe propoae to take up the last leaf of
hia political commentaries, and examine how
much of the doctrine there set forth ia fanaticism,
and how much ia cant We refer to the published
Boston speech, and shall only allude to !
its leading points.
The people of Massachusetts are there in- '
formed that their earlier worthies fought not for
the liberty and prosperity of the "strip of land
lying between New Hampshire and Connecticut,"
but for the primary object of liberating
this continent from European power?that tlfey
would have preferred to faU with the other colonies
rather than ?ohieve liberty without them
?and t1-*1 when Massachusetts shall cease to
real her glory, past, present and future, on this
broad basis, the orator hopes that the sods of the
valley will cover his head. And here it is reported
that Mr. Webster, moved to tears, was
obliged to use his handkerchief amid the ap
ulauses of the crowd, reminding us of the con
ventional pathos with which the opera hero stabs
himself to music. In reply to those asseverations,
we submit?that the sort of philanthropy
here set forth, is irrational and mischievous?
that the eminent patriots to whom it is falsely
attributed, and who earned for Massachusetts
an early and a lasting glory, were actuated by
a patriotic devotion to the rights and interests ot
their own " strip of land," as well as by a love I
of liberty and a philanthropy true and commendable,
because practical in its scope, and in its design,
subordinate to their first and highest duties?and
finally, that the more recent conduct
of Massachusetts, and of her distinguished
leader, has not evinced a love for the liberty,
and a regard for the rights of others in conformity
with the largo basis of philanthropy on which
he seeks to erect the statues of his State and
of himself.
Creative design has affixed to the province of
every day human action certain limits, up to
which it ought to expand, but wiihio which it*
efforts should first and chiefly be exerted. It
may be difficult to find for these limits a satisfactory
definition of general application, but
they are none the less well defined to the instincts
of every feeling heart and every right
mind. Nor is their wisdom less apparent than
their reality. Power must have a certain scope
in order to act at all, but it must be coocentra
ted to art with efficiency. To such concentration,
and to such instincts, are due all the great
actions in the drama of humanity?local in their
performance, though general in their influence.
The instincts which Providence has given to
direct human effort, are essential to the welfare
and even the preservation of the species, but
they often present phenomena which must be
paradoxical to the mere casuist,and shocking
to the paeudo philanthropist. The best hearted
man is found in real life to be more afflicted
and anxious about the perhaps passing illness
of a child at home, than by the accounts of a
famine in Ireland or an earthquake in Peru.
As h (rood citizen, the same man will leave the
bedside of the sick to extinguish a petty fire in
bis own village, or even to dep<>aite his vote in
an election involving questions important to his
State or community. To the suffering foreigner
be may, with opportunity, spare something from
his superfluity, but not to the extent of material
retrenchment involving the health or well-being
of hia family, nor hia means of usefulness in his
own sphere. How can this universal f.vct be
vindicated? We answer, by the testimony of
the universal God-implanted conscience. That
a different theory, self-styled more liberal, prevails
in Massachusetts and elsewhere, in apite
of natural law, and with which Mr. Webster
himself has been infected, we do not deny?but
we maintain that wherever found it ia popular
only for the same reason that it is falae and
hollow, because it % eheap. Mrs. Jxlltbt ia
devoted to ths cane* of Africa, and imag nea
herself the victim of intense mental suffering on
account of that unhappy country?but the truth
is, that she finds its superintendence a convenient
relief from the irkaome practical duties
of teaching young Master J. hia alphabet, of
seeing that the Misees J. are well washed and
well shod, and that Mr. J., senior, has a good
breakfast prepared in time to get to hit office.
Now, the effects of her aympathy for Africa are
problematical, while there can be no sort ol
doubt as to the good that would result from i
proper training of the young Jellybys, and it
may even be fairly assumed that the commercial
enterprise of Great Britain and its incidental
I influence on the progress of the world, would
b? promoted by sending Mr. J. to hie counting
hoote in e noiUble humor for intellectual labor
False patriotism, falee religion, end false philanthropy
are all cheep commodities, end the fin;
of their base metal ia easily detected. Thei
effects in everyday life are the neglect of dutiei
at home, the never-ending disappointment o
dreams abroad, {'he mind, self-complacent ir
the immensity of its aspirations, heeds not thr
voices at its ear. Ever crying war upon tyrants
it forgets the children's bread. The irrationality
of such systems, does not stop with absurdi
ty, nor with loss either, but must lead to foreigr
mischief. ' If at the revolutionary era it was th?
duty of Massachusetts to look to the continent
rather than herself, how can that duty be con
sidered as now discharged Can Mr. WbbsTer
with any logical consistency, call upon his peo
pie to stop at the liberation of one race or on<
continent ? Is he, or they, more consistent ir
following the principles he attributes to theii
ancestors? Such policy can know no restnone
can say to it, thus far ahalt thou go an<
no further. Its workings and the glory whicl
rests upon them, are "like the circle in thi
water, which never ceasing to enlarge itsel
doth spread to nought"
ff th*re hp, as we have indicated, a certai
scope, wider than the homestead, yet narrowc
than worlds or continents, beyood which exei
tions of true policy are seldom legitimate c
practical, within which they are inoperative an
paramount, then would the men of Massachi
setts?received at Mr. Webster's valuation,!
desiring freedom only with America, and pr?
ferring to share her subjugation if subjugatio
were her destiny?have been recreant to the
soil and their race. But wo think better <
them, and we call in question Mr. Webster
tacts.
The early patriots of Massachusetts?evi
honored be their names?while liberal and phi
anthropic enough to desire and to aim at th
liKorfu nf all (Ha nnlnniaa tint th* mntinm-nt ba
"""V ~ ' ? 1 ?
result concurrent with and in aid of their ow
purpose, yet gave their allegiance and directc
their efforts, if we have read history arigh
primarily to the welfare and liberty of Mass
chusetts. Alliance was the path to succes
and they chose it. 1 living entered into a unic
for the war, honor and good faith, elements i
vital to a nation as liberty itself, demanded th
they should make common cause to tho en
But it by no means follows that, could Muss
chusetts have seen her own separate way
independence, she would, or should, have su
rendered that certainty for the problemat
liberation of all. The truth is, that this colui
was urged to war by its own grievances, ai
not by abstract aspirations for universal libert
Such theories were then unknown. Her peopl
already advanced to a high state of civilizatio
were large consumers of those luxuries at
appliances on which Great Britain laid hea'
taxes; upon her towns were fastened the offe
sive burthens of British garrisons; herleadir
spirits, learned, able and accomplished, we
galled by an inferior position ih the-State whit
they felt qualified to govern. With the oth
colonies their commerce and sympathy w
*: l it fpL. n . ?i l - ?
uuuij'arauveiy siuau. i ue runiaiiH, wuu n;
been rather inclined to the roasting ofQuakei
would scarce hare been moved to war at tl
prospect of Lord North's picking the pocke
of Friends in Pennsylvania?nor had they ai
excessive affection for the Catholics of Mary lan
But they felt that, however distinct in nation
characteristics, the colonies had all a comra<
interest as against the dominating power whii
repressed their natural rights and fettered the
material energies, they saw that in the union
the weak lay the only hope to overcome tl
strong. They embraced alliance as a meat
j not an end?and faithfully, honorably, thi
| played their part in that alliance up to its su
, cessful issue. Doub'.lcrs, in the hour of vict
i ry, their noble hearts rejoiced in the fact of i
having been bo ordered by Providence that t
j a^mo blow which struck for the rights of Ml
; sachusetts, had been potent for the achievcme
of continental freedom. Hut shall we pre<
cate upon this laudable sentiment the probal
lity, or propriety, of voluntary abandonment
their own liberty in order to share the fa
of their neighbors under a different coi
bination of circumstances ? Not so. L
us illustrate by the case of Hungary a
Italy, revolted against Austria both at the mi
time and with similar end?, hut too far sepsrat
! for intelligent and usefpl co-operation. T
1 former country had at one time well nigh wre
I ed from Austria panes and independence. 11
| soch offers been made her, we apprehend tl
neither patriotism nor philanthropy would ha
justilfsn the Hungarians in replying: Wei
cept no independence?we seek no rest?i
I ask no peace?until the doubtful and disti
| event of universal European emancipation?
( until struggling Italy at least is free. The
exists perhaps a breed of *uch madmen?buti
are happy to believe tl at they cannot conti
the patriots of any country now on earth?t
are very sure they, could not have led revol
' ternary Massachusetts. The history of tl
State, from the hour of liberty achieved a
through the formation and earlier stages of tl
constitutional Union, shows a high appreciati
by her leaders of their paramount allegiance
her sovereignty and duty to her interests. Ma
of them hesitated about jeopardizing that si
j ereignty by what might prove too liberal a d
egation of ita power*. Elbrii .f. (Jerky
aerved ita rights in opposing grants of cont
j over the militia to the President, lest such po
er might be used for the coercion of Sta
and for tha prevention of disunion. The Hi
; ford convention bad ita foundation in the ass
lion of distinct interests and separate aov
ignties. It remained for tbe degenerate at
of Massachusetts, at a later day. to offer I
birthright in barter for a meaa of pottage. M
sachusetU had once rights to defend against I
aggreaaiona of a majority. The march of evei
haa aince thrown power into the handa of tl
aection with which ahe ia moat identified
interest and sympathy and the maxima of lib
ty then cheriahed aaa barrier againat aggreasi<
have now become an obstacle in bef pa
Hence the principle of State sovereignty a
State allegiance is now ignored by the Wi
tecs, Wisthrops, and statesmen of th
school, not as an idea for which they hare rea
, loat all reverence, but aa a plea too convenit
tor minorities in their clamor for equal rig
and their justification of resistance to wrong
We have denied that the more recent course
Massachusetts and her statesmen haa evident
I the large love of liberty, and extended phil;
, thropy so often and so complacently claimed
her. We wish we had more apace to set fo
what we can no# only indicate. Kver since I
section became predominant, she has persisten
r urged, upon a government framed for purposes
l (fGosral welfare, a system of beneficiary legii
f tion to fu?ter her own interests at the expei
, of her aeaociavss. Persistently haa she den
, to Bister States, her equals in the Union,
equal participation in its possessions and acq
itiona. Always haa ahe bees found forem
in pushing despotic legislation to the serv ve
, of disunion, and imminently endangering
, fair fabric of American liberty. She amu
her leisure with ovations to Koasrni, but ia
consistent enough,even in her own pseudo |
lanthropy, to furni h him with material i
Under a system long sgo commenced, ami
, which Mr. Webster was an early zealot, Ab
, tion papers and tracts are road and circulat
r with a direct tendeicy to involve her South'
. neighbors in internecine war, yet beyond
] small funda thus contributed, not to die welf
l of mankind, but to gratify the love of exci
t ment, ahe ia not found making sacrifices, f
f would destroy political liberty by denying U<
atitutional rights, but her love of Afriean libe
1
n is never to be grati6ed at her own expense. Shi
ir weeps the fugitive slave, but does not offer t<
r- pay for his freedom. She invites the African t<
>r equality, but does nothing for his amelioration
d What she has striven to do for the liberty o
i- this continent outside of the Union, we are a
'8 i a loss to knew. The landmark* of Mr. Web
i- ?ter's course are plain enough?Mexico, ou
n natural ally, outraged and abandoned to Britisl
ir influence?a system of police over our water
>f organized by the French and English cabinet
's ?a British protectorate tolerated in Centra
America?have marked his administration o
?r our continental policy.
I* Reverting from these last political utterance
ie of Mr, Webster to his earlier Constitution#
a arguments, we cannot but mourn that bo grea
'u an intellect should have so long labored a
>d sapping the foundations of natural patriotic
it, and natural allegiance. A splendid rhetori
a- veils the fallacy of his celebrated utterances di8,
claiming as miserable the cry of "Liberty firt
>n and Union afterwards," and unfurling upon hii
as banner the motto, "Union and Liberty?on<
at and inseparable?now and forever." Vet w
d. cannot believe that Mr. Webster himself i
a- ! really insensible to their logical unsoundnesi
to If union and liberty are one and inseparabh
ir- then there is no objection to liberty's goin
ic first since union must follow after. Liberty i
jy the end, union the means. The first is founde
id in the generouH instincts of human nature, th
y. other is no more than a masterpiece of huma
le, construction. But the assumption that unio
n, and liberty are one and inseparable is enormous
id Will it be asserted that no practical despotist
ty of mojorities, no violation of Constitutions
n- rights, to whatever extent carried, can ever er
ig danger the liberty of any State or section e
re long as this Union is held together, if even b
;h force of arms ? If this be not so, if there be suf
er posable any possible case of prolonged injur
to the liberty of the weak by the legislative t)
a(j ranny of the strong, then Mr. Webster's mott
r9 ! falls to the ground, false in logic, vicious i
[,J ethics?and that which he denounces as desp
,tg cable, must be the rallying cry of all true patr
.jj. ots and lovers of the Union?Liberty first art
fj Union afterward* !
a' British Colored Seamen in South Carolin
and the British Parliament.?We noticet
i-'h some lime ago,the reference of the case of Manu
lir Pereira, a British seaman, held in prison i
0f Charleston, South Carolina, under the polit
regulations of that State. Under these reguli
tions, relating to free colored seamen, they ai
subject, on arriving at the port of Charleston, I
be takeu by the authorities, and put in prison ft
safe-keeping till the departure of the vessel I
which they may belong, the owners of the vess
'* being held liable for the coats. The object of th
he apparently stringent policy is to prevent abolitio
is emissaries, in the disguise of free colored cook
n* or seamen, from dilTusing sedition and mutin
ij. among the slave population, which, in Soul
tjj. Carolina, considerably exceeds the white popuh
of tlon
^ In the case of Pereira, through the activity <
Mr. Malhew, here Majesty's consul at Cliarle
Ion, the matte'r had been carried up to the sui
# "t
reme court of South Carolina, where, at the lai
accounts, it stood postponed till the term of ne:
lle January ; Pereira, in the meantime, being held i
custody at Charleston. The issue it, the coi
stitutionality and legality, under treaty stipuli
at- tions and international law, of the imprisonmei
ad nnd detention of Pereira as a British seaman,
mt By our last advices from England, it appea
ve that this case had excited some inquiry in tl
,c. house of commons, but that the government we
waiting for further information. The interest tin
n( manifested in Parlisment, is consistent with tl
invariable vigilance of the British government i
defence of its subjects, even to the humblest of i
rf dependents, and indicates a probable settlemei
wt of the international issue involved. Some yea
r?' ago a Mr. Hoar, of Massachusetta,waa sent dow
we to try the constitutionality of this question wii
lu the authorities of South Carolina ; but being fro
IBI that very neVt of agitators, against whom thei
n(j particular regulations were especially directei
^ he waa quietly warned lo leave?which he di
The matter was subsequently drawn into the con
promise discussion in the Senate, but all amen*
to menu proposed in reference to it were decisive!
rejected. It was not a matter for the action
>v Congress, but for the State of South Carolina ar
the courts. The lews, so obnoxious to Mass
W* chusetts, are simple local police regulations, I
rol which the people of 8outh Carolina were drivei
w as measures of defence, against Northern abo!
Ip. tion incendiaries- The question of their Irgalu
irt is now in process of settlement, and it is n<
er_ unlikely that the esse of Pereirs may yet bees
ned up to the Supreme Court of the Uniti
Sute*. Meantime, the Seward and other ahol
'n* tion organs are endeavoring to make this a matt
^er of sectional agitation, and we may expect to s<
as- it introduced into the forthcoming Pittsburg coi
the vention. The agiutinn of the slavery question,
every point, is yet to form a prominent feature
^ t this campaign; and Manuel Pereira will douhtle
become almost as great a man as Faustin So
>n louqeu or Fred Douglas*, before the election
er" over. Mark it.?*V.
m .
Lord Wn*aw< Lirrt, of Kngland, was invit
wd by the Boston authorities lo participate with the
p. on Monday Inst, in celebrating our national am
eir versary. He replied by letter, thanking themf
,||j the compliment, and added :
Bnt "Lord Wharncliffe can fully appreciate the ?1
monstrstion of (he citizens of Boston in the c#
bration of ao important an event of their natior
history. But the object of that calabration ia r
!0' sentially American, and ona in commemorali
*ed of which it appear* to him that ha could not t
an- comingly pretend to take a part; and ha therefc
for hopaa the committee will consider it a?
rth evidence of disrespect toward them if he t
her P"""" his regret that he cannot avail himself
jly the invitation with which they hare honor
. him;"
l of _ tMa.
Clat's Vacancy in the Senate.?T
rise Louisville Journal makes an explanation in rejrs
ied to the Senatorahip made vacant by the death
an Mr. Clay. That paper aays :
l?j. "Mr. Clay some months ago resigned his Set
torship, the resignation to take effect on the fi
of September. The Kentucky legislature elect
r^' Mr. A rchibald Dixon to succeed him. There i
some who contend that a vacancy having nt
'*** occurred by Mr. Clay's death, the governor h
n?f s right to make an appointment to extend throU
>hl-1 the whole of the unexpired portion of the term I
tid. which Mr. Clay was elected. We presume, ho
I in ! ever, that if his excellency puts thie construct!
oli- j on his own powers, he will pay so much regs
to the actirfn of the legislature, elected at the sar
t-rn t'me w'1'1 himself,as cither to appoint Mr. Dix<
^ or to make no appointment of Senator except wi
the explicit understanding that the appoint
tre shall give place to Mr. D. on the first of Sepiei
lte* ber "
fbe ?
on- ( 'ol. Benton, in a speech at ManchMfer, M
. on the i9th nit., announced his determinatii
' to support the nomination of freneral Pierce
I I II. il.ll
3 From the Macon Georgian
j Speech ef Judge Jebncea, el (he Haeou D<
J ecretlc Ratification Meeting, June tltt
Fellow Citizens :?The oco&aion that bri
1 us together is one of thrilling interest to ei
f true hearted Democrat We come to testify
t approval of the nominations for President
. Vice President of the United States, made
the late Democratic National Convention at 1
r timore. We have come to exchange congri
h lationa with each other, and to aend joi
a greetings to our political brethern in every i
B lion of thin broad republic. Let us indulge,
a few moments, in the reflections which the
casion suggests,
f Prior to the meeting of the convention, tl
were fearful divisions in the great Dcmocr
a party of the United tita'es. We differed wic
in our choice for the Presidency. We had
Cuss, and Buchanan, and Butler, and Doug
1 and Marey, and Dickenson, and Stockton, e
,t the bright centre of a wide circle of warm
n devoted friends and supporters?each woi
the highest honors within the gift of thb De
c cratic party. The convention assembled;
l" friends of the respective aspirants urged
it claims of their favorite, with earnestness
,l perseverance; during two days the balloti
' continued, holding the body and the count
* painful suspense as to the final issue, unt
e became evident, that neither of the distinguis
s persons voted for, could possibly obtain
# requisite majority. It was a moment of p
to the party; the hopes of the most sangi
' trembled, and cl.uds and darkness seemed
S curtain the political firmament. For twei
s nine sucessive ballotings, the Southern Alia
j and Gulf States stood, in almost unbro
column, in favor of James Buchanan, of Pi
e sylvania; while the North uud Fast and W
n were divided between the'other as irunts. It
n known, that their divisions were permanent
j deep seated, ho that they could not concent
upon any one candidate. Hence, the nfces
11 devolved upon the South, finally to abandon
l' favorite, and bring forward another name
i- the consideration of the convention.
0 The duty was both painful and delicate?p
ful to surrender the noble son of Pennsylvi
y ?delicate to make a selection among so m
>* others worthy of her highest confidence,
y the crisis was upon us, and what tremend
j. consequences were suspended upon the res
0 Having retired for consultation, the Virg
delegation, wise in council and patriotic in
" pulse, returned, and through the venerable,
i- dignified and polished Harbour, they cast
i- fifteen votes of .the "Old Dominion" for Frt
}(j lin Pierce, of New Hampshire. Theannoui
ment fell upon the ear of the convention v
suggestive and soothing effect. It awake
memories of the past and calmed the agitati
of the then passing moment. It revived'the
j collection of the occurrences of the con van
e of 1844; and, with magic rapidity, called up
n history of Gen. Pierce. He was the son
:e revolutionary tire, a native of New Hampsi
x- which has never bowed the knee to federal
.e ?the firm friend and supporter of Gen. J.
son through the trying scenes of his even
administration?the man who had been inv
>r into the distinguished cabinet of the lamer
0 Polk?who had voluntarily withdrawn f
fl mihlm lifV m-v.-r to ho Hrtdiu-erl from the hwi
rv","/ ? ? ? 7
is of retirement, unless his country rhould be
? volved in war?who had publicly decline
[8 nomination fur the Presidency?these,and s
reflection* as these, fhshed across the mini
^ the convention, and singled him out as the i
^ for the occasion. North Carolina and (Jeo
> led the Southern phalanx at the call of Virgi
and, as if impelled by the power of inspirat
[if the delegates from the North and West and I
8. united in the triumphal shout. Never elui
forget the impressive scene, ft defie- deet
tion. Its enthusiasm, its joy. its sublime e
Ution transcend the power of language to
" tray. Tlicy were the outbirths of deep, u
in terablc, patriotic emotion. Woman obeye<
a- impulses by strewing flowers and bouqu
n. youth yielded to convulsive transports,
hoary age wept tears of patriotic delight.
This termination of the labors of the con
rs tion is suggestive of valuable instruction.
is supposed, that much intrigue had been
" sorted to by politicians, prior to the eonven
r* to secure the nomination of their re*peclivi
IS vontoa I Irnntu nnthimr nf thn trii?h t\r t)
> hood of this charge; hut if true, how withe
in a rebuke duo* the nomination of (tetieisl IV
t? administer to intrigue and prarnatiam! 1
)Vl impotent the machinations of cliques ;ind ti
r Uter. to control or muzzle the popular will!
The action of the convention demonntr
^ another truth, full of hope for the future
fire of our country. It is th s. It shows l
m amidst our bitterest conflicts?our m?at ran
" ous seisms?the warmest strife for aupreu
between Presidential aspirants, there exist
I. oceult, but potent under-current of eotisei
a- ism, in the popular mind, always ready t
j. developed, in times of emergency and dan
I This feeling lies at the foundation of that
r eration for our institutions which charactei
" the American people ; and so Ion# as it rem
1 pure and uncontaminated, the republic is i
R" It is the vestsl florae that burns upon it* al
to and inspires the patriot's heart when temp
i, waste their fury against its impregnable ba
|j. merits.
ty The two thirds rule may now be regard?
9t the deliberately settled law for the regulalic
r of the nominations of the D' lnoeratie party
^ was almost unanimously adhered to; an
cannot l?e considered oppressive, because It
been voluntarily adopted. In this connei
er consider the power of the South, when un
rt |n the convention, we w? re in the minority
1- against the North or West, hut wo wielded r
at than a third, as against all other sections, i
of if ffcey hAd been united. For thirty-nine ha
?a mrrn w* imerposea uucusnsn *uc< e???Juiiy a?
u. other* lea* acceptable to oar people. It
:a impossible to have made a nomination w
was objectionable to the Sooth, She had
indefd, and did n t desire to have, the pnw<
force a candidate of her own section npor
^ party; bat she did hive, and she wisely cxerc
m the power of self protection. Hence, Gel
li. Fierce, although a Northern man. i*, in trn h
?r candidate of the South. Virginia and N
Carolina and Georgia were mainly instrunu
I in procuring hi* nomination. Well, then,
we aa Sonthern men and Georgia DeOinc
rally with confidence and enthusiasm to his
m' poH.
There is anotfier most suspicion* feature
"n nected with the nomination of General Pi
** It is one that nngtirs an old fashioned repub
ire triumph at the ballot ho* in November nex
no united, when did the Democracy of the III
States ever experience defeat ? That unioi
0f been moat felicitously effected, (ten. P
| has been for years in prlvste life?urconot
? with the exciting politics of the country,
wss no aspirsnt?he was the competitor o
; one?his cisims were not urged bv his frtr
to the detriment of the prospects of any <
,n' candidate. Hence, he incurred neither jeab
of; nor opposition from any qnarter; snd his i
I instion cannot be regarded as a triumph
)g. i any body. All are therefore contented?
i acceptable to the entire Democratic psrty o
,#(j | Unior.
i Nor should we, in this connexion, fai
Ir? | render merited tribute to the disinterested p
)W j otism of the distinguished statesmen who 1
prominent candidates for nomination. 'I
gb conduct is almost w ithout a parallel-sertainl]
rpr I rivalled by the brightest examples of Roma
nr.! Grecian vir'ne. (lass, and Rnehsnan, Don
ori Houston, Marcy, Dane, and Butler, all, all,
. one accord, forgetting the momentary atir
r their own defeat, unite to awell the triump
ne rejoicings that reverberato like choral antt
on from the granite hills of New Hampshire, tr
th distant ahores of the Pacific.
Are the Democratia nominees personally
u- i intellectually worthy the confidence and sup
of the Itemoeracy ? The fact that they
: been nominated by the Baltimore conventio
o.,! an endorsement which will secure them a r<
in { passport to the suffrages of the country,
j they stand not, even upon such a foundal
their characters and talents will abide the moat
Em- rigid scrutiny, tieueral Pierce is s native of
l. New Hampshire, the son of revolutionary anuirs
cestry< a distinguished lawyer, and a polished
rery No man is so popular in his native
our State, and her highest honors have been ottered
aiuj to him and modestly declined. In 1833 he was
j)() returned to Congress, where he remained until
gal_ 1837. Uh was then elected to the Senate of
ltu_ the United States, Hnd continued to occupy that
yjul distinguished position until 1842, when he voljeu
untarily resigned nnd retired to private life.
jor Since then, ho has been re noved from the strifes
oc of tho political arena and industriously engaged
in the pursuit ot his profession, v\ ith the exceplere
l'on ?' '''8 brief, but brilliant seivice in the Mexatjc
ican war. In all the stations which he has oclely
cupied, public and private, he has maintained a
uur character without a stain und exhibited capacity
,|a8 equal to any duty.
)ach' But unostentatious and retiring as he has
an(] been, and blameless is has been his wulk.no
,tl sooner wus his nomination announced, than the
mo vile serpent of slander, sought to breathe its
,|1(J venom upon his spotles escutcheon. Already
(||8 has it been asserted that he is a sot?a street
a||(j drunkard. The charge is so improbable, that it
n(rg scarcely deserves refutation. Is it probable, that
such a man would be the favorite of tho Demjl
it ncn-cy of New Hampshire for the excutive chair
j^'J ?for the Presidency of the United States.' lie
tl1(4 served in Congress with James K. Polk, for a
(erjj seriisofyear?labored and voted with him
jjni> through some of the most exciting and critical
I [o scenes of our country's history; if he had been
a drunkard, would that pure and elevated statesnt"jp
man, upon his election to the Presidency, have
ken s"'icited him us Attorney General of the United
,nn States to take a seat in his cabinet,as the ush>
'est ?'ate of Marcy, and Walker, and Buchanan, and
WilB Mason, and Johnson ? Would he afterwards,
and when our country was engaged in a foreign
rH(u war, have given him, unsolicited, a brigadier
silv general's commission'? The supposition is ab
I surd and ridiculous. But i refer to this point,
j'or because I have the power to give to the slandei
the most unequivocal and positive denial,
nin- While in Washington nfew days ago, in a conmia
ver9at'on with ^r- Hibbard, a member of Congress
from New Hampshire, and an intimate acB't
quaintance and friend of General Pierce, I enfU1H
quired particularly touching this accusation. He
u|ti promptly branded it with falsehood, and porinia
lrHye(^ the character of General Pierce in most
j,n glowing language, as distinguished for its unHn(]
swerving integrity and unsullied moral purity.
tf)(, Of the merits of William K,. King it is unmjt
necessary to speak. His name is interwoven
lce. with the history of the country for the last
vjtj, thirty years. In the It-presentative Hall, in the
ned ^enat? Chamber and as late minister to France,
onB his character and talents have been subjected to
! rp. the most satisfactory tests. He is sound in nil
!j()I) that constitutes the polished gentleman, the
(|H, able statesman, and the unyielding Democrat.
0j' a Such are the personal, moral and intellectual
,jre qualifications of the gentleman. Whose noiniism
nal'on 'or the highest honors which a free peopie
can confer, we have assembled to ratify,
tfnl We doit, with cordiality and delight. Let our
ited r*"j?'c'nyr'1 rainglo with the manifestations of
jje(j Democratic approbation which pervade our ex
ror)1 tended republic.
l<( But let u* test General Pierce by the princijn
plea of the Democratic party. They are known
^ n and read of all men. They plitter in letters of
uc|, light upon every banner ; and wherever the stirs
^ 0j- and stripes float over land or e?a, they cheer the
nan tbe free and inspire the down trodden
r'i victims of tyranny and oppres ion with hope.
nj|(. They were proclaimed in the Virginia and Kenjon"
lucky reaolntions of 1798-'99, expounded and
Sist enf?rc,*d by Jefl'erson and Madison, maintained
II | by Jackson and Polk,and rc affirmed and adopted
rin ^ the late Democratic convention at Baltimore,
xul- ' tenet of our creed is, that the
nor- Constitution clearly defines Hie powers of the |
nut 8?nera' government and is to be construed j
j i(lt strictly. Hence, we deny the right of the pen-!
-.fl . eral government to carry on a system of inter
and' na' improvement*.to oat <l>!ish a protective tariff,
to charter a national hank,and to in'crfcre with
or attempt to control the domestic institutions
V<M|i ",e rpNP?c,'ve States., How stands General
Pierce upon these important questions? Let
'.r> hi* public actions in Congress answer.
Regarding it as unconstitutional, lie never f.ia
vorcd appropriations for rosds, rivers and hnr1
y ' bors. Whilst he sanctioned judicious expend!
r" p tore*, for such works as were t#f a national char,
ncter, ho always voted a gainst those that were
?"*' i-wi ti/inni n. Mn;r..pmi>v ,.f
r ' on questions of thin Hurt, (and indeed upon nil
other*,,) shows that lie wan governed by fixed
?te* ?nd well defined principles of Constitutional
wel- interpretation. I cannot of cour>-e enter into
lhat. detailed reference to particular voles. One or
icor- two innat suffice a* specimen*. In June, 1836,
lacy whilst he was a member of the IIou*e of Reps
an resentativen, a bill was introduced muting a large
rut- appropriation for tlio construction of the Cum0
be berland road. On the final vote bis name stands
iger. recorded among thu nay*.
ven- Again, in 1838, whilst he waa in the Senate
rises of the United States, ho gave a similar vote
ains against a bill for precisely the same purpose,
safe The tariff question was but little agitated,
tars, during the period of hit service, in either branch
cats of Congress. The Compromi c law of the 2d
ttle- March, 1833, was in operation, when he entered
Congress, and he re-igned his seat in the Senid
as Ate, before it was disturbed hy the odioua act
in of of 1812. Rut various questions arose during
. I' hi* Congressional career, in which he ahowort
d it by his votes, that he favored a tariff for revenue
hat only ; although he exhibited no hostility to such
lion, encouragement to dome-tic industry, as might
ited. result incidentally from a well adjusted system
'? * of imposts. The Itemooratie tariff of 1846 will
nore be safe in his hsnds. lie may sanction modifi
even rations to suit the altered condition of the in |
illot dnatrial pursuits of the country, hut the great!
?in*t ati vah/rfm principle on which it is fonnded he
w -w will not disturb. He will not permit the agri
hich cultural classes to be fleeced for the support of
not, manufacturing monopolies, and then, the rob?r
to bery to be concealed under the cover of ?pe< ifie
1 the duties and minimum valuations. The ail
ised, alnrim principle is sanctioned alike by justice
ternl and common sense, It has been triumphantly
i, the vindicated hy the salutary operation of the tariff
orth of 1846. It may now he regarded as the settled
-ntal and fixed policy of our government.
may His hostility to a National H>nk and the |
rats, soundness of his financial views are elenrlv ex
up amplified, by the fidelity, with which he etood I
by (J.ncral Jackson, ire hi? herculean conflict |
Con- with that corrupt .Institution. lie sustained I
prcn. him in the removal of the public deposit* from j
lican its vaults; voted for the bill to place them in
t. |f the custody of the local banke; and in every 1
ftited aspect in which those exciting questions pret
has sented themselves, with unflinching firmness, he
ierce w*s found in the ranks of Jackson's supporters,
rcted This should endear him to the Democracy of
lie the country. If the bank had triumphed in this j
f no momentens struggle for power, the government i
nda. itself would now have been under the control
>ther of corrupt mercenary influences and popular
ouay freedom totally undermined.
10m Nut the prostration of the bank was only the
over first st^P towards the establishment of a wise
he is financial policy. The public deposites were'
fthe not dtaigned to remain permanently in the local
banks. The pet bank ayaiem, as it w?a termed.
j| to waa a temporary arrangement, lor the safe keep
atri ing and di-borsement of the public monies, until
were s wiser could be devised and adopted. In 1837.
'heir Mr. Van lluren was inaugurated, and in purslt(i
tm nncfi of the policy commenced by (Jen. Jack*on,;
in or the independent treasury *7-n finally establish-j
glae. ed in 1840. Tbii effected a total dirorce bc-i
with t ween the government and the hank*; and for;
ig of thia, General Pierce, then in the Senate of the
hsnt United States, voted. It has e.n'innrd in nper
,ems ation ever since, and time and experience have
> the demonstrated its wisdom to the satisfaction of)
all parlies. Very few, if any, would disturb it.
and It is trnly refreshing to review the course of
iport f?cn. Pierce, on questions touching the subject
have of slavery In the re*sion of Congresa of 183ft,
n, is dtc., the abolition feeling of the North seemed
sady to takes fresh start and nerve itself to its work
Rot of discord and mischief. Congresa was flooded
ion; with petitions, and the most intense excitement
and apprehension pervaded the whole extent of [
the country, but with Hen. Pierce there was I
no faltering; he Oilinly faced the storm and f
lie stood firmly by the Constitutional rights of c
the South. It cannot be uninteresting to refer f
briefly to a few of his votes, on some of the s
most important aspects in which the subject was I
presented. On the 18th January, 1835, Jackson, t
of Massachusetts, presented a petition to abolish I
slavery in the District of Columbia. General
Pierce voted to lay it on the table, and during f
the debate thereon, he said, "he would prefer to c
meet the question in some form, which could by t
no possibility be considered either equivocal or l<
evasive." 1
During the same session, Mr. Geo. W. Owens, i
one of our own representatives, offered the top c
lowing resolutions: <
"Resolved, That in the opinion of this House, c
the question of the abolition of slavry in the r
District of Columbia, ought not to be entertain- t
ed by Congress.
"Resolved, That in case anv petition praying' t
the ubolition of slavery in the District of Coluni t
bis, be hereafter presented, it is the deliberate *
opinion of this house, the same ought to be luid i
on the table without reading."
General Pieruo was in favor of these resolu- t
tions as the journal shows. During the sea $
sion of 1835-6, Mr. Pinckney, oi South Caro- f
Una, moved to refer all petitions and papers ?
touching slavery to a select committee, with in- f
striu-tions to report against the power and ex- f
pediency of legislation by Congress on the subject.
Gen. Pierce's' name is rocorded on the r
journal, on the Southern side of the question a
in every phase in which it wus presented. The |
motion thus to refer was finally adopted and t
through Mr. l'inkney, their chairman, the select I
committee reported: v
"1. That Congress had no constitutional au- c
thority to interfere, in any way, with the insti- n
tution of slavery, in any of the States of this *
confederacy. h
"2. That Congress ought not to interfere in r
any way with slavery in the District of Colum- t
bin. a
"3. That all petitions, memorials, resolutions, f
proposilions or papers relating in any way, or ii
to any extent whatever to the subject of slavery, r
or the abolition of slavery, without being either a
Drinted or referred, be laid udoii the tabie. nnd v
that no further action whatever shall be had
thereon." ?
Gen. Tierce's nnmo is recorded in the affirma- t
tive upon these resolutions. t
Later, in 1838, after he had been transferred 1
to the Senate, he voted for the celebrated reso c
lutions offered by Mr. Calhoun, in which he f
expressed so clearly and with such masterly '
force, the respective powers of the federal and I
State governments, under the Constitution of ?
the United States. As they are decisive of the v
opinions of General Fierce, it is important that I
they should he seen and read by the people '
throughout the country. As they passed the a
Senate, they are as follows : I
1. Retolved, That in the adoption of the fed- e
eral Constitution, the Sta'cf, adapting the same, ?i
acted severally, as free, independent and sover- r
eign States; and that each for itself, hy its oun *
voluntary absent, entered the Uni"n with the ?
vi w to its increased security against all dan- r
gers, domestic as well as ' eign, and the more t
perfect and secure enjoyn t of its advantages, c
natural, political and eoci '
2. Resolved, That in d egating a portion of f
their powers, to be exerti d by the federal gov <
ernntei t, the States retain . severally, the exclu
sive and sole right over t air own domestic inatitutions
and police to the full extent to which
tlice powers were not Inns delegated, and are
alone responsible for them ; and that any inter
mpddhng of any one or m re States, or a com.
bin ition of her citizens, with the domestic insti i
u'ions an i police of the other-1, ori any ground, i
political, mors I or religious, or under any pr- (
ti-xt whatever, with the view to their alteration j
or subversion, is riot warranted bv the Conslitu- '
tion, tending to endanger tiie domestic peace
and tranquility of the S ates interfered w ith, |
subversive <>f tho o' jects for which the Con^ti
tution was formed, ahd. by necesa^ry consc i
quence, tending to weaken and destroy the
Union itself. i
3. Resolred, That this government wa* insti 1
tnted by tile ajverul S:atea of thin Union, as a 1
common agent, in order to carry into tff ct tin '
powers which tney li d delegated by the Conati- (
tution, for their mutual security and prosperity; ,
nod that, in fu'lilisent of this high and sacred i
'rust, this government i < bound a? to exeici.sc I
its power", as not to interfere with the stability i
and security of the domestic institutions of the
States that compose the Union ; and that it i? '
the solemn duly of the government to resist, to
tho exl.ent of its Constitutional power, all si- '
tempts by one portion of the Union to use it aan
instrument to at'ack the domestic institution |
of nnoth<r, or to weaken or destroy such iinti j
totions. I
I Refill'J, That domestic sin very as it exists
in the Southern and Western Sta'ea of this
Union, cotrpoans an importsnt part of their do 1
meatic institution", inherited from their ancestorand
exi'ting at the aJnpiion of the Constitution,
by which it is recognized as eon titnting an im t
portant element in the apportionment of power* i
among the Minks, and llmt no change of opinion (
or feeling on the part of the other S'ates of the
Union, in relation to it, can justify them or their
citizens, in any open and systematic attack"
thereon, ?ilh the view to its overthrow, nnd that
all nueh attacks arc in manifest violation of the
mutual and solemn pledge to protect and defend
each other, given.by the States respectfully, on ,
en'ering into the Constitutional conifuct which t
formed the Uni >n, and as anch area manifest j
breach or faith and a violation of the moat sol ?
omn obligation*.
ft. R'tt lt'd, That the interference by the eiti 1
zena of any ? f the Stales, with the view to the J
abolition of alavery in thia district, is endangering
the rights and security of the people of thia die. (
tflct; and that any act or measure of Uongre-s j
designed to abolish alavery in thia district,
would be a violation of the faith implied in the
cession* by the States of Virginia and Maryland,
a jnet caise of alarm to the people of the t
slav- holding S'.a'ea, and have n direet and inev i
it* hie tendun'7 to distract and endanger the |
Union.
6. Rti'ilvil, That any attempt of Congress
to ?boli?h al .very in any territory of the United "
Statea in whieh it exists, would create serious ,
alarm, and j'lat apprehenaion, in the State* aua. ,
fairing that dnmeatic inalitution, would be a i
violation of good fnith toward* the inhabi
tenia of any snob territory who have been per 1
milted to settle with, and hold slaves therein,
because the people of any anoh territory hare 1
not asked for the abolition of alavery therein, '
and because when such territory shall be admitted
into the Union ?e a State, the people there- |
of will be entitM to decide that question ex- ,
cliieivcly for themselves."
ftenernl Pierre not only voted for theae reso-! 1
lotions but he advocated ih< m in an able speech,
upon the floor of the Senate. He firmly and
boldly met the arguments by which they were
opposed. It was urged against them, that they
contained the doctrine of nullifi 'ation; he replied
that he could not detect it. af'er the rtrim ear?
ftil examination, and that "he mu t He excused
if he did not take the alarm." ft was nrged,
that they invaded the liberty of speech and the
pre?a; lie replied that they did not contain a
syllable I'ke it?that he wnuld not be driven
from hie position by false i*??ics. It was nrged.
that tney were mere ahstrar t ins; he replied,
' Sir, it h immaterial what t one yon apply to
them; sufficient ia it, that t my meet the casethat
th? y encounter the Al.ol ionist upon sound
and tenable ground, and f" ii*h a conclusive
answer to his importunities.
Such i?a brief glance at the political careerof
Genera! Pierce. We see him in both branchee
of Congress from 1833 to 1812, which covers
one of the most critical nod eventful periods of
our hi<it?>ry. In the House, he stood shoulder
to shoulder with Polk in defence of Jackson's
financial policy, and did battle for the South
against the encroachments of abolition. In the
Senate, he stood aide by side with Mr. Calhoun
in the passage of the sub-treasury and in aup
r
_
lort of hit memorable resolutions quoted above,
n his whole course, there is a consistency, a
irmueas and dignity of purpose, that shews his
onduct to be regulated by fixed and clearly deined
principle. The Constitution strictly con*
trued, was his polar star : with his'eye steadiy
fixed on that, his bark, however furious the
ampoHt, never was driven from the true repub*
i.ian track.
There is a nationality in the political prinolilea
of Gen Fierce which entitles him to the
onfidence of the Democracy, in every part of
he Union. Devoted to the Constitution, he
mows no North, nor South, nor East, r,or
-Vest, but he looks with impartial eye to the
nterests of every section. In his construction
if the Constitution, he is as sound as Jackson, ^
ir Folk, or Calhoun ; and an unwavering friend'.1
if the Union, he watches with jealousy the'FjJjj^J
ights of the States, hs the boat uieana of mainaining
its integrity and perpetuity. V tB
If these tilings be true?if I have fairly and
ruthfully exhibited the career of (Ion. Fierce, is jlB
here one within the sound of my voioe,
vhother Whig or Democrat, who does not feel ^B
n his heart, that he is the man for the occasion *
?emphatically the ram for the South? That
hey are true, 1 appeal to the journals of Congress.
It has been my purpose to present
acts without comment, feeling that the public
cts of our candidate are his best vindication??
dead most eloquently his claims upon the conidence
of the country.
Fellow Citizen?, how favorable an opportulity
docs the present aspect of political affairs
fford, to restore the government back to its
iristine purity, by confiding its administration
o a sound republican like General Pierce ?
Villi his views of s'.rict construction, abuses
vill be corrected, tconomy will take the place
f extravagance, mutual confidence and fraterinl
harmony between the various sections wilt
ucceed to the s-trife and angry corneals which
lave threatened the Union itself. Rigid adheence
to the Constitution is peculiarly \mporant
to the Southern section of the confadericy.
We are in the minoraty; to adandon or
orget the rule of strict construction, is to abanIon
and forget us. Throw the reins of governnent
loosely upon the neck of latitudinurianism
,nd however oth?r sections may flourish for a
chile, ours is doomed to utter ruin.
How beautiful the opportunity, for the people
if Georgia, of both pirtie*, to stand as a unit, in
he maintuinance of sound nrim-iiiles? flow
leuutiful the opportunity, for high minded and
latriotie Whiga, without mortified pride, withiiit
the abandonment of principle and in perfect
lurailelism witlilhe beat interest of their sec- ?ion,
to unite cordially in the support of the
)emoeratic nominees. It is tru- we have diffred
widely as to men and measurer. But (
vould not revive the asperities of the past.
jft them all ba buried in tire grave of oblivion,
iever to meet h resurrection morning. But in
ill sincerity, I would appeal to my Whig felow
citizens, to reflect upon what they are now
ailed upon todo. They are aaked, at the bidling
of party, virtually to rally under the banler
of Wm. II. Seward of New York. You
vill never do it? It is forbiien by every conideration
which can move the heart of pat- I
iota. By the allegiance we owe to the Consti.
ution, by our lovo for the union of the confedsrucy,
by the ties that bind us to the generaions
to come, oh! let not such a reproach a< this
est upon the proud escutcheon of our beloved
jsorgia.
CONGRESSIONAL PROCEEDINGS.
SENATE.
Monday, July 12.
The CHAIR laid before the Senate a communication
from the Secretary of War, transmitting
n compliance with a resolu ion of the Senate a
itatement of the amounts paid for printing, bindng
And Advertising for that department since
March 184!i; referred and orderrd to be printed.
Mr. CLARKE gave notice of a joint resolution
directing the Secretary of War to cause the
liarbor of Providence, Rhode Island, to be surveyed
and an estimate of the cost of clearing out
the same to he tnade.
Mr. HAMLIN submitted a resolution instructing
the Committee on Commerce to inquire into
the expediency of making an appropriation for
the erection of a custom house at Waldoborough,
Me., which was considered and agreed to.
On motion of Mr. Shields. the Senate nmreeit.
pil lo the consideration of the bill to authorize the
mayor and common council of Chicago, lllinoia,
in excavate a portion of the public reaervation at
Lbat place, with a view to the improvement of the
navigation of the Chicago river.
The bill waa read three times by unanimous
onseni, and passed.
After the transaction of some further business
?f a local or private nature,
The Senate resumed the consideration of the
ill for the better protection of the lives of paaaen(era
on board of vessels propelled in whole or in
[ art by steum.
The nmer.dments made in Committee of the
Whole were mostly concurred in, and after a promoled
discussion and further amendments the
nil was ordered lo l>e engrossed for a third resting.
On motion of Mr. Pet ch, the bill authorizing
he sale of reserved lands and for other purposes,
ivaa considered, sinended and ordered to be engrossed.
'
On motion, the Senate adjourned.
IIOU8K OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Mordat, July 12, 1852.
The journal of yesterday baring been readMr.
GENTRY asked leare to offer a joint reatlulion
authorizing the Secretary of War to loan
o the Washington City Guar.le ( a juvenile com>any)
such amail arms aa may keconaidered auitible
lor a juvenile company.
Mr. STANLY said that if the proposition was
o put in the hands of the youth spelling and
prayer-boohs, he would have no objection ; but
ie objected to giving them arms.
Mr^t. MARTIN asked leave to more to take
ip from the table a bill for the improvement of a
ar in the Mississippi nrer.
Objections were made.
eosTAOB.
The House then resumed the consideration of
he bill to amend an act to reduce and modify the
ates of postage in the United Hlates, and for Other
lurposes, approved March 3, 1861.
Mr. WA8HBURN moved to amend the first
lection by inserting a provision that aW newspapers
ind periodicals not weighing over two ounces,
shen sent to actual subscribers, within the States
vhere Such papers and periodicals are published,
hall be entitled to the reduction provided for in
his section.
Mr. CARTTER opposed the amendment, and
Mr Wash ants defended it.
JMr. toilII moved the previousquestion, which
'as seconded?yeas 78, ihe nays not counted?
ind nndcr the operation thereof the amendment
>f Mr. Wasmri-rv was agreed to.
Mr. BROOKS offered the following substitute
'or the first section, of which he had given prerious
notice:
That from and after the 30th day of September,
1852, the postag^unon all printed me<ter passing
hroogh the mail of the United Sisies, Instead of
he rates'now charged, sha I be as follows, to wit
Each newspaper, pamphlet, periodical, magazine
?ook, bound or unbound, circular, catalogue, and
" ery other description of printed matter uncollected
with any manuscript or writing, and of no
greater weight than two and a half ouncea, aha.I
>e charged one-half cent postage, and one-half
*nt for earh additional ounce or fraction of an
?unce, tor any diatance under 1,<H)0 miles ; over
1,000 miles, double itiese rales. All newspapers
ind periodicals publ shed regularly and aent from
he office of publication to actual subscribers, not
seighmg neer one ounce shall be charged onetalrthe
foregoing rates, when sent under 1,000
niles.
The substitute was rejected.
The second section was then adopted, aa were
he other additional aectiona proposed by the
Committee on Post-offices and Post-road*.
Mr. DlHNEY moved to add a section providing
or the publication of uncalled for German letters
n a German newspaper having the largest cirsuation
in the vicinage.
Mr. CLINGMAN.btliaving that the bill would *
nake the existing law worse, moved to lay the
ill on the table; which waa disagreed to?yeas
B, nays 148.
The morning hour having now tg^ired?
And the House adjourned.

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