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(Continued from firtt page.) State in to be ojdraitted, no odds what her constitution may any. I take ground with the eloquent gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Toombs,] ana now declare, that if this ia to become the ruling principle of the North ?if we are thus to crouch at the fbotstool of power ?if we are to be brought down from our high position as equals to become your dependents?-if we are to live forever at your mercy, rejoicing in your amilea and shrinking from your frown?if, ^ indeed, air, it haa come to thin, that the Union is to be used for these accursed purposes, then, sir, by the God of my fathers, I am against the Union, and so help me Heaven, I will dedicate the remnant of my life to its dissolution. Men inuy talk of adjustments, letters may*he written, speeches may be made, newspapers printed to glorify the Union?but, sir, if this is the Union you would glorify, it is base-born Blunder to say the South is for it. If we arc to have a Union of equals, it will forever rest upon all our hearts and all our hands?it will be eternal. But if it is to be a Union of the tyrant and the serf, a union of the monarch and the menial, a Union of the vulture I *1- - 1 L. *1 _ w _____ .i ami me imiiu?iiien, ?ir, 1 warn gentlemen u win be a Union of perpetual strife. Say what you will, write what you will, speak what you will, think what you will, the South will wage eternal warfare upon such a Union. We will invoke with one voice the vengeunce of Heaven upon such a Union?we will pray unceasingly to the God of our deliverance tnut he will Bend us a bolt from Heaven to shiver the chain which thus binds us to tyranny and oppression. Mr. B. withdrew the amendment. Mr. CARTER renewed the amendment, and said: Mr. Chairman, one word in reply to the honorable member from Mississippi, who has seen proper to give to the vote upon the amendment , which has just been lost in committee, the construction thut it was significant of the fact that no t slave State was hereafter to be suffered to come into the Union. Sir, I did not vote one way or the other^upph the question, knowing that my vote was not necessary to the result. If I hud voted, 1 should have voted against the nmendmeift, for the reason that the amendment was not germane to the bill providing for the admission of California, but totally foreign to the suluect. For the farther reason, sir, that the amendment was not only a departure from the matter before the committee, but embracing no subject of present legislation whutever, either pertinent or impertinent. For the further reuson, sir, that the amendment, if nAttdesigned, has the tendency to encumber and embarrass the action of the committee and delay the object of its labors. Sir, the effort to crush California in her application for admission into the Union, is remorseless and inventive in one branch or other of the Capitol. She has been loaded down with complicated And discordant subjects of legislation, with which she has nothing to do, and in connection with which ought not to be mude to account. Though her claim is a simple and single one, justified b^ ample reason ami precedent, and demanded by imperious necessity, she is compelled to await the adjustment of foreign political subjects, involving the past, present, and future. Nay, more, sir, her enemies insist upon it, that her advent into the Union shall be marked by a miracle. She has got to establish what is styled an equilibrium of power between the free and slave States, or, in other words, she is under the necessity of making one-fourth of the population of the Union equal to the remaining three-fburths. This, sir, is not only a mathematical absurdity, but in the political sense a practical impossibility. The numerical difference of population is destined to increase in increased ratio , and let me say to southern gentlemen, that the problem of population is not within the control of Congress. It will be regulated by emigration and the natural laws of population, ana those who contemplate dissolution, would do well, while they are aliout it, to make but one job of it, and dissolve their relations with the world. The last amendment wus a pure abstraction, us I have before remarked, calculated to embarrass the admission of California ; and if I had voted at all upon it, I should have voted against it, fbr this reason if no other. It ought to be the policy of the fViends of California, to sweep from the way of her admission, all technical obstacles to her success. The Union, though ostentatiously and repeatedly threatened, in my opinion, is in no serious danger. She will long outlive this outburst of fhry. If the admission of a free State under the circumstances of California is sufficient to sunder the ties which bind any of her citizens to her, no sacrifice which the integrity of her republican institutions can endure, will preserve their affection; no humility which freemen can submit to will hold them. If the self-preservation and power of this exeat emnire rests fur Mtreixrili n,,,l ?.i,r.r.r.r? on such frail fealty, the Union could not be preserved whether California be admitted or rejected. Mr. C. withdrew the amendment. Mr. THOMPSON, of Pennsylvania, having renewed the amendment, remurked that the vote upon the last proposition, or rather the proposition itself, had so little to do with the Settlement of the present question, that a large number of the members of that House did not even consider it worth while to vote upon it, himself among the number. It was a mere abstraction. Will it be asserted, continued Mr. T., that the North by this vote have indicated uny indisposition to carry out, in good faith, all the rights given by the Missouri Compromise us it stands? Let it not be done. It would not only be wrong to do so, but, without saying or intending any imputation against the gentleman from Kentucky, this had nothing to do with the question, was an abstraction, calculated to mislead and pluce those who voted against it in a false position. Will it be said that it indicates that States from Texas, under the compromise assignment, are not to come in? If so, it is wrong?a gross wrong. I do say that I think the Chair should have ruled the motion out of order. There is nothing that could be drnwn from the vote except the condemnation of an abstraction. , Sir, there should be no abstraction here. One i word farther, sir, in regnrd to this controversy, i I must say that all pro|K>sitions in regard to the i adoption of the Missouri Compromise are entirely i out of the question now. Even the able advocate of the Missouri Compromise JMr. Staunton, of Tennessee,] ought to know this. Why do I say bo? Sir, because it strikes at the foundation of the hopes of the admission of California. Why, to adopt the Missouri Compromise now would be to dismember, cut in two California ; it would be, in effect, a defeat of the bill for her admission, whilst throughout the whole country, to the North and iu the South, there is, I sincerely believe, a large majority of the people in favor of her admission. And, if we determine here to cut her in two parts by means of the Missouri Compromise line, it would bs but a movement backwards, that would render admission impossible? to admit her as a unit in policy, such as her friends claim that she has established far herself in her constitution, almost unanimously agreed to by her people. Mr. THOMPSON, of Mississippi, (the floor i being temporarily yielded to him,) said : Does the gentleman not know that all the people of Cali- 1 fornia living south of the line of 36? 30* desired a Territorial iwiv*rnmcnl and von.it ? in /.nn??n. tion, and is not this reason .sufficient for us? Be- ' sides, it does not riise any question as to our i power over the question of boundary. The people ' desire it, and if we are willing to consult their i yfinlipn wp Will fin it Mr. THOMPSON, of Pennsylvania. 1 would like to be informed upon what evidence the gentleman bases his assertion? Mr. THOMPSON, of Mississippi. The people of California south of the line of 3(P 30', by their representatives in Convention, voted for a territorial government. Mr. THOMPSON, of Pennsylvania. The constitution of California, I believe, was unanimously adopted by the Convention, and nearly so, afterwards, by the people. Mr. THOMPSON, of Mississippi. My honorable friend will surely not deny tliat those south of 36? 3tf were in favor of a territorial government' Mr. THOMPSON, of Pennsylvania. No, sir; I do not know that; it may have been so to some extent, but the people of California agreed to the constitution on all sides of the line, and ask admis- j sion in their own form of government. Gentlemen very well know that the adoption of the Missouri Compromise line now, would condemn the whole proceeding. I am perfectly certain of it. 1 do not think,'however, that it can receive a single Northern vote with this effect apparent, such as I have noticed. It need not he pressed. The admission of California, to use a common phrase now, is a "foregone conclusion." This amendment, sir, had nothing to do with the measure under discussion. Mr. T. withdrew his amendment. Mr. VENABLE, having renewed the amendment, said: Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Thompson] says that he voted against the amendment of the gentleman from KeiWKky. [Mr. Stanton,] not as expressing the enrnfetinns of his mind upon any proposition, but because it was all abstraction. This norror of abstraction, in which gentlemen indulge, is not a t Utile amusing. Abstract propositions which presuppose the existence of rights to the South, are always to be reprobated; but free-soil, the moat inveterate abstraction ever conceived of, is perfectly legitimate. Sir, I had always suppos&l an abstraction to mean the assertion of a principle, without the necesaary power to enforce it. If the amendment had been adopted, it would have engaged the good faith of the Government to have complied with its spirit and its meaning. He says that it is too late to apply the Missouri Compromise line, for this would dismember California; that such u measure would defeul the admission of California, because it would unstale her. Hus he forgotten the universal practice of the Government to fix und alter boundaries on application of States for admission ? Has he forgotten that California, herself, in her application fbr admission, placed herself, at the discretion of Congress in this matter? He says that the Constitution wus unanimously adopted, although there was some opposition by those residing 111 South Curolinu. Mr. ASHE. Will my colleague give way ? Mr. VENABLE. Certainly. in- *?. i i ?r n, n mr. iTBUt, IICIC icuu ?, oiaicmcui . v* ? j j one of the Senators elect of Culifbrniu, in which he said, that in the convention the members who represented that portion of California which was south of 36? 30', preferred a territorial to a State government. Mr. VENABLE. I again refer to the astounding fact of how nice gentlemen are in their perceptions as to foregone conclusions and questions settled against the South, and how deaf they are to the voice of reason and of justice if the same or similar reasons sustain our claims. The Missouri compromise was considered by Mr. Clat as adjusting, once and forever, the line of settlement as to territory between the Northern and Southern sections of this Union. I refer to a speech delivered in 1837. Sir, a gentleman horn Illinois, [Mr. Baker,] when speaking of the possibility of disunion from the action of Congress^ asked, with a sneer, where would those who withdrew from the Union go? I will tell him that they win go nowhere, but stand by their firesides, their altars und their homes. They will not go where the gentleman came fYom?they are native born citizens of the South, who mean to occupy the land which belongs to them, and tuke oare of their own honor. They will never ask of those who would usurp the inheritance, or brand them with inequality, for a home or a refuge. In the language of a gentleman from Georgia in the early Iiart of this session, they would rather see this ovely land another Hungary, overwhelmed after honorable and gnllunt resistance, trodden down by the heel of power after u gallant struggle, than to be first cheated, then subjugated and dishonored. Sir, we have been charged with making threats?1 make none unless honestly declaring the consequences of an unjust policy be a threat. We have Eower to receive or reject California, to alter her oundaries, or to remand her to a territorial condition?to make conditions of admission, and, as we did with other States, wait until these conditions are complied with. The gentlemnn from rennsyivania, [ivir. iiiomhs<)v,j cannot nine mrgotten that lie voted last session for the alteration of the boundaries of Wisconsin. He withdrew the adniendment. Mr. BAKER renewed the amendment. 1 nm much more obliged, said he, to the gentleman for the courtesy which enabled me to renew the amendment, than for the remark* of the gentleman which were personal to myself. And little as 1 am in the habit of regarding these personalities, which do more to detract from, than they do to elevate the course of proceedings of this body, I may be allowed to'say one or two things in answer to what I suppose the honorable gentleman intended as a Aing at me, personally. It is my fortune, or misfortune, as he says, to have been born in another country ; but, sir, if experience has enabled me to determine anything, it has taught me to know the value of this Union, and I do not wish that it shall be broken up. And while the honorable gentleman says that he and his friends do not threaten, I beg leaveto say to him (hut they do threaten, and liuve threatened lYom beginning to end ; and threatened, too, with the worst sort of temper, indulging in all sorts of miserable personalities, that are unworthy to be permitted in debate here, or anywhere else. So far as the gentleman's personalities towards me are concerned?so far us the Aing that lie has thought proper to indulge in against me id concerned, 1 have only to say, that 1 do not feel it to be any disgrace to be born in a foreign country, nor do 1 conceive that it renders me less worthy to occupy the position that I do. 1 esteem it to be more to the praise, and honor, und credit of the people whom I represent, to say of them, that they ut least have discarded prejudices that are unworthy of them, as they ought to have been unworthy of the gentleman from North Carolina. But 1 tell the gentleman another th^g, if he means to intimate that it is so great a disgrace to have been born in a foreign country ; 1 tell him in return that I imagine the disgrace to be infinitely greater when a man desires to make one portion or his country foreign to another portion. Though born in a foreign land, I have, at least, done something to show my devotion to this, the country of my adoption; in which is the grave of my father, -the birth-place of my wife, the birthplace and the place of burial of my children. 1, at least, am not conscious that I ever entertuined a foreign wish, that I have ever attempted to alienate and divide those whom God has intended niiuuiu icniaiii iu^cuici iuioci , aim a uimrwu any other intention than to reply to the gentleman in the spirit and temper in which lie has referred to me. An honorable gentleman before me, asks me from what authority 1 speak of God's intention? The remark itself is irreverent. He says he wants to see the evidence. There is a record which, perhaps it would be well for the gentleman, and for all of us, to read with more attention. But, my purpose was merely to say that 1 do not regard the threats of gentlemen anout a dissolution of the Union as seriously deserving a reply. I repeat what I have suid on a former occasion, . gentlemen will find that their constituents are not in earnest, if they are themselves, about dissolu- ; lion; they do not represent one single fact truly, is it occurs in history. They do not vindicate its truth. I do not believe that Mr. Clay ever said that the Missouri line, at the time it was adopted, had reference to territories not then belonging to the United States. No gentleman will dare to say that such was Mr. Clay's assertion; and it would certainly not contribute much to the high esteem in which Ins sense and judgment is held if he had said so. Another word, in reply to the gentleman, nnd it is in relation to a material point in this discussion: we understand the Missouri compromise fine to apply to n'l the Territories, to be extended to the Pacific. Mr. Ci.ay never suid so; to attribute to him Such language is preposterous; he never could have intended to say so. It is thrown in as a make-weight; it is brought in to support that which is not reasonable in itself. He withdrew the amendment. Mr. MEADE renewed the amendment for the purpose of stating that he was inclined to accept the apology, if offered in honesty and sincerity, of those who stated that they had not voted for the amendment, because they did not wish to place their votes on the record in favor of a mere abstraction. But how is it that they are not now disposed to record their votes in favor of an abstraction? Have not Northern gentlemen, during the last five years, 011 every question touching slavery, introduced here by the ultras of the North, been found voting for all these propositions? And this they did, although they were well aware that no legislative act could grow out of it. This amendment merely recognised the right of a Territory to come in as a Slate with slavery, if she chose. He wished to know from the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. AsuMty,J and from the gentleman who lately occupied the chair of this House, [Mr. Winthrop.] He desired to hear from thein, whether, if California, or either of the new Territories, should hereafter offer herself for admission, with a clause admitting slavery, they would be ready to vote in favor of their application? If he could hear such a declaration from them, he would feel more disluwol to excuse the vole I liev In 11! mv?n 11 o wixlwil ?h to hear such a declaration. He wished to have a pledge that if any Territory should hereafter apply for admission among the Slates of lite Union, the fact of her bringing with her a constitution admitting slavery would not influence the North to refuse the application. 1 will pause for an answer. There was nothing objectionable in the proposition of the gentleman front Kentucky. If it was his object to obtain the real sentiments of the North, in order that we might all vote undenttandingly, the mode which he had adopted to do this, was a legitimate one. We desire to know distinctly whether the North | will or will not hereafter vote for the admission of States that admit slavery. The fact will govern our votes on all questions of compromise. Without such a declaration, no compromise ran be made. And if this vote be an index of Northern intentions, if it be indicative of a settled purpose, none should be made?the question is beyond the reach of adjustment. Mr. M. withdrew the amendment. Mr. STANTON, of Tennessee, renewed it. I belive, (he said,) that the amendment befbre the J ? ' committee tuterU that tit? Missouri (Compromise was adopted by the votes mainly of Northern Representatives, and that its spirit and design content- | Flated its extension to the Pacific ocean. When i said, yesterday, that if the States, having the < power in their own hands, had couie to the conclusion to exclude the South from a fttir participation in this territory, they would, by doing so, inevitably drive the Southern States from the Union. I maintain that I uttered 110 threat. 1 maintain that, by repeating the same declaration, as 1 now deliberately do, I utter no threat. What is the state of things? Northern statesmen assert the power so to construe the Constitution as to impose unjust and unequal restrictions upon half the States of the Union. Not only do they claim 1 the nower to irive this construction, but to enforce 1 it; and when we of the South say that such a course will drive us from the Union?from which we have a right to go?they tell us that they will send their Northern regiments upon us to enforce this construction, and hold together a Union which by the very act is abolished, because the Constitution itself is abolished. It hus been proclaimed at the other end of the Capitol, by one whose voice will never more be heard, that these principles converted the Government into one of the worst of despotisms. I maintain that this is true; and I maintain that all the threats which have ever been uttered here, have been uttered by those who assert the unconstitutional power of maintaining by force, a Confederacy which exists only by the will of the free sovereign States that compose it. The threatH come from those who tell us that they will send their regiments into the Southern States to enforce their construction of the Constitution. I have made no threats, I make none now. I simply warn the North of what I believe will be the inevitable consequences if they persist. It is a falsification of fact, it is a glaring misinterpretation of language, it is a false construction of words, to charge upon me, and upon those gentlemen who stand in the same position with me, thnt we threaten. If 'hat do we threuten? Simply that we will maintain our rights aguinst that force which you say you will send to destroy them. This is nothing more or less than the threat which every oppressed people, in all time, have made and carried out by their strong right arms, when they have resisted oppression, and poured out their blood in vindication of their rights. That is ull we threaten. We will stand upon the Constitution of the country?we will stand upon it to the last moment?we will stand upon it to the death, in spite of all the regiments which all the Stales of the North may urrny against us. I withdraw the amendment. Mr. TOOMBS renewed the amendment. He desired to occupy the five minutes allowed him in calling the attention of the committee nnd the country to the vote which had just been taken. He had long entertained and uniformly expressed the opinion, that the pretended support of the Northern Whig party to what is called the President's plan, was a fraud?thnt they did not and would not support And maintain the principles of that plan, even as unsatisfactory as it justly was 1 to the South. That plan proposes to admit Cnli- i fornia as a State and refrain mini legislation as to the rest of the Territories until the inhabitants were i sufficiently numerous and otherwise qualified to be admitted into the Union, and then to allow ' them to come in with or without slavery, ns they should decide for themselves. Yet we find the pretended supporters of the plan throughout the < whole Nortli and in this House, accoinpuny their professed adheience to it, with the declaration I that "no more slave States shall be admitted into the Union." They will take so much of it as gives thein California, and doubtless will take the rest of the country whenever it presents an antislavery Constitution, but they will not affirm that I they will take the States which may hereafter be I formed, if the inhabitants should choose to tol- i nfnlo Affiant) wlnvPrV Such in the uniform tenor and character of the i support which the President's plan receives from i its northern friends out of doors, and the vote just i liken refusing to give this right, is supported by every northern Whig in this House but the honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Bi'Ti.er.] The member from Boston, who a few days since, with fulsome adulation of the author, gave in his adhesion to the plan, to-day disavows by his vote this principle of the right of the people when prepared for admission into the Union to de- i cide upon their own domestic institutions. This i is the only sound principle in the "plan," and, i that is murdered in the House, and by the huuds of its pretended friends. 1 desire this fact to be noticed and marked by the people of the South, and by the author of tnc plan. 1 am not its supporter in any fbrm, but 1 desire it marked that those men of the JNorth who pretend to bo for it, are not ready to back it by their votes. Mr. T. withdrew the amendment. Mr. DUER renewed the amendment, and said : When the inference was first sought to be drawn from the vote referred to by the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Toombs,] that it was the intention of the North to deny the principle that the people of a territory, in establishing a constitution for their government as a State, have the right either i to establish or prohibit slavery, I sought to obtain i the floor for the purpose of repudiating ftir myself < any such inference. I have publicly declared myself willing to place the settlement of this question upon that principle. I have introduced a bill for that purpose. What 1 have said 1 stand to. 1 cannot speak for others; I speak for myself. What is the motive of my votes, none can know but myself. The inference of the gentleman from Georgia is, as respects myself, utterly unfounded. Sir, the question may be settled on that principle, i if the South will support it. i California seeks admission on that principle, and il may be applied to the residue of the Territories. But what ar? Southern gentlemen asking now? i The Missouri Compromise; the Missouri Com- i promise, which, by the amendment of the gentle- t man from Virginia, is defined to be an establish- t mentor recognition of slavery south of 36? 30'. i And whether so expressly declnrcd or not, this is i what all intend. Preliminary to the action of the < people, you demand the extension of slavery to I the territory. It is you who ask affirmative I legislation ? It is you who now, by your action, reject the application of this principle which you charge us with rejecting. But an amendment is i introduced, ingeniously adopted. It was not de- i signed to place a false construction upon the votes i or those in favor of the admission of California as a separate measure; and then the charge is made that the North denies the right of a State to regulate its own domestic institutions. You propose to dismember California, which has nrteil on this principle. Are you ready now to apply it to the rest of the Territory? 1 have not seen the evidence. The gentleman from Georgia should be more cautious in drawing bis inferences. Mr. TOOMBS. 1 draw my inference from the vote. It is a "legitimate inference. Mr. DUER. The vote! The vote admits of a very different construction. The construction as respects myself I know, and as respects others, 1 believe, is erroneous. If gentlemen desire to dis cover the truth, it is not difficult, in u not easy to see that we who desire the admission of California separately and at once, will vote against all aniendnientN embarrassing that measure? Does the gentleman from Georgia Nay that he docs not himself sometimes vote against propositions embodying wliat may abstractly be true, because he regards them as inappropriate? 1 venture the opinion that he has voted so fifty times since he hns been a member of the House. It is a matter of common and fitmiliar occurrence ho to vote. 1 repeat sir, that if the South desires a settlement on the principle I have stated, it may have it; and that it is the South, as we now dally see, that is demanding affirmative legislation designed to introduce slavery where it does not exist. Upon that principle there cannot be a settlement. He withdrew the amendment. Mr. WINTIIROP renewed the amendment. He dsired to nay, in the first place, that he had hitherto purposely abstained from Inking any part in the five minutes discussion, although there nad been more than one provocation ; and the' reason why he hud done so was that he had perceived, at the very outset, what appeared to him to be a determined purpose to protract the debate, merely with the view of consuming the time, until the Senate might act uj?oii the Compromise bill. It was possible that he was mistaken in the judgment that lie had thus formed ; but whether it i were so or not, he, for one, was not disposed to contribute, in the smallest degree, to any such purpose. He did not acknowledge the right of any member of that House to call him into the debate, and , still less was he dis|Mtse<l to admit that there was anything in the personal relations subsisting between the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Toomb*) nnd himself, which authorized that gentleman to indulge in speculations upon his purposes and views. He would only say, that if the gentleman from Georgia intended an insult to him, by using the word "fraud" in connection with his name, he should leave the imputation to recoil upon the gentleman himself. He had pursued, during his connection With the Congress of the United States, a period of about ten years, a policy that was clear in the sight of man and of God ; he had done nothing for the purpoae of evasion or equivocation. In regard to the present measure, he had long ago declared hia purpose*. If the amend- | ment, which had just been voted upon, had been phrased in precisely the opposite manner, he should have voted against it, just as he had now done. And he would vote against everything that ' was calculated or intended to encumber or eiubur- I rasa the bill for the admission of California. He ' had again and again declared his purpose to vote j Ibr the admission of California as an isolated . measure. He was in favor of her admission precisely in the condition in which she had presented herself. And he would therefore vote against every amendment, of whatever shape or kind it might be, that would have a tendency to embarrass or impede the passage of the bill under consideration. He cared not what the nature of the amendment might be, whether it was fbr slavery or ugainst it, wnether it was for the line of 36? 30' or against it, he would vote against every amendment that might he offered, that did not pertain directly and purely to the bill for the admission of California. This was his policy, and he had rio further fivnifliittfinnu fn irivT Hp u/lllwlrpu/ flit* t e..~. ...- , intendment. t Mr. HALL renewed the umendment, and said: i Mr. Chairman, in view of what lias been said e with reference to a vote just given by the corn- i mittee, I desire to offer a few remarks. I did not t rote for the amendment of the gentleman from < Kentucky. My''objections to thut amendment i were' twofold. In tne first pluce, I considered it t entirely unnecessary. The Missouri compromise, t in called, is before us. That compromise has ] ong since received a construction with which 1 ? tm satisfied. It has been fbr years past under- r itood as applying only to the Territories, and to 1 lave no application to the States formed out of the j rerrilories. It is true, the language of thut com- t promise prohibits sluvery forever in certain Terri- ^ lories; but, I repeat, that language has been settled lo apply only to the Territories as such. When- 1 ever, therefore, a State is admitted fVom a Terri- i Lory covered by the Missouri compromise, it J belongs to the people of such State to determine j the question of slavery for themselves. Now,' f sir, my constituents are in ftivor of the Missouri ' compromise. 1 am in favor of it, also; and I i mean to vote against all amendments calculated to j weaken or chnnge that measure, I care not by 1 whom Offered or by whom supjiorted. In the j next place, I understood the amendment of the < gentleman from Kentucky to intimate, that Con- | jress might have the right to exclude a State ? formed out of Territory north of 3(P 30', because < its constitution admits slavery. I cannot assent ' Lo any such proposition; and I will vote for noth- | ing which, by intendment, can be construed into < the admission of the right on the part of Congress i tj prescribe any other condition to a State coining ( into this Union, than that its constitution shall be ] republican. I care not whether a State is formed out of Territory north or south of a given line, the people thereof?and they alone?have the ; right to pass on the question of slavery for them- j selves. One word more, sir, and I will be done. It has been said that the people of California south of 36O30', are opposed to coming into the Union as u State.. I do not so understand the fhct. It is true, that the delegates in1 the California Convention from the section south of the line I have mentioned, expressed then salves in favor of a Territorial government; but when the question was submitted to the people, there were only twenty-one votes cast south of J IP JO' against the constitution. Mr. THOMPSON, of Mississippi. Was not the question submitted to the people merely whether they were in favor of the constitution or not ? Mr. HALL. Sir, the question submitted wits, , "Would the people come into the Union as a State, under the constitution prepared by the Cali- ( forma Conventionr" That was the question-, and . upon that question but twenty-one negative votes were cast south of 36? 30'. My authority for this statement, is a memorandum furnished me by i three of the Representatives of California, now in , this city. He withdrew the amendment. . Mr. TOOMBS renewed the amendment, and resumed. The gentleman from New York avows his readiness to support the principle affirming the right of the people of a Territory in forming a State constitution, to admit or reject slavery, and explains his vote against the amendment affirming that principle upon his opposition to all amendments to the California bill. Why this opposition? What reason is there for it' ft is in oruer. It has precedent in its ftivor. The Missouri Compromise was introduced as an amendment to the bill admitting Missouri into the Union; and there is no parliamentary or other sufficient reason for offering it at this time or in this place. Where would the gentleman have it' In what , form would he affirm the principle? Mr. DUER here explained that he had given notice of a bill allowing New Mexico to come | into the Union at once, and the rest of the Territory as soon as the population should be sufficient. Mr. T. resumed and said: Then you would , introduce the principle in a bill to admit New | Mexico, but not in a bill to admit California into , the Union. I am unable to see the reasons of its ( appropriateness in the one bill and not in the other, and I apprehend the principle will be hard ; to find. The member from Boston [Mr. Wintiirop) denies my right, from our relations, to call him to the floor. Call him to the floor! Whether h$ comes to the floor or not, is a matter wholly indifferent to me, but if he supposes that, because I thought him unfit to preside over this House, that therefore his speeches and public career here are exempt from my criticism nnd such comments as I may choose to make upon either, he is mistaken. As to his hypothetical remark about ] " hurling back insults, I find such remarks, from | such a source, difficult to reply to, especially as I , mike it a point not to quarrel here ; but if he is ( esponsible as a gentleman for what he utters as a nember of this House, and will drop his hypotho?is, and put down his hands as becomes a gentle- , nan, I shall then be relieved of all difficulty in the iase. But notwithstanding that member s usual laudation of his own openness and candor, he took his sent, leaving the point unsettled. He does not yet state, and 1 doubt if he can be brought to state, u-hofhor nr nnt ho U'nnlH vnlp to ndmil thn rosit of the territory as States into the Union, with constitutions protecting African slavery. The President's plan avows this principle ; the member professes to be for the plan ; but I do not believe that profession to be sincere, and I offer him the opportunity to speak out. As to the gentleman from New York, [Mr. Dorr,] if he waits until he gets a vote on his bill to let New Mexico into the Union befiire he affirms this great principle, he is not likely to be soon embarrassed by the question. No considerable portion of Congress or the country can seriously entertain the idea of admitting the population of New Mexico to the exercise of the rights of a sovereign State of this Union. The proposition is monstrous. (Mr. DUER. Did not the gentleman from Georgia vote to admit them into the Union at the a last session of Congress ? Mr. TOOMBS, (resuming.) No, sir; no sir. No such proposition ever was voted for in Congress that I jtnow of. If the gentleman alludes to the bill of the present Secretary of the Navy, of the last session, 1 have to sny, I did not vote for that bill, and 1 do not think, from the shape it assumed, and by the vote of the North, that it got any votes at all. I was in ftivor of the bill as introduced1 by its author, but it embraced all California, and upon a calculation then made which Croved to be correct, it was supposed there would e above a hundred thousand American citizens in the limits of the proposed State of California. Under the then circumstances of the country, as I have before said, I was in favor of its passage, and would support it again under the same circumstances. Hut, sir, the idea of admitted New Mexico, now, with her present population of Mexicans and mixed breeds, undoubtedly the most worthless nnd ignorant population on this continent, would be uiet with a spirit of derision all over the Republic. I cnnmit lw> induced hv nnv nower whatever to betray the rights of those I represent, by the adoption of any scheme of measures. I have never said upon tins floor what my constituents will or will not do. I have spoken only for myself. If tlfrir rights are ever surrendered thev must perform that work. The member from Illinois [Col. Bakkr) seems to have taken charge of Southern sentiment and opinion. He'nffects to know what the people of the South will do in every emergency. He seems to count upon their submission to his acts of oppression upon the principle that he can't see how they are to help themselves. It is not strange that he does not know how national rights may be defended and public, liberty preserved. But the descendants of the earlier emigrants IVom his country did find out in 1776 what is incomprehensible to him now. They affirmed and maintained the great principle that when governments failed to perform their duties, it Was the right and duty of the people to overthrow them and establish belter ones. This is the solvent of all tyrannies?the will to be free. He withdrew the amendment. Mr. BAKER. 1 do not suppose that such was the gentleman's purpose, nor did I so understand, him. I am not in tne habit of noticing personal and offensive allusions here, iff. V EN ABLE. That is all vary well, and nitside of this matter. Perhaps the gentleman is unified to much more credit for being an Ameri:nn citizen now than myself, us he ia from choice, ind I am bv birth hnd of necessity. But I am persuuded that L have aa many reasons connected tv nh the post, the present, una the future, to value :he Union as he has. He tells us that he has ione much service to the country, and alludes to liis achievements on the tented field and legislaive halls. I am not inclined to detract from tiia renown. He has served his country in eev;ral capacities. He was at the same time a :olonel in the army of operations against Mexico, ind occupied his seat on the floor of this House, ind military honors bloomed in the garland which mcircled his brow. When glittering in military sonunaad he occupied a seat in this House. The -ecord of this House und (lie reports of its comnittees disclose that he enjoyed both the honors i i .1 u:?i. u:_ U1U L'lUOlUlIieillB V1 liifniuuwun wiui.ii ma ov. ?.wo to eminently adorned. 1 have no purpose to dis>aruge hint or tiiem. It was only in reply to a weering question of the gentleman on yesterday, ut to where the South would go in case the presture of power above and against the Constitution endereu the connexion intolerable, that I made lie remark that we would stand by our homes and >ur possessions, and would not seek protection vhere die genileniun came* from. He speaks of hreats. Sir, they are not agreeable things, neither ire they very dignified iu those who make them. Elut gentlemen ought not to mistake complaints igainst injustice, or remonstrance against injurious purposes for threats. They should rememier that they are in u mujority, and that a maority cun do justice with dignity ^r can make oncessions without the loss of seif-respect. Not lo w'ith a minority. They must protest, they must resist, or else they are left to certain and nopeless degradation. The gentleman ought to remember ttiut his colleague tVom Illinois, [Mr. LIinhell,] spoke of the terrors which a feWregiinents from his own State would carry to the South in case of open resistance on our part. This wus hard enough to hear from him, but it was not less offensive when the gentleman himself, n a speech, endorsed the menace, as 1 understood' lint. I regret that unother gentleman from Illjtois [Mr. Harris] should have considered it ne:essury to have come to the rescue of his coleague, [Mr. Baker.] They were brother officers, uid it was, I suppose, a mere labor of love, as his colleague is surely able to take care of himself. The combination of two military chiefk against one poor civilian was fearful odds. The gentleman after sxalting the achievements of his colleague decided that diey would udorn the puge of history, when the tleeds, and even the names of such as could assail liim us I hud done would be forgotten. It may [here the hammer fell and Mr. Vknable was prevented from finishing the remarks which he bus now written out] but so, the gentleman has not improved iu my estimation us u prophet since the meeting of the Nashville Convention. He, in a speech which he bus given to the public, foretold that the members of that Convention would be met by the patriots of Nashville with tar and feathers, and a due protion of stale eggs. As his foresight has been at fault here, he will excuse me for distrusting it in future. Whilst 1 doubt not that the civil und military renown of all three of the gentlemen from Illinois will go down to posterity fresh and fair, I have no doubt that the humble civilian who enters Imm i-liiim fur the' rifhts of those whose interests he repiesents?who will assert those claims in the face of a majority?who will demand the protection of the Constitution and its guarantees, even though the honest avowal of the consequences be called menace, and tnay excite ridicule Prom some heroic men?will receive some consolation in the approbation of his own conscience, and the same sure appreciation of his services by those to whom he is responsible. The gentleman [Mr. Rakkr] denies that Mr. Ci.ay had said that the Missouri compromise ought to be regarded as a desirable division of territory between the North and the South. I give his own wordH on the admission of Florida, in his speech, 11 1H37: "By the compromise which took place on the passage of the act for the admission of Missouri into the Union in the year 1890, it was agreed and understooih.that the line of 36? 30'of north latitude diould mark the boundury between the Free Suites itid the Slave States to be created in the territories }f the United States ceded by the treaty of Louisima. * * * But Florida is south of that line, mid, consequently, according to the qpirit of the understanding which prevailed at the period alluded to, should be a Slave State. It may be true that the compromise does not in terms embrace Florida, und that it is not ebsolutely binding and obligatory; but all candid and impartial men must agrta that it ought not to be disregarded." The committee can judge who is in error, the gentleman or myself. Mr. V. withdrew the amendment. Mr. McCLERNAND renewed the amendment, Etnd said that sir.ee the different constructions had been placed on the vote rejecting the amendment offered bv the gentleman from Kentucky, it was ilue to Mr. McC. that lie should offer a brief explanation. He hud voted for the amendment upon obvious grounds?because he believed that it belonged to the States exclusively to fix the character of their municipal institutions?whether admitting or excluding slavery?and, after having done so, Congress could only constitutionally inquire whether the Suite applying for admission into the Union had a republican form of government, and if so, she was entitled to admission. Upon this principle, of course, he could have no objection to the umendment offered by the gentleman from Kentucky, which only proposed to leave it to the people of the territories of the Uni:ed States south of 3(P 3b' to come into the Union with or without slavery, as they might decide by :heir State organizations. He*withdrew the amendment. On motion by Mr. STRONG, the committee then rose, And the House adjourned. The United States and Spain. Notwithstanding the contrary reports of the various letter-writers and newsmongers about this city, which we see published in the Eastern papers within the last day or two, we lenrn, with, much gratification, that there is nothing in the aspect of affairs between this Government and that of Spain to warrant the apprehension of a rupture between them at this tune. The Cuba expedition has heen a god-send to these letterwriters, in the dearth of other and more interesting information, and they have made the most of it. Vague rumors are often seized upon by these gentlemen, in the streets and hotels in this city, and he is generally considered but a sorry correspondent who cannot occasionally communicate something more novel and exciting than his <;ontempornr.es. A story will start from Willard's Hotel, at one end or the avsuue, and, before it arrives at the National, it will Leat the " three black crows." The government has no knowledge of any torture or death inflicted upon the Contoy prisoners, as reported in letters thus despatched from this city, and we trust that in a few days the communications with Cuba will put an emtio the minors. Pni u-hnt next' Whv. in less than a week after the present alarming apprehensions have been quieted, something else will be seized upon for letter-writing capital, and to satisfy the demand for fresh excitement. But, to address ourselves more directly to the alarming statements transmitted from this city in Washington correspondence during the last week, we feel authorized to say, that, from the just and amicable temper of the S(>anisli Minister near this Government, and the prudent advice whhh it may be presumed that he has given to the younger and probably more impulsive Governor-General of Cuba?as well as from the unequivocal language addressed to him by our Secretary of State, through our Consul, Gen. Campbell?there is no reason to anticipate any harm to the men who embarked from the island of Contoy, and were captured by the Spanish cruisers and carried into Havana. These men (though the Creole marauders were recruitedJTn part from among them) committed no act of Qostility agaiitst Cuba, nor is there any sufficient proof that they designed any, but the contrary ;..tind, therefore, though they bad sailed from a foreign jnirl, ami not from the United States, when they were captured, yet, being known to be in part at least American citizens, it is the duty of our Government to extend its protection to them, and avert.or punish any barm to Jife or limb. . The Spaniards of Culm have, it is true, reason to (Vel deeply aggrieved. A lawless hiyiditti has lunded on tbeir peaceful shores in the dead of night, burnt their houses, murdered their people, and escaped by hasty flight to the United States ; and, had they captured and executed every one of the invaders, no one could have justly Complnined. But, in their indignation against these violators of law and hunufluty, the Cubans must take rare not1 to confound the innocent with the guilty, and bring down on their own heads the penalty of offended justice.??\<rlionnl Intelligencer. Lady Franklin is getung a vessel fitted out at her own expense, at Aberdeen, to proceed ^ Regent's Inlet, and make starches there, ^ ci \ ' / ' Voice of the South. The following extracts from lending paper* i in Virginia, Mississippi, and South Carolina, indicate te-y plainly the opinion of the South: 1 From the Mimieuppmn, Jackson. Mr. Clay, when he spoke in favor of the Compromise limits, said that at one time a majority of the committee were in favor of runnings line through California at 35 degrees 30 minutes. This is an important fact. Why then refuse to run a line ? The North and South have already a Compromise line between them, and are willing to stand by it, and to see this question of Southern firrlitu mmii if If ncioc ia ftiA nliiAi't "v,u,u i?? ? ?J? of the North, it must be sought for by the observance of justice and fair dealing. The line of 36 degrees 30 'minutes would not by any means give us a fair share of California; but we are willing to accede to it on the ground of sustaining the faith we have plighted. At the same time, the security of our property requires tin t a line should be extended to the Pacific; most especially, when it is true that slave labor in California is profitable to us, and opens up a field far more lucrative than the richest slave State in the Union. The value of California to the South must be immense in amount. There is room for the labor of at least hall a million of slaves, valuing the labor 6f each at only five dollars per day in the digging and mining~>of gold and other metals?here would be an annual revenue of $750,000,000! It is anjynount which surprises us, and almost staggers belief; but if the accounts of Mr. King are to be relied on, there can be no doubt of its truth. Yet here is but one element of slave labor, In the necessity for irrigating the soil, another pursuit presents itself, where slaves must be employed, and no planter in California can do without servile laborers to perform the work incident to planting. The dry season prevails in Mexico and gives rise to the existence of peons, who form a class much inferior in condition to our slaves. In a rich mining country, agriculture will pay a splendid profit, and the South would doubtless share largely in it, should we be protected in our property. We ask, then, if we can regard a bill as a Compromise which proposes to give up the whole of this valuable country to the Noith? when it is clear, both from our character as equal S'ates in the Confederacy, and in view of a solemn compact of Compromise hereto!ore entered into, that we have a right to the tjrritorv, to the same extent as the North. The fact is simply this?we want a part of California, the North desires the whole of it, and the Compromise the latter offers us is that the North shall have the whole of it! It "s clear then, that if concessions must be made on both sides, in order to make a Compromise, that so far as relates to the erection of a State government in California, there is nnfhinfv in fliio Kill frt Dnf lfln if tn fKo VI O IY1 C* IIWUIIII^ ill lino uiu V\' vuvutw <v lu VUV iiuinv of Compromise. From the Charleston Mercury. The Nashville Convention. The leading results of the session of the Convention were published in our telegraphic despatches yesterday. The position taken has given the highest satisfaction to all with whom we have conversed, and has indeed caused lively emotions of joy. The platform is plain and intelligible. The people of the Soulh know what is proposed by this division of the territory in accordance with an old line, rendered famous by the magnitude of the controversies which it has settled in past ti:: . On the admission of Missouri, it was enrcted that thenceforth slavery should be excluded from all territory lying to the Northward of her Southern boundary, which is the line of 36 degrees 30 minutes, north latitude. When Texas was annexed, it was stipulated that any States formed out of her territory to the north of this line, should be Free States. The Nashville Convention proposes that thfe South shall assent to the extension of this dividing line through New Mexico and California to the Pacific ocean, with a distinct recognition by Congress of our right to colonize the country south of it. There is a simplicity in this proposition that commends it at once to favor. There is a moderation in it that shows the Convention was nroved by no desire to aggravate the existing controversy^ by no ambition to make a sensation by startling novelties.? They appeal to the past, and, i.otwithstanding the great provocation to take a position i f mere defiance, in reply to the aggressive action of the North, they have chosen to leave ample room for reconciliation, and to exhibit a spirit as forbearing as it is firm. Another point of great importance, is the extent to which the Southern States were represented in this Convention* When the amount of influence brought to bear against it is considered, its assemblage in such force, is an immense popular triumph. Its purposes were belied with a consistent and persevering impudence that showed a determination to try the extremest efficacy of falsehood. Then Mr. Clay's scheme ol deception and evasion was brought forward, and another sort of lying resorted to for the same purpose ?consisting in infinite assertions that1 the Southern people were delighted with this scheme, and would suppoit it with great unanimity. As the crowning falsehood, it was circulated throughout the States that the Convention was dead?dhat there would be n> meeting?that at the utmost, only Mississippi and South Carolina would be represented there, and consequently the project would simply involve in ridicule all.who attended. This was put in circulation just bt? ? *1- ? irl\An f K t* ro nr o c rv At 1UIC lIIC IIIIIC UI IIIUCUll^) V1 lltll mtiu **uo uvt opportunity for effectively exposing it, and some delegates were kept back by such means, among the rest those from Louisiana. It has been the fortune of the Convention to fix the proper maik ufftm all the lies and slande.s of which it has i>een the topic; first by assembling with delegations from nine States; and secondly, by the dignity, moderation, firmness, and authority of all its proceedings. it has vindicated the South without aiming any blow at the Union. It has dealt honestly with the questions that.district the country; it has proposed a bi.sis of settlement that is at or.ce moderate and eflectual; that is neither an evasion, nor a fraud, I nor a riddle. It proposes to divide the teri ritory in dispute, between the two sections, fiving to the North much the larger part, ut reserving something definitely and surely to the South; and this division is on a line which is conseciated by history as a dividing line between the North and South. Another point of great fmpoitance is, that the Convention went through its delibera-' tions in the best temper, and came to its mighty conclusions with entire unanimity.? It was a body of men of high talent; all the common causes tha' distract men representing a wide and diversified country were in I operation there, aud the member a were, with rare exceptions, strangers to each other. A week's deliberation brought all these diverse elements into perfect harmony, and the decisions were approved unanimously. There is, then, in the cause of the South, a basis on which all her sons can meet as brothers, and the Convention has proved this. If it. had done nothing else, its session would be memorable. The South can now meet in council, with a precedent full of assurance and trust in herself; in. the wisdom and discretion of her statesmen, and in the essential unity and mutual confidence of her people. 1 hese aie among* the considerations that mark the Convention at Nashville as one of the great events of our times. From the Lynchburg V*. Republican. The Washington Union insists that the Missouri Compromise stands net the slightest chance of success?that it is idle to talk about it?that it would not obtain more than five or six v.tes from the non-slaveholding States. Now, conceding this to be the case, we would respectfully ask why is it so? Is it not'mainly attributable to the extraordinary fact that rome prominent S uthern men? men high in the confidence of the country, and distinguished alike for their long and important public set vices, have in an evil hour, voluntarily abandoned the Missouri Compromise?that great measure of amity and peace, which had been for more than a quarter of a century regarded as sacred by the whole country, and from which the entire South has been pledged a thousand times and in a thousand different ways in no wise to recede? Under such circumstances, it is not surprising that the Missouri Compromise should be greatly weakened, and its permanent extension across the continent to the Pacific rendered impracticable. When Mr. Clat, the father of the measure, a Southern man and a slaveholder to boot, voluntarily comes forward, and with parracidal hand, strives to strangle his offspring, seconded in the attempt by General Foote, another distinguished Southern man and slaveholder, and last though not least, the venerable Editor of the Union himself, who has been for^orty years the fearless and indomitable champion of the rights of the States and the equality of the States, is it maryellons that not more than "/re or six" members fiom the non-slaveholding States can be found to do it reverence? The wonder is that any at all should he found?for if such prominent Southern men as we have mentioned, do not insist upon the observance of a most sacred compact, entered into at a most inomentou3 period and under most perilous circumstances how can we expect Northern a 1 !! ? *' * t* men 10 oe wining 10 oDserve it t now can we expect the North voluntarily to grant us more than we have the nerve to require, or even ask? With all due respect, we must he permitted to say, that in our humble opinion, the present course ol Mr. Clay, Gen. Foote, and the Washington .Union, has done more to weaken the Missouri Compromise, and render its adoption impracticable, than the efforts of every man, woman, and child north of the Fotomac! Indeed, we verily believe that all that is necessary to secure it3 adoption even at this late hour, would be for these distinguished Southerners to throw the weight of their powerful influence in its favor and insist uncompromisingly upon its adoption. In that event the South would present a UNITED FRONT, and who can doubt that her voice would be potential in securing "justice?all that she asks?and restoring peace and quiet to our now distracted country. * Trial of General Lopez.?The New Orleans papers of the 6th instant furnish accounts of the examination of General Lopez, and his being held to bail in the sum of $3,000, from day to day, to appear before a United States Commissioner for trial. After being bo;ind over, the crowd followed him to the St. Charles Hotel, and after repeated cheering, he came forward and made a speech, in which he gave the people to understand that he might be branded as a pirate and a robber for espousing the cause of freedom, but he was willing to bear the opprobrium, and that it should not dishearton kim Af* mol-o k lm dooarf kid oomoa lja *- ? nun wi iiiuiw iiiiii uvou i v iiio vqusc. |1C was also serenaded the same hight, the band being accompanied by a large concourse ot citizens, who continued cheering until the General again came forward and addressed them. Later from the Isthmus. ARRIVAL OF TIIF. STEAMSHIP EMPIRE CITT. The steamship Empire City, Capt. Wilson, arrived at New York on Saturday morning. She left Chagres on the 5th, and Kingston, Jamacia, on the 9th instant* There had been no further disturbance at Panama. Peace and order seem to have been completely restored. There had been no arrivals from Son Francisco since our previous advices. The arrival of the steamers Sarah Sands and Isthmus was anxiously expected. Captain Bowman, returning from San Francisco, was robbed on the 24th ult., between Panama and Cruces, of about $7,000 in gold dust and coin; his trunk was broken open and that amount alstracted therefrom, by the negro in charge of the mule to which the trunk was lashed. A portion of the treasure had been recovered. On the same day, and by one of the same party, Mr. Marsh, of New York, who was returning in company with Mr. B., was also robbed of $1,000, $500 of which had been recovered. The steamship Tennessee, Cant. Cole, sailed from Panama for San Francisco,With about 450 passengers, on the 30th ult. The California, Capt. Budd, was to sail from the snme port, with her usual complement of passengers, on the 1st inst., and the British bark Sarah, with about 220 passengers, on the 2d. These vessels tnkfe away not less than 1,000 persons from Panama. The number of sailing vessels in the port of Panama was comparatively small, and rates of passage, in consequence, were high. The King ston and Kirk wood were the only American vessels in port. The railroad commissioners are going to build a plank road before making a railroad. A gang of Americans is said to be established on the road from Chagres to Cruces, for highway robbery. Several robberies have been committed lately. The passengers on the brig Nathan Hale, hefbre reported lost, arrived safely at Chagres on the I 27th ult. The American brig Imperial, Capt. Benman, of Norfolk,?from Savanna la Mvy*.Jamaica, fbr New York, with a cargo of ruin, ctofiee and logwood?was wrecked on one of the Gardenelles, Keys, 15 miles east of the Isle of Pine. Part of the cargo was saved and taken to Grand Cayman, the other sold. The captain, crew, and passengers sailed for Key West. A letter from Panama to the New York Journal of Commerce, dated May 28, says: " I have to notify you of the death in this city, on the 25th inst., ol Michael Carmody, of Oswego, N. Y., aged .'10 years, of fever. He married the day before he left home. This makes three Americans who died here in one day, viz: Zehulon J. Brewster, of Wellsborough, Pa., James Gordon, of Vergennes, Vt., and Mr. Carmody." Sentenced.?Joseph C. Ashley, concerned in the torpedo case, was on Friday sentenced, at New York, to six years in the State prieon, ft>r forgery.