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I El!wood Fisher A Edwiu lie JLeou.
I TERMS. IpAIET, - . *10 00 wweekly, . - - 5 00 wiiEELY, 2 00 Sutacripuw ^yahdw# Uvmnce. Aa, Kuu procuring five aubacnbeM shall receive one copy gratis. AllTctters to the Editors to be PoOT-fAlD. r HINTED BT O. A. SAOE. OrriCE, I'ennsylvanii Avenue south side, between 3?1 and 4i streets. I Address to the People or the Southern I States. I At a large meeting of Southern members I of both Houses of Congress, held at the CapI itol on the evening of the 7th ultimo, the I Hon. Hopkins L. Tuhnky, of Tennessee, having been appointed Chairman at a pre vious meeting, took the Chair; and, on motion lot the Hon. David Hubbard, of Alabama, I the Hon. William J, Alston, of Alabama, I was appointed Secretary. I Whereupon, the Hon. A. P. Butler, of I South Carolina, from the committee appointI ed at a preliminary meeting, reported an AdI dress to the Southern people, recommending I the establishment, at Washington City, of a I newspaper, to be davoted to tne support and I defence of Southern interests; which was I read, and with some slight modifications. wm jro * ' r ^-JT' W ' '#' ,'p? ,$r ';. W" THE SOUTHERN PRESS. DAIL15. Vol. 1. Washington, Saturday, July 6, 1850. Mo. 17. 1 ' I | " I. 1 I . . I I I ..' ? t .. I M U .1 f V r?T adopted. The following resolution was offered bv the Hon. Thomas L. Clingman, of Nortli Carolina, and unanimously adopted by the meeting. Resolved, unanimously, Tl*?t the committee, in pahlilhing the instructed to pre' with it the nauies of the Senator* and Representative* in Cungrcsa who concur in the proposition to establish the Southern Organ, as manifested by their sobscriptioM to the several copies of the plan in circulation, or who may hereafter authorise said committee to include their names. Maryland.?Senator: Thomas G. Pratt. Virginia.?Senators: R. M. T. Hunter, J; M. Mason. Representatives: J. A. Seddon, Thos. H. Averett, Paulus Powell, R. K. Meade, Alex. R. Holladay, Thos S. Bocock, H. A. Edmundson, Jeremiah Morton. North Carolina.?Senator.; Willie P. Mangum. Representatives: T. L. Clingman, A. W. Venable, \V. S. Ashe. South Carolina.?Senators: A P But-" ler, F. H. Elmore. Representatives: John McQueen, Joseph A. Woodward, Daniel Wallace, Wm. F. Colcock, James L. Orr, Armistead Burt, Isaac E. Holmes. Georgia.?Senators: John McP. Berrien, William C. Dawson. Representatives: Jo seph W. Jackson, Alex. H. Stephens, Rob! art Tnnmh*. H. A. Haralson. Allen F. TOwen." ' | Alabama.?Senator: Jeremiah Clemens. Representatives: David Hubbard, F. W. Bowdon, S. W. Inge, W. J. Alston, S. W. Harris. Mississippi.?Senator. Jefferson Davis. Representatives: W. S Featherston, Jacob Thompson, A. G. Brown, W. VV. McWillie. Louisiana.?Senators: S. U. Downs, Pierre Soule. Representatives: J. H. Harmanson, Emile La Sere, Isaac E. Morse. Arkansas.?Senators: Solon Borland, W. Sebastian. Representative: William R. Johnson. Texas.?Representatives: Vol. E. Howard, D. S. Kaufman. ' Missouri.?Senator: D. -JR.. Atchison. Representative: James S. Green. Kentucky.?Representatives: R. H. Stanton, James L. Johnson. Tennessee.?Senator: Hopkins L. Turney. Representatives: James H. Thomas, Frederick P. Stanton, C. H. Williams, John H. Savage. Florida.?Senators: Jackson Morton, D. L. Yulee. Representative: E. Carrington Cabell. And upon motion, the meeting adjourned. HOPKINS L. TURNEY, Chairman. Attest : . Wm J. Alston, Secretary. THE ADDRESS The. committee to which was rejerred the Alii ni nrenarina an Address to the Veo ?"7 -I r--j ^ _ . pie of the slaveholding Stales upon the subject of a Southern Organ, to be established in the City of Washington, put forth the following: Fellow-citizens : A number of Senators and Representatives in Congress from the Southern States of the Confederacy deeply impressed with a sense of the dangers which beset those States, have considered carefully our means of self-defence within the Union and the Constitution, and have come to the conclusion that it is highly important to establish in this city a paper, which, without reference to political party, shall be devoted to the rights and interests of the South, so far as they are involved iu the questions growing out of African slavery. To establish and maintain such a paper, your support is necessary, and accordingly we address you on the subject. In the contest now going on, the constitutional equality of fifteen States is put in question. Some sixteen hundred millions worth of negro property is involved directly, and indirectly, though not less surely, an incalculable amount of property in other forms. But to say this is to state less than half the doom that hangs over you. Your social forms and institutions?which separate the European and the African races into distinct classes, and assign to each a different sphere in society?are threatened with overthrow Whether the negro is to occupy the same social rank with the white man, and enjoy equally the rights, privileges, and immunities of citizenship?in short, all the honors and dignities of society?is a question ol greater moment than any mere question ol property can be. Sucn is the contest now going on?a contest in which public opinion, if not the prevailing, is destined to be a most prominent force ; and yet, no organ of the united inter ests of those assailed has as yet been established, nor does there exis". any paper which can be the common medium for . an interchange of opinions amongst the Southern States. PuDlic opinion, as it has been formed and directed by the combined influence of interest and prejudice, is the force which has been most potent against us in the war now going on against the institution of negro slavery; and yet we have taken no effectual means to make and maintain that issue with it upon which our safety and perhaps our social existence depends. Whoever will look to the history of this question, and to the circumstances under which we are now placed, mnst see that our position is one of imminent danger, and one to be defended by all the means, moral and political, of which we can avail ourselves in the present emergency, i he warfare against African slavery commenced, as is known, with Great Britain, who, after having contributed mainly to i?s establishment in the New World, devoted her most earnest efforts, for purposes not yet fully explained, to its abolition in America. How wisely this was done, so far as her own colonies were concerned, time has determined; and all comment upon this subject on our part would be entirely superfluous. 11, however, her purpose was to reach and embarrass us on tbis subject, her efforts have not been without success. A common origin a common language, have made the English literature ours to a great extent, and tbe efforts of the British Government and people to mould the public opinion of all who speak the English language, have not beeir vain or fruitless. On the contrary, they have been deeply .felt wherever the English language is spoken; and the more efficient and dangerous, because, a3 yet, tire South has taken no steps to appear and plead at the bar of werld; hefom wiieh she has been summoned, and by whlcfTshe * has been tried already without a hearing. Secured by constitutional guaran.ies, and independent of all tbe world, so far as its domestic institutions were concerned, the South has reposed under the concieusness oi rignt ana independence, ana iorenorne 10 plead at a baf which she knew had no jurisdiction over this particular subject. In this we have been theoretically right, but practically we have made a great mistake. All means, political, diplomatic, and literary, have been used to concentrate the public opinion,'not only of the world at large, but of our own country, against us; and resting upon the undoubted truth that our domestic institutions were the-subjects of no Government but our own local Governments, and concerned no one but ourselves, we have been passive under these assaults, until danger menaces us from every quarter. A great party has grown up, and is increasing in the United States, which seems to think it a duly they owe to earth and heaven to ; make war on a domestic- institution upon ! which are staked our property, our social ; organization, and our peace and safety. 1 Sectional feelings have been invoked, and. 1 those who wield the power of this Government have been tempted almost, if not quite, ' beyond their power of resistance, to wage a 1 war against our property, our rights, and 1 our social system, which, if successfully ' prosecuted, must end in our destruction. Every inducement?the love of power, the i desire to accomplish what are, with less 1 friifk fkon nlnnaiktlifv collar) ( all are offered to tempt them to press upon those who are represented, and, in fact, seem to be an easy.preyto the spoiler. Our eqality under the Constitution is, in effect, denied; our social institutions are derided and- contertmed, and ourselves treated with contumely and scorn through all the avennes which have as yet been opened to the public opinion of the world. That these assaults should have had their effect is not surprising, when we remember that, as yet, we have offered no organized resistance to them, and opposed but Tittle, except the isolated efforts of members of Congress, who have occasionally raised their voices against what they believe to be wrongs and injustice. It is time that we should meet and maintain an issue, in which we find ourselves involved by those who make war upon us in regard to every interest that is peculiar to us, and which is not enjoyed in common with them, however guarantied by solemn compact, and no matter how vitally involving our prosperity, happiness, and safety. It is time that we should take measures to defend ourselves against assaults which can end w> nothing short of our destruction, if we oppose no resistance to them. Owing to accidental circumstances, and a want of knowledge of the true condition of things in the Southern States, the larger portion of the press and of the political literature of the wotld has been directed against us. Tbe moral power of public opinion carries political strength along with it, and if against us, we must wrestle with it or fall If aa fitmlo hpllPVft. triltli is with us, there is nothing to discourage us in such an effort. The eventual strength of an opinion is to be measured, not by the number who may chance to entertain it, but by the truth which sustains it We beljeve?rnay, we know, that truth is with us, and therefore we should not shrink from the contest. We have too much staked upon it to shrink or to tremble?a firoperty interest,-in all its forms, ofincalcuable amount and value ; the social organization, the equality, the liberty, nay, the existence of fourteen or fifteen1 States of the Confederacy?all rest upon the result of the struggle in which we are engaged. We must maintain the equality of our political position in the Union ; we must maintain the dig. ity and respectahil.ty of our social position before the world; and must maintain ancj secure our liberty and rights, so far as our united efforts can protect theft); and, if possible, we must effect all this' within-the pale of the Union, and by means known to the Constitution. The union of the South upon these vital interests is necessary, not only for the sake of the South, but perhaps for the sake of the Union. We have great interests exposed to the assaults, not only ol the world at large, but of those who, constituting a majority, wield the power of our autm Wo miief < 1 fV?n11 those interests by all legitimate means, or else periifi either in or without tbe effort. To nuke successful defence, we must unite with each other upon one vital question, ami make the most of our political strength. We must do more?we must go beyond our entrenchments, and meet even the more distant and indirect, but by no means harmless assaults, which are directed against us. We,' too, can appeal to public opinion. Our assailant, act upon theory, to their theory we can oppose experience. They reason upon on imaghnry state of things to, this we may oppose truth and actual knowledge. To do this, however, we too must open up avenues to the public mind ; we, too, must have an organ through which we can appeal to the world, and commune with each other. The MMBBI wai.t ol such an organ, heretofore, has been perhaps one of the leading causes of our present condition. There is no paper at the Seat of Government through which we can. hear or he heard fairly and truly by the country. There is a paper here which makes the abolition of slavery its main and paramount end. - There are other papers here which make the maintenance oi political parties their supreme and controlling object, but none which consider the preservation of sixteen hundred millions of property, the equality and liberty ol tourteen or fifteen States, the protection of the white man against African equality, as paramount over, or even equal to, the maintennance of some political organization which is to secure a President, who is an object of interest not because he will certaiqly rule, or perhaps ruin the Sbuth, but chiefly for the reason that he will possess and bestow office and spoils. The South has a peculiar position, and her important rights and interests are objects of continual assault from the maje^jftRi ?ttd the party press, dependent as it Wflpon that majority lor its means of living, will always be found laboring to excuse the assailants, and to paralyze all efforts at resistance. How is it now? The abolitiou party can.always be heard through its press at the Seat of Government, but through what organ or press at Washington can Southern men communicate with the world, or with each other, upon their own peculiar interests? So far from writing, or permitting anything to be written, which is calculated to defend the rights of the South, or state its case, the papers here are engaged in lulling the South into a false security, and in manufacturing there an artificial public sentiment, suitable for some Presidential platform, though at the expense of Any and every interest you may possess, no matter how dear or now vital and momentous. This state of things results from party obligations and a regard to party success. And they but subserve the ends of their establishment in consulting their own interests, and the advancement of the party to which tbey are pledged. Yoa cannot look to them as sentinels over interests that are repugnant to the feelings of the majority of the selfsustaining party. In the Fedetal Legislature the South has jome voice and some votes; but over the public press, as it now stands at the Seat of Government, the North has a controlling influence. The press of this city takes its tone from that of the North. Even our Southern press is subjected, more or less, to the same influence. Our public men, yes, our southern men, owe their public standing and reputation too often to the commendation and praise of the Northern press. Southern newspapers republish from their respective party organs in tbis city, and in so doing, reproduce?unconscious, doubtless, in i _r it _ it -i i? inusi instances, 01 me wrong mey ao?me northern opinion in regard to public men and measures. How dangerous such a state of things must be to the fidelity ol your representatives it is needless to say! They are but men, and it would be unwise to suppose that tbey are beyond the reach of temptations wnich influence the rest'of mankind. Fellow-citizens, it rests with ourselves to alter this state ot things, so far as the South is concerned. We have vast interests, which we*are bound, by many considerations, to defend with allthe moral and political means in our power. One of the first steps to this great end is to establish a. Southern Organ here, a paper through which we may commune with one another and the world jt large. We do not propose to meddle with political parties as they now exist; we wish to enlist every southern man in a southern cause, and in defence of southern rights, be fie Whig or be he Democrat. We do not propose to disturb him, or to shake him in his party relations. All that we ask is, that be shall consider the constitutional rights of the South, which are involved in the great abolitipn movement, as paramount to all party and all other political considerations. And surely the time has come when all southern men should unite for the purpose of self-defence. Our relative power in the Legislature of the Union is diminishing with every census; the dangers which menace us a,re daily becoming greater; and, the chief instrument in the assaults upon us is the public press, over which,owing to.our supineness, the North exercises a controlling influence. So far as the South is concerned, we can change and reverse this state of things. It is not to beJoorne, that public sentiment at the South should be stifled or controlled by the party press.. Let us have a press of our own, as the North has, both here and at home?a press which shall be devoted to Southern rights, and animated by Southern feeling; which shall look not to the North but the South for the tone which is to pervade it. Claiming our share of power in Federal Legislation, let us also claim our share of influence in the press of the country. Let us organize in every Southern town and county, so as .to send this paper into every House in the land, j Let us take, too, all the means necessary to ' maintain the paper by subscription, so as to increase its circulation, and promtc the i ~r i ?.+ 9|muuu vi niiumcu^t aim muih. xji/b cicij portion of the-South furnish its full quota of talent an?l money to sustain ;i paper which ought lobe supported by all, because it will b? devoted to the interest of every Southern man. it will be the earnest effort .of the committee who uio charged with these arrangements, to procure editor# of high talent and standing; and they will also see that the paper is conducted without opposition, and without rrjercnce to the political parties of the day. With these assurances, we feel justified in calling upon you, the people of the Southern States?to moke the necessary efforts to establish and maintain the propofed paper. A. P. BUTLER, JACKSON MORTON, R. TOOMB8, J. THOMPSON. Courtship.?Tbe'plaiu English of the politest address of a gentleman to a lady is? I am m w, dear madam, the humblest of your sereants?be so good as to allow me to be yoar lord and master. SPEECH OF Hon. ISAAC E MOJtSS. of Louisiana, On the President's Message, in relation *9 California: in the House of Representatives, March 14, 1850. In Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, on the President's Message transmitting the Constitution of Calfornia: Mr. MOUSE said: Mr. Chairman: The importance of the question under consideration will be the only apology %1 shall olfer for asking a share of the attention of the committee. The debate which has been going on for some time in this body and the Senate, has leit little for those who follow, but the gleanings ot a held once as rich as the mines of that California whose admission into our Union is the subject of the Executive message now lying upon our table. May our acquisitions in that auarter not prove like the (abled fruit of the East, beautiful to the eye, but ashea to the taste. The whole history of this California question has more the appearance of ilr romance than of truth, and it is only from fable or fiction that we can draw any parallel. Where, but in the mythological story of Minerva, springing armed from the head of Jove himselt, do we find anything to illustrate her present position??a sovereign State as large as the old u thirteen," with nine hundred miles of seacost, her two Senators, aud two Representatives to this branch, with their constitution in their hands, stepping from the brain ot a brigadier-general of the United States army, into this Union of con federated sovereignties. Had you but provided her with the decent veil of a s lort territorial government at the last session of Congress, I see nothing that would have prevented her from being admitted under the operation, of your w previous question;" but when it has been so often, and so solemnly announced upon this floor, and by the resolutions of a large number oi Slate Legislatures, as the settled and avowed policy, that henceforth and forever, from now to eternity, no other slave territory shall be incorporated into this Union, the question assumes an air of grave importance, and it becomes every statesman to bolt narrowly and carefully into it, and to see whether, if that .be the settled policy, as avowed by soxe gentlemen, boldly, manfully, and honestly, and entertained by nearly every Representative from the States north of. Mason and Dixon's line, it does not become the duty of the people of the South to see bow far their interests are endangered and their principles compromited, under this modem reckless and majority interpretation of the Constitution. I am not of that class of men who desire to put off until to-morrow the business of to-day. I propose, then, sir, briefly to examine the " signs of the times;" what is the present feeling North and South; and whether the South are guilty of aggression upon the rights of the North, or whej ther the North has or has not encroached upon the South?to look upon the remedy proposed by the Southern Stales-?to examine coolly and dispassionately the relative advan tages of the Union, I am not to be seduced from the even tenor of my way by the siren songs of hosannas to-the Union, nor am I to be deterred by the yelpings and howlings of those who choose to call me agitator or disunioriist. ' , When our forefathers framed this Constitution, they declared, that, '* We, the people of the United States, in order to form a mbre .perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselv *s and posterity, do ordain," &c., &c Each and all of that posterity have not only the right, but theic duty to those who come after them requires that they should see whether this compact is faithfully kept; and a man who. cannot speak is a fool, who will not .speak is a bigot, and who is afraid to , speak is a slave. I shall oome, however, to that portion of ray argumeht (if my time allows) last. Before I begin, I desire to tlisembarras this question Irom all extraneous matter-?to set some gentlemen right upon the subject, by denying, once fox all, that slavery is an evil, ami that anybody has amy right to remedy it as,such. This most mischievous error has grown up from the sentiments of Mr. Jefferson, and many other Southern statesmen, hastily and imprudently expressed at an early period of our country; also, from the objections made to slavery by some of the Southern States. Wbatevermighthave been ti e sentiment- of the people of the South then, it has undergone a great change. We have seen our country flourish under this system?a tropical climate and soil (where the white man cannot cultivate the earth, without incurring more or less risk of health or life) converted into a terrestrial paradise. We have seen grow up with this institution a noble, chivalrous, and intelligent people, who have always exercised, pnd (with- j out meaning to be at all offensive) will con- . tinue to exercise, in the affairs of the world ' and of this country, an influence fully equal to our numerical strength. * ? Without iutending to disparage^ in the least degree, our brethren of any portion of this great domain, 1 do not hesitate to say, that in the peaceful walks of civil life?in the stirring events of war?in everything that can adorn and elevate a man, the people of the South are fully your equals, and being completely satisfied with all our inetitutious, we do not desire or intend to allow, any change in any one of them. , 1 ask you, Mr. Lmairman, is it not true that the people of one hi If of these States have discussed seriously, Or are now discussing, the propriety of meeting in Convention at Nashville, to see what steps are necessary to be taken to secure their honor and their constitutional rights, which they say, or think, are both endangered. I agree with my friend from Georgia, [Mr. Toombs,] that up to 1820 there was no great cause of complaint. . The people of the North and South lived like a band of brothers, and the stars and stripes floated over one people. Is it so now? I will not weaken the argument of the Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. CalhoIjiv,) in regard to the separation of the churches, North and South.? When, I ask, was it seen before, that Christians cannot bow before the same altar, and worship together that God, who commands us to love oua neighbor as ourself?when before have you heard of the resolutions of one State having been sent back in contempt, because they contained insulting and offensive matter. Our children are not educated, as formerly, in the Northern colleges?traveling has greatly diminished?the pulpit, the press, this Hall?ay, the Senate, where grave old men were wont to talk calmly and wisely?now hear constant and continued fulminations of one portion of the American people against the other. These things cannot last and the Union continue. Why, if no legislative enactments of an offensive character were ever passed, the indulgence of their feelings will ultimately estrange these parties. This Union has not unappropriately been compared to that most beautiful and holy union of sexes, which our Creator instituted; but when mutual love aud respect are gone?when that mysterious sentiment, which is not only the spirit, but the substance of the contract is gone?the rest is a worthless and insulting mockery. When, Mr. Chairman, in the history of the last thirty years, has it ever been re-J ~,r. iL.l n. ... r\ 1 I Iiiain.cn uciuic, (Hill V/ Ij A X , VjALMOUSj HI1U Webster agreed upon any one question, as we have seen from their late speeches, they do upon the open violation of the Constitution, in rel: tion to the rendition of fugi- | tive slaves. Speaking, sir, in legal parlance, they agree entirely upon the tacts and the law. It is true, they differ widely about the remedy, as would naturally have been supposed from their respective localities, the temper of the men, and the character of the people they represent; but all three agree that the North, by refusing to surrender up fugitive slaves, violate both the letter and spirit of the Constitution; and all urge, not only the justice, but the absolute necessity, of enforcing that provision, and repealing the laws which in many of the States render it inoperative. If, under these circumstances, the three master minds of America have so little influence or control that they cannot arrest this evil, then indeeed, is the disease organic, and too deeply seated for the ordinary remedies. If the light of three such minds (which, like the expiring flicker of the lamp, seems to burn brighter, before it is forwrer extinguished, and whose great genius and patriotism we may never see united again) cannot penetrate the gloom that veils the future, and do what I know they all desire, save this Union, we must look to some higher source?" we quid detrimenti Respublica capiat." 1 regret to be obliged to differ from the distinguished Senator from .Kentucky, [Mr. Clay,] whose name never fails to recall the association of eminent talents, great aims, and a long career of fiublic service, who seems to appreciate too Igtitly lite Oaitgcia rrliii.li menace tills Union, and whose great weight I am afraid will be thrown against the south. It neither suits my taste nor temper to pursue this unpleasant recital further. From all I see, and hear, and read, and feel?an instinct which rarely deceives me?tells me that there is danger?great danger?to the Union, and to the Constitution of my country, which God, in his-infinite mercy, avert, it is not by eloquent appeals, and beautiful eulogies upon the Union, that it can be saved?less so by such expressions as a determination to stand by the Union, proviso or no proviso. When gentlemen from the South indulge in similar expressions, they are more dangerous to what I conceive the best interests of the South than the most uitra men of the North?when you say, come what will, you stand by the Union, you invite aggression. It may be of little moment to you whether you lose your hat or your cane, but if you let it be known that you will not resist?that you are a lover of peace?men will soon.be found ready and willing to trespass upon your rights, and put an indignity upon your person; much less can the Union be saved by the course of the Northern and Metropolitan press, hitherto remarkable for a frank statement of the true u signs of the times"-?not by concealing the true state of the public mind at the South? not by publishing garbled portions of the messages of our governors, or the resolutions of our State legislatures, with here and there a solitary article upon the value of this Uhion, as though there was some cabalistic meaning of the word, that could cover up and atone for every sin. No, sir. Let the truth be spoken far and wide. Let it be known that there is a large portion oi the American people discontented, who are ready and willing to renounce all old party associations, and are anxious to meet tneir fellow-cit:zens of the Southern States in convention at Nashville, in the month of Juno next. * A majority of the Southern States have made preparations already to be represented ?probably nearly every State will be; and whatever may be the decision of that convention, every Southern State, with, perhaps, one or two exceptions, for weal or for woe, will make one common cause. Notwithstanding the 10 ! ejaculation and bitter denunciation of disunion by the Senator from Texas, that State has made the legal and necessary arrangements to be represented, and further, refused to vote instructions to her delegates to use all their influence to prevent a dissolution ot ttie Union, uet us understand each other, and talk like men, as no disease was ever avoided by concealing the danger, or cured by wishing the patient well; so neither discontent nor disunion will be prevented or cured by lauding the glories of the Union, or threatening to drive the traitors into the Cumberland river. , I propose briefly, then, to examine the second proposition: who are the aggressors? To do so unde.rstandingly, let us see what was the relative position ot the people North and South upon this question, and see who have advanced, and who have retreated. The first hostile movement was made when Missouri applied to be admitted into the Union. After five months of angry disIII ... cuss tun, that State was admitted, and the Missouri Compromise passed?that is, when the people, authorized to form a constitution, having all the constitutional rights to be admitted into this Union, presented themselves with their constitution, they were refused admittance, until the South consented to establish (be imaginary line of 36 deg. 30 min, ntfrth of which they forever bound themselves and their posterity not to go with their slaves, while their Northern brethren might go north or south. There was the fatal error of the people 0/ the South. They should never have conceded the jurisdiction to Congress on the subject. They should have resisted, at every hazard, (as they must do at some time or other,) every attempt to prevent them from going, when they please, where they please, and with what property they please, into any and all the territory of the United States, every acre, every foot?ay, every spoonful of which?was the community property. The country, however, remained comparatively quiet until about fifteen years ago. Still there was no great uneasiness felt, until the admission of Texas into the Union.? You, Mr. Chairman, and I, ware members of the twenty-eighth Congress, and recollect M,n *-?i- _i r -? J I iuv umv/uiioivu uiai tuuiw piatc. uci mc rcau I an extract or two from the speeches of i Northern men upon this subject: "Yes, sir,. I repeat, hypocritical pretences! What, the ministers of the libertyloving Government of Great Britain, so impressed with the horrors of human servitude in Texas and the United States, as to interpose their benevolent policy in our affairs, as an act of pure philanthropy! No person, at all acquainted with English history and' policy, and who has learned even a tithe of the suffering of the millions upon millions of human beings held in abject and intolerable slavery throughout her vast dominions,' can fail for a moment to read this painted hypocrite 'Through the disguise she wears. * "Look at England herself. In the distance, like the whitened sepulchre, she looks splendid?beautiful. Approach her; enter ' her cold and dismal mines; then behold slavery?half-clad half-starved, pale, emaciated slavery?in the shape of human beings, compelled to ceaseless servitude,.the doomed and wretched vassals of the very lords and 1 I All ... " cans wno prame so loudly upon tne noor oi Parliament about the horrors of American slavery. Enter her manufacturing towns and cities; see the ragged and wan husband and father, struggling early and late for a mere pittance. Visit the wife and children in the miserable and dirty .hovel, enduring all the horrors bordering upon nudity ana starvation; and then caff to mind, that all this is the direct effect of the oppressive and grinding policy of these pretended philanthropists for the negro race in America. But we need not stop here. True, gfie freed her slaves in the West Indies. For what purpn#?? not of a. hatred-tp slavery! EpMP a sincere desire to relieve human suffering? Or was it to Foment the spirit of political abolitionism in the United States, to array the North against the South, and thus to weaken the ties that bind us together, auJ finally consummate her long-cherished desires, by a dissolu'inn of our Ujiion, and prostrate forever her great and rival antagonist in commerce, manufactures, and the arts." You, Mr. Chairman, heard all that discussion?you saw all their fire-brand resolutions voted down and denounced by Northefn men. I need not say to you, that was the way the Democracy of the North, and many of tjie intelligent Whigs, voted. You know who stood by the Atherton resolutions, and all sueh resolutions as would give peace and quiet to the South. Let me show the committee how Northern States?at leastNorthern Democratic States?acted. While the Texan annexation was under discussion, a member of this House, frum New Hampshire, wrote and published a long letter to his constituent, assigning his reasons for deserting his party on this question, and put forth ap anti-slavery manifesto. You recollect in what unmeasured terms he was denounced by one of his colleagues. I will not offend the committee by reading the insinuations ftiade against the veracity of his address. Suffice it to say, that no gentleman born and brought up south of Mason and Dixon's line, would ever have preserved friendly relations afterward,, without some satisfaction. The author of that address had been nominated as a candidate tor re-election to this body by the entire Democracy of the State, (because, at that time, IMew Hampshire had not adopted the district system of electing her members of Congress,) and though it was within a few weeks, if I remember accurately, of the time cf the election, and at an inclement season of the year, a convention was called for the entire State, the nomination was cancelled, another person was substituted in his place, and from that day John P. Hale has ceased all connection with the Democratic party. True it is, that by a union of the Whigs and Abolitionists, ha was elected a Senator; and the colleague who denounced him, and the author of the speech, the extract of which I have just read, is?who do you suppose, Mr. Chairman? why, Moses Norris, his coSenator!. Where are tiie eleqnent defenders of the South?-no, sir; not of the South, but the fearless exponents of the Constitution? Where are the Browns? the Ingersolls? the Athertons? the Norrises, and the Elliscs? and echo answers, " Where?" All have been compelled to turn their coats like HAtx*and Norris, or one by one have been stricken down, or forced tnto voluntary enle flrom ! public life. The committee will pardon me if I read one short extract from the speech of an able member from New York, the Empire State, with thirty-four members upon this floor, and but one solitary spared monument of the defenders of the Constitution: " Let the scheme declare, as the bill of my colleague, [Mr. Robinson,] the predecessor of my friend before me, from New York, [Mr. Duer,] proposes, that after r- -'WL ' 4 - Jr f f & ggggggg?gsgg "The Southern Pie?s,"?Trl-weekly L published oo Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays of each week. "The Southern Preaa,"?Weekly, Is published every Saturday. advertising rates. Fur one square ?f 10 Unas, three insertions, $1 Ob u every subsequent insertion, - 25 Liberal deductions made on yearly advertising. f> Individuals may forward the amount of their subncriptiuus at our riak Address, (post-paid) 0 A j ELL WOOD r IS HER, Washington City. forming on? slave State, slavery shall be prohibited in all the other States which the territory may hereafter make, unless Congress shall otherwise determine by law, and you drive Texas into indignant rejection. You make a fundamental provision, which, if adopted, would be an unfailing source of agitation, of contention?perhaps of disunion itself. The spir t of political abolitionism would rejoice in triumph. It would hold a poorer over the action of some members of Congress hereafter, whose fa:es it would knead into dough. You would effectually imprison the slave race within those limits of the Udion, close the drain and the outlet to Mexico, and most surely perpetuate the existence of slavery under the pretext of extending the area of freedom." Such then, Mr. Chairman, were the sentiments of all liberal men at the North. I hope to hear no more of the aggressions of the South, or the slaveocracy, as we have it classically expressed. The idea of a party ink minority of more than forty members, on this floor, aggressing upon the rights of 'jj a majority, is as ridiculous as would be the attempts of a weak, sickly man, to encroach upon the privileges of a strong, herculean neighbor. If you mean to carry out the opinions entertained by nearly all men of all parties, and restrict us to our present limits, and forbid us from ever extending ourselves and our institutions, say that you have become more righteous, or that you understand the Constitution better, or what you please, but do not charge us with aggressing upon your rights. How can we aggress upon your rights? We cannot pass a solitary measure without a large vote from the North, if all the Representatives from the slave States were united. Can you name a single instance where the South have endeavored to interfere with the domestic affairs of the North? If you will strike out of your proviso the word " slavery," and insert any other substantive in the English language, there is not a man, woman, or child, out would rise up and denounce it. Say that the Catholic religion, or the Methodist religion, the common law, or the civil law, shall not go to California, and there would be a denunciation from one end of the Union to the other. It is true that the Wil- ' mot Proviso, eo iiomine, is defunct. 1 was sitting in that gallery when it was introduced, and a gentleman observed to me that it was the worst firebrand ever introduced, and would dissolve the Union, and we but 1 went into the House, and voted against it. The people of the South relying upon their constitutional rights, are committed against this Wilmot Proviso, and you will not pass it. When the Constitution was framed, the people of the South had intelligence and foresight enough to make such constitutional provisions as were necessary to secure them from any encroachments. We think those provisions sufficient, and are willing to trust ourselves under that Constitution when faithfully executed: byl I 'l~ sire to sa^ ior raysen, Srnronw mtenXIiiig or wishing to commit any gentlemeu to my views, that as it is admitted by Northern men, jurists, and all writers and commenators upon the Constitution, that without these guarantee, the Union could never hare bee.i formed; if it shall be shown by the legislation and practice of this Government, that they are not sufficient to secure all the rights of property in slaves in esse posse, manendo et eundo, I desire to have additional guaranties. Mr. McCLERNAND wished to know whether the gentleman intended to exert his influence to cause the Southern Statesto secede, or break upthe Union, if they do not get an amendment to the Contitution ? Mr MORSE. If those guaranties are not sufficient, or are not maintained, I will devote all my energy, day and night?I will write and talk to the people to bring this about. My people, in giving up the right to go north of 36 deg. 30 min., will at least have the doctrine of non-intervention respected south of that line. I believe the guaranties of the Constitution amply sufficient, and am willing to submit the question to the courts of justice. ] Mr. McCLERNAND. The gentleman says that, if such and such things are not done, he is for disunion. He insists that slavery is tolerated south of 36? 30\ Now the gentleman, holding the doctrine he does, I ask him, in view of that doctrine, how can he contend that non-intervention can prevent him ? Mr. MORSE. It cannot. Mr. McCLERNAND. What is the difficulty then? Mr. MORSE. Because you declare in all your j speeches and preambles, and will probably uo so j in some legislative enactment, that slavery shall not go there, or that it is forever excluded by Mexican law. The moment you do, you violate die bond, tear your name from it, and seek to hold us to it. 3 Mr. McCLERNAND. You said the Wilmot proviso was detVinct. Mr. MORSE. True ; but there are two other provisos, the Executive, and, the most odious of all, the Mexican Proviso, as I shall call it?"a rose hv nnv nthpr nnmr"?lh(> mirWAlinn in somewhat musty. I Mr. DUER. If the judieiary decides against I you, will you then insist on your proposed change . 1 in the Constitution? I Mr. MORSE. No, sir ; I* would abide by thnt * I decision?you cannot make your Mexican proviso I any more palatable. If I am to be excluded from I the country, where you said solemnly we had a I right to go, I would rather you should do it than I the Mexicans. I The legislative and the treaty-making power I ars both subservient to the Constitution, and no I law?no tredty can bind any citizen that contra- I venes that sacred instrument. The President I and the Senate cannot make any treaty in defi- I anee of this Constitution. If a stipulation hnd I been inserted, ether by the commissioners or by the I Senate, (as I learn was attempted,) that slavery jM would not go to every part of the territory south fo 36 deg. 30 min., it would not be worth the parch ment on which it was written, and I would eo there, a?I have no doubt we bare a right to do with our slaves, and if there was an honest iud^e to be found; ^any man ercept one who thinks lie H will be justified in violating his oath because the Constitution is subservient to the laws of God,) 1 would hold your treaty null and void, and I H should be protected in the enjoyment of my slave property. Could your President and Senate make a treaty establishing a Chureh as a part of your State government? Could your Senate make a treaty recognizing a title of nobility ? In short, H can it do anything forbidden, or evsn doubtful, under you/- Constitution? Well, what is the ferce of this Mexican proviso? I I have read all the writers upon national law, and 1 find nothing of tha kind, and t regret that a *H senator from Pennsylvania has Vattel in the original from the library, or I would show what