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The southern press. (Washington [D.C.) 1850-1852, July 06, 1850, Image 1

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I El!wood Fisher A Edwiu lie JLeou.
IpAIET, - . *10 00
wweekly, . - - 5 00
wiiEELY, 2 00
Sutacripuw ^yahdw# Uvmnce. Aa,
Kuu procuring five aubacnbeM shall receive one copy
gratis. AllTctters to the Editors to be PoOT-fAlD.
OrriCE, I'ennsylvanii Avenue south side, between
3?1 and 4i streets.
I Address to the People or the Southern
I States.
I At a large meeting of Southern members
I of both Houses of Congress, held at the CapI
itol on the evening of the 7th ultimo, the
I Hon. Hopkins L. Tuhnky, of Tennessee,
having been appointed Chairman at a pre
vious meeting, took the Chair; and, on motion
lot the Hon. David Hubbard, of Alabama,
I the Hon. William J, Alston, of Alabama,
I was appointed Secretary.
I Whereupon, the Hon. A. P. Butler, of
I South Carolina, from the committee appointI
ed at a preliminary meeting, reported an AdI
dress to the Southern people, recommending
I the establishment, at Washington City, of a
I newspaper, to be davoted to tne support and
I defence of Southern interests; which was
I read, and with some slight modifications.
wm jro * ' r ^-JT'
W ' '#' ,'p? ,$r ';. W"
Vol. 1. Washington, Saturday, July 6, 1850. Mo. 17.
1 ' I | " I. 1 I . . I I I ..' ? t .. I M U .1 f V r?T
The following resolution was offered bv
the Hon. Thomas L. Clingman, of Nortli
Carolina, and unanimously adopted by the
Resolved, unanimously, Tl*?t the committee, in
pahlilhing the instructed to pre' with it
the nauies of the Senator* and Representative* in
Cungrcsa who concur in the proposition to establish
the Southern Organ, as manifested by their sobscriptioM
to the several copies of the plan in circulation,
or who may hereafter authorise said committee to include
their names.
Maryland.?Senator: Thomas G. Pratt.
Virginia.?Senators: R. M. T. Hunter,
J; M. Mason. Representatives: J. A.
Seddon, Thos. H. Averett, Paulus Powell,
R. K. Meade, Alex. R. Holladay, Thos
S. Bocock, H. A. Edmundson, Jeremiah
North Carolina.?Senator.; Willie P.
Mangum. Representatives: T. L. Clingman,
A. W. Venable, \V. S. Ashe.
South Carolina.?Senators: A P But-"
ler, F. H. Elmore. Representatives: John
McQueen, Joseph A. Woodward, Daniel
Wallace, Wm. F. Colcock, James L. Orr,
Armistead Burt, Isaac E. Holmes.
Georgia.?Senators: John McP. Berrien,
William C. Dawson. Representatives: Jo
seph W. Jackson, Alex. H. Stephens, Rob!
art Tnnmh*. H. A. Haralson. Allen F.
TOwen." '
| Alabama.?Senator: Jeremiah Clemens.
Representatives: David Hubbard, F. W.
Bowdon, S. W. Inge, W. J. Alston, S.
W. Harris.
Mississippi.?Senator. Jefferson Davis.
Representatives: W. S Featherston, Jacob
Thompson, A. G. Brown, W. VV. McWillie.
Louisiana.?Senators: S. U. Downs,
Pierre Soule. Representatives: J. H. Harmanson,
Emile La Sere, Isaac E. Morse.
Arkansas.?Senators: Solon Borland, W.
Sebastian. Representative: William R.
Texas.?Representatives: Vol. E. Howard,
D. S. Kaufman. '
Missouri.?Senator: D. -JR.. Atchison.
Representative: James S. Green.
Kentucky.?Representatives: R. H. Stanton,
James L. Johnson.
Tennessee.?Senator: Hopkins L. Turney.
Representatives: James H. Thomas,
Frederick P. Stanton, C. H. Williams,
John H. Savage.
Florida.?Senators: Jackson Morton, D.
L. Yulee. Representative: E. Carrington
And upon motion, the meeting adjourned.
Attest :
. Wm J. Alston, Secretary.
The. committee to which was rejerred the
Alii ni nrenarina an Address to the Veo
?"7 -I r--j ^ _ .
pie of the slaveholding Stales upon the
subject of a Southern Organ, to be established
in the City of Washington, put
forth the following:
Fellow-citizens : A number of Senators
and Representatives in Congress from
the Southern States of the Confederacy deeply
impressed with a sense of the dangers
which beset those States, have considered
carefully our means of self-defence within
the Union and the Constitution, and have
come to the conclusion that it is highly important
to establish in this city a paper, which,
without reference to political party, shall be
devoted to the rights and interests of the
South, so far as they are involved iu the questions
growing out of African slavery. To
establish and maintain such a paper, your
support is necessary, and accordingly we
address you on the subject.
In the contest now going on, the constitutional
equality of fifteen States is put in
question. Some sixteen hundred millions
worth of negro property is involved directly,
and indirectly, though not less surely, an incalculable
amount of property in other forms.
But to say this is to state less than half the
doom that hangs over you. Your social
forms and institutions?which separate the
European and the African races into distinct
classes, and assign to each a different sphere
in society?are threatened with overthrow
Whether the negro is to occupy the same
social rank with the white man, and enjoy
equally the rights, privileges, and immunities
of citizenship?in short, all the honors
and dignities of society?is a question ol
greater moment than any mere question ol
property can be.
Sucn is the contest now going on?a contest
in which public opinion, if not the prevailing,
is destined to be a most prominent
force ; and yet, no organ of the united inter
ests of those assailed has as yet been established,
nor does there exis". any paper
which can be the common medium for . an
interchange of opinions amongst the Southern
States. PuDlic opinion, as it has been
formed and directed by the combined influence
of interest and prejudice, is the force
which has been most potent against us in
the war now going on against the institution
of negro slavery; and yet we have taken
no effectual means to make and maintain
that issue with it upon which our safety
and perhaps our social existence depends.
Whoever will look to the history of this
question, and to the circumstances under
which we are now placed, mnst see
that our position is one of imminent danger,
and one to be defended by all the means,
moral and political, of which we can avail
ourselves in the present emergency, i he
warfare against African slavery commenced,
as is known, with Great Britain, who, after
having contributed mainly to i?s establishment
in the New World, devoted her most
earnest efforts, for purposes not yet fully explained,
to its abolition in America. How
wisely this was done, so far as her own colonies
were concerned, time has determined;
and all comment upon this subject on our
part would be entirely superfluous. 11,
however, her purpose was to reach and embarrass
us on tbis subject, her efforts have
not been without success. A common origin
a common language, have made the English
literature ours to a great extent, and tbe
efforts of the British Government and people
to mould the public opinion of all who
speak the English language, have not beeir
vain or fruitless. On the contrary, they
have been deeply .felt wherever the English
language is spoken; and the more
efficient and dangerous, because, a3 yet,
tire South has taken no steps to appear and
plead at the bar of werld; hefom wiieh
she has been summoned, and by whlcfTshe *
has been tried already without a hearing.
Secured by constitutional guaran.ies, and
independent of all tbe world, so far as its
domestic institutions were concerned, the
South has reposed under the concieusness
oi rignt ana independence, ana iorenorne 10
plead at a baf which she knew had no jurisdiction
over this particular subject. In this
we have been theoretically right, but practically
we have made a great mistake. All
means, political, diplomatic, and literary,
have been used to concentrate the public
opinion,'not only of the world at large, but
of our own country, against us; and resting
upon the undoubted truth that our domestic
institutions were the-subjects of no Government
but our own local Governments, and
concerned no one but ourselves, we have
been passive under these assaults, until
danger menaces us from every quarter. A
great party has grown up, and is increasing
in the United States, which seems to think
it a duly they owe to earth and heaven to ;
make war on a domestic- institution upon !
which are staked our property, our social ;
organization, and our peace and safety. 1
Sectional feelings have been invoked, and. 1
those who wield the power of this Government
have been tempted almost, if not quite, '
beyond their power of resistance, to wage a 1
war against our property, our rights, and 1
our social system, which, if successfully '
prosecuted, must end in our destruction.
Every inducement?the love of power, the i
desire to accomplish what are, with less 1
friifk fkon nlnnaiktlifv collar) (
all are offered to tempt them to press upon
those who are represented, and, in fact,
seem to be an easy.preyto the spoiler. Our
eqality under the Constitution is, in effect,
denied; our social institutions are derided
and- contertmed, and ourselves treated with
contumely and scorn through all the avennes
which have as yet been opened to the public
opinion of the world. That these
assaults should have had their effect is not
surprising, when we remember that, as yet,
we have offered no organized resistance to
them, and opposed but Tittle, except the isolated
efforts of members of Congress, who
have occasionally raised their voices against
what they believe to be wrongs and injustice.
It is time that we should meet and maintain
an issue, in which we find ourselves involved
by those who make war upon us in
regard to every interest that is peculiar to
us, and which is not enjoyed in common with
them, however guarantied by solemn compact,
and no matter how vitally involving our
prosperity, happiness, and safety. It is time
that we should take measures to defend ourselves
against assaults which can end w>
nothing short of our destruction, if we oppose
no resistance to them. Owing to accidental
circumstances, and a want of knowledge of
the true condition of things in the Southern
States, the larger portion of the press and of
the political literature of the wotld has been
directed against us. Tbe moral power of
public opinion carries political strength along
with it, and if against us, we must wrestle
with it or fall If aa fitmlo hpllPVft. triltli
is with us, there is nothing to discourage us
in such an effort.
The eventual strength of an opinion is to
be measured, not by the number who may
chance to entertain it, but by the truth which
sustains it We beljeve?rnay, we know, that
truth is with us, and therefore we should not
shrink from the contest. We have too much
staked upon it to shrink or to tremble?a
firoperty interest,-in all its forms, ofincalcuable
amount and value ; the social organization,
the equality, the liberty, nay, the existence
of fourteen or fifteen1 States of the Confederacy?all
rest upon the result of the
struggle in which we are engaged. We
must maintain the equality of our political
position in the Union ; we must maintain the
dig. ity and respectahil.ty of our social position
before the world; and must maintain
ancj secure our liberty and rights, so far as
our united efforts can protect theft); and, if
possible, we must effect all this' within-the
pale of the Union, and by means known to
the Constitution. The union of the South
upon these vital interests is necessary, not
only for the sake of the South, but perhaps
for the sake of the Union. We have great
interests exposed to the assaults, not only ol
the world at large, but of those who, constituting
a majority, wield the power of our
autm Wo miief < 1 fV?n11
those interests by all legitimate means, or
else periifi either in or without tbe effort. To
nuke successful defence, we must unite with
each other upon one vital question, ami make
the most of our political strength. We must
do more?we must go beyond our entrenchments,
and meet even the more distant and
indirect, but by no means harmless assaults,
which are directed against us. We,' too,
can appeal to public opinion. Our assailant,
act upon theory, to their theory we can oppose
experience. They reason upon on
imaghnry state of things to, this we may
oppose truth and actual knowledge. To do
this, however, we too must open up avenues
to the public mind ; we, too, must have an
organ through which we can appeal to the
world, and commune with each other. The
wai.t ol such an organ, heretofore, has been
perhaps one of the leading causes of our present
There is no paper at the Seat of Government
through which we can. hear or he heard
fairly and truly by the country. There is a
paper here which makes the abolition of slavery
its main and paramount end. - There
are other papers here which make the maintenance
oi political parties their supreme and
controlling object, but none which consider
the preservation of sixteen hundred millions
of property, the equality and liberty ol tourteen
or fifteen States, the protection of the
white man against African equality, as paramount
over, or even equal to, the maintennance
of some political organization which is
to secure a President, who is an object of
interest not because he will certaiqly rule, or
perhaps ruin the Sbuth, but chiefly for the
reason that he will possess and bestow office
and spoils. The South has a peculiar position,
and her important rights and interests
are objects of continual assault from the maje^jftRi
?ttd the party press, dependent as it
Wflpon that majority lor its means of living,
will always be found laboring to excuse the
assailants, and to paralyze all efforts at resistance.
How is it now? The abolitiou party
can.always be heard through its press at
the Seat of Government, but through what
organ or press at Washington can Southern
men communicate with the world, or with
each other, upon their own peculiar interests?
So far from writing, or permitting
anything to be written, which is calculated
to defend the rights of the South, or state its
case, the papers here are engaged in lulling
the South into a false security, and in manufacturing
there an artificial public sentiment,
suitable for some Presidential platform,
though at the expense of Any and every interest
you may possess, no matter how dear
or now vital and momentous.
This state of things results from party obligations
and a regard to party success. And
they but subserve the ends of their establishment
in consulting their own interests,
and the advancement of the party to which
tbey are pledged. Yoa cannot look to them
as sentinels over interests that are repugnant
to the feelings of the majority of the selfsustaining
In the Fedetal Legislature the South has
jome voice and some votes; but over the public
press, as it now stands at the Seat of
Government, the North has a controlling influence.
The press of this city takes its
tone from that of the North. Even our
Southern press is subjected, more or less, to
the same influence. Our public men, yes,
our southern men, owe their public standing
and reputation too often to the commendation
and praise of the Northern press. Southern
newspapers republish from their respective
party organs in tbis city, and in so doing,
reproduce?unconscious, doubtless, in
i _r it _ it -i i?
inusi instances, 01 me wrong mey ao?me
northern opinion in regard to public men
and measures. How dangerous such a state
of things must be to the fidelity ol your representatives
it is needless to say! They
are but men, and it would be unwise to suppose
that tbey are beyond the reach of temptations
wnich influence the rest'of mankind.
Fellow-citizens, it rests with ourselves to
alter this state ot things, so far as the South
is concerned. We have vast interests, which
we*are bound, by many considerations, to
defend with allthe moral and political means
in our power. One of the first steps to this
great end is to establish a. Southern Organ
here, a paper through which we may commune
with one another and the world jt
large. We do not propose to meddle with
political parties as they now exist; we wish
to enlist every southern man in a southern
cause, and in defence of southern rights, be
fie Whig or be he Democrat. We do not
propose to disturb him, or to shake him in
his party relations. All that we ask is, that
be shall consider the constitutional rights of
the South, which are involved in the great
abolitipn movement, as paramount to all
party and all other political considerations.
And surely the time has come when all
southern men should unite for the purpose of
self-defence. Our relative power in the
Legislature of the Union is diminishing with
every census; the dangers which menace us
a,re daily becoming greater; and, the chief instrument
in the assaults upon us is the public
press, over which,owing to.our supineness, the
North exercises a controlling influence. So
far as the South is concerned, we can change
and reverse this state of things. It is not
to beJoorne, that public sentiment at the South
should be stifled or controlled by the party
Let us have a press of our own, as the
North has, both here and at home?a press
which shall be devoted to Southern rights,
and animated by Southern feeling; which
shall look not to the North but the South for
the tone which is to pervade it. Claiming
our share of power in Federal Legislation, let
us also claim our share of influence in the
press of the country. Let us organize in
every Southern town and county, so as .to
send this paper into every House in the land, j
Let us take, too, all the means necessary to '
maintain the paper by subscription, so as to
increase its circulation, and promtc the
i ~r i ?.+
9|muuu vi niiumcu^t aim muih. xji/b cicij
portion of the-South furnish its full quota of
talent an?l money to sustain ;i paper which
ought lobe supported by all, because it will
b? devoted to the interest of every Southern
man. it will be the earnest effort .of the
committee who uio charged with these arrangements,
to procure editor# of high talent
and standing; and they will also see that the
paper is conducted without opposition, and
without rrjercnce to the political parties of
the day. With these assurances, we feel
justified in calling upon you, the people of
the Southern States?to moke the necessary
efforts to establish and maintain the propofed
Courtship.?Tbe'plaiu English of the politest
address of a gentleman to a lady is?
I am m w, dear madam, the humblest of your
sereants?be so good as to allow me to be
yoar lord and master.
Hon. ISAAC E MOJtSS. of Louisiana,
On the President's Message, in relation *9 California:
in the House of Representatives, March 14, 1850.
In Committee of the Whole on the state of
the Union, on the President's Message
transmitting the Constitution of Calfornia:
Mr. MOUSE said:
Mr. Chairman: The importance of the
question under consideration will be the only
apology %1 shall olfer for asking a share of
the attention of the committee.
The debate which has been going on for
some time in this body and the Senate, has
leit little for those who follow, but the gleanings
ot a held once as rich as the mines of that
California whose admission into our Union
is the subject of the Executive message
now lying upon our table. May our acquisitions
in that auarter not prove like the
(abled fruit of the East, beautiful to the eye,
but ashea to the taste.
The whole history of this California question
has more the appearance of ilr romance
than of truth, and it is only from fable or fiction
that we can draw any parallel. Where,
but in the mythological story of Minerva,
springing armed from the head of Jove
himselt, do we find anything to illustrate her
present position??a sovereign State as large
as the old u thirteen," with nine hundred
miles of seacost, her two Senators, aud two
Representatives to this branch, with their
constitution in their hands, stepping from
the brain ot a brigadier-general of the
United States army, into this Union of con
federated sovereignties.
Had you but provided her with the decent
veil of a s lort territorial government
at the last session of Congress, I see nothing
that would have prevented her from being
admitted under the operation, of your w previous
question;" but when it has been so often,
and so solemnly announced upon this
floor, and by the resolutions of a large number
oi Slate Legislatures, as the settled and
avowed policy, that henceforth and forever,
from now to eternity, no other slave territory
shall be incorporated into this Union, the
question assumes an air of grave importance,
and it becomes every statesman to bolt narrowly
and carefully into it, and to see whether,
if that .be the settled policy, as avowed
by soxe gentlemen, boldly, manfully, and
honestly, and entertained by nearly every
Representative from the States north of. Mason
and Dixon's line, it does not become the
duty of the people of the South to see bow
far their interests are endangered and their
principles compromited, under this modem
reckless and majority interpretation of the
Constitution. I am not of that class of men
who desire to put off until to-morrow the
business of to-day. I propose, then, sir,
briefly to examine the " signs of the times;"
what is the present feeling North and South;
and whether the South are guilty of aggression
upon the rights of the North, or whej
ther the North has or has not encroached
upon the South?to look upon the remedy
proposed by the Southern Stales-?to examine
coolly and dispassionately the relative advan
tages of the Union, I am not to be seduced
from the even tenor of my way by the siren
songs of hosannas to-the Union, nor am I to
be deterred by the yelpings and howlings of
those who choose to call me agitator or disunioriist.
' ,
When our forefathers framed this Constitution,
they declared, that, '* We, the
people of the United States, in order to form
a mbre .perfect Union, establish justice, insure
domestic tranquility, provide for the
common defence, promote the general welfare,
and secure the blessings of liberty to
ourselv *s and posterity, do ordain," &c., &c
Each and all of that posterity have not
only the right, but theic duty to those who
come after them requires that they should see
whether this compact is faithfully kept; and
a man who. cannot speak is a fool, who will
not .speak is a bigot, and who is afraid to
, speak is a slave.
I shall oome, however, to that portion of
ray argumeht (if my time allows) last.
Before I begin, I desire to tlisembarras
this question Irom all extraneous matter-?to
set some gentlemen right upon the subject,
by denying, once fox all, that slavery is an
evil, ami that anybody has amy right to remedy
it as,such. This most mischievous error
has grown up from the sentiments of Mr.
Jefferson, and many other Southern statesmen,
hastily and imprudently expressed at
an early period of our country; also, from
the objections made to slavery by some of
the Southern States. Wbatevermighthave
been ti e sentiment- of the people of the
South then, it has undergone a great change.
We have seen our country flourish under this
system?a tropical climate and soil (where
the white man cannot cultivate the earth,
without incurring more or less risk of health
or life) converted into a terrestrial paradise.
We have seen grow up with this institution
a noble, chivalrous, and intelligent people,
who have always exercised, pnd (with- j
out meaning to be at all offensive) will con- .
tinue to exercise, in the affairs of the world '
and of this country, an influence fully equal
to our numerical strength. * ?
Without iutending to disparage^ in the
least degree, our brethren of any portion of
this great domain, 1 do not hesitate to say,
that in the peaceful walks of civil life?in
the stirring events of war?in everything
that can adorn and elevate a man, the people
of the South are fully your equals, and being
completely satisfied with all our inetitutious,
we do not desire or intend to allow,
any change in any one of them. ,
1 ask you, Mr. Lmairman, is it not true
that the people of one hi If of these States
have discussed seriously, Or are now discussing,
the propriety of meeting in Convention
at Nashville, to see what steps are
necessary to be taken to secure their honor
and their constitutional rights, which they
say, or think, are both endangered.
I agree with my friend from Georgia,
[Mr. Toombs,] that up to 1820 there was
no great cause of complaint. . The people of
the North and South lived like a band of
brothers, and the stars and stripes floated
over one people.
Is it so now? I will not weaken the argument
of the Senator from South Carolina,
(Mr. CalhoIjiv,) in regard to the separation
of the churches, North and South.?
When, I ask, was it seen before, that Christians
cannot bow before the same altar, and
worship together that God, who commands
us to love oua neighbor as ourself?when
before have you heard of the resolutions of
one State having been sent back in contempt,
because they contained insulting and
offensive matter. Our children are not educated,
as formerly, in the Northern colleges?traveling
has greatly diminished?the
pulpit, the press, this Hall?ay, the Senate,
where grave old men were wont to talk
calmly and wisely?now hear constant and
continued fulminations of one portion of the
American people against the other. These
things cannot last and the Union continue.
Why, if no legislative enactments of an offensive
character were ever passed, the indulgence
of their feelings will ultimately estrange
these parties. This Union has not
unappropriately been compared to that most
beautiful and holy union of sexes, which our
Creator instituted; but when mutual love
aud respect are gone?when that mysterious
sentiment, which is not only the spirit, but
the substance of the contract is gone?the
rest is a worthless and insulting mockery.
When, Mr. Chairman, in the history of
the last thirty years, has it ever been re-J
~,r. iL.l n. ... r\ 1 I
Iiiain.cn uciuic, (Hill V/ Ij A X , VjALMOUSj HI1U
Webster agreed upon any one question,
as we have seen from their late speeches,
they do upon the open violation of the Constitution,
in rel: tion to the rendition of fugi- |
tive slaves. Speaking, sir, in legal parlance,
they agree entirely upon the tacts
and the law. It is true, they differ widely
about the remedy, as would naturally have
been supposed from their respective localities,
the temper of the men, and the character
of the people they represent; but all
three agree that the North, by refusing to
surrender up fugitive slaves, violate both the
letter and spirit of the Constitution; and all
urge, not only the justice, but the absolute
necessity, of enforcing that provision, and
repealing the laws which in many of the
States render it inoperative. If, under
these circumstances, the three master minds
of America have so little influence or control
that they cannot arrest this evil, then
indeeed, is the disease organic, and too deeply
seated for the ordinary remedies.
If the light of three such minds (which,
like the expiring flicker of the lamp, seems
to burn brighter, before it is forwrer extinguished,
and whose great genius and patriotism
we may never see united again) cannot
penetrate the gloom that veils the future,
and do what I know they all desire, save
this Union, we must look to some higher
source?" we quid detrimenti Respublica
capiat." 1 regret to be obliged to differ
from the distinguished Senator from .Kentucky,
[Mr. Clay,] whose name never
fails to recall the association of eminent
talents, great aims, and a long career of
fiublic service, who seems to appreciate too
Igtitly lite Oaitgcia rrliii.li menace tills Union,
and whose great weight I am afraid will be
thrown against the south.
It neither suits my taste nor temper to
pursue this unpleasant recital further. From
all I see, and hear, and read, and feel?an
instinct which rarely deceives me?tells me
that there is danger?great danger?to the
Union, and to the Constitution of my country,
which God, in his-infinite mercy, avert,
it is not by eloquent appeals, and beautiful
eulogies upon the Union, that it can be
saved?less so by such expressions as a
determination to stand by the Union, proviso
or no proviso. When gentlemen from
the South indulge in similar expressions,
they are more dangerous to what I conceive
the best interests of the South than the most
uitra men of the North?when you say,
come what will, you stand by the Union,
you invite aggression. It may be of little
moment to you whether you lose your hat or
your cane, but if you let it be known that
you will not resist?that you are a lover of
peace?men will soon.be found ready and
willing to trespass upon your rights, and put
an indignity upon your person; much less
can the Union be saved by the course of
the Northern and Metropolitan press, hitherto
remarkable for a frank statement of the true
u signs of the times"-?not by concealing the
true state of the public mind at the South?
not by publishing garbled portions of the
messages of our governors, or the resolutions
of our State legislatures, with here and there
a solitary article upon the value of this
Uhion, as though there was some cabalistic
meaning of the word, that could cover up
and atone for every sin. No, sir. Let the
truth be spoken far and wide. Let it be
known that there is a large portion oi the
American people discontented, who are
ready and willing to renounce all old party
associations, and are anxious to meet tneir
fellow-cit:zens of the Southern States in
convention at Nashville, in the month of
Juno next. *
A majority of the Southern States have
made preparations already to be represented
?probably nearly every State will be; and
whatever may be the decision of that convention,
every Southern State, with, perhaps,
one or two exceptions, for weal or for woe,
will make one common cause. Notwithstanding
the 10 ! ejaculation and bitter denunciation
of disunion by the Senator from
Texas, that State has made the legal and
necessary arrangements to be represented,
and further, refused to vote instructions to
her delegates to use all their influence to
prevent a dissolution ot ttie Union, uet us
understand each other, and talk like men, as
no disease was ever avoided by concealing
the danger, or cured by wishing the patient
well; so neither discontent nor disunion will
be prevented or cured by lauding the glories
of the Union, or threatening to drive the
traitors into the Cumberland river.
, I propose briefly, then, to examine the
second proposition: who are the aggressors?
To do so unde.rstandingly, let us see what
was the relative position ot the people North
and South upon this question, and see who
have advanced, and who have retreated.
The first hostile movement was made
when Missouri applied to be admitted into
the Union. After five months of angry disIII
cuss tun, that State was admitted, and the
Missouri Compromise passed?that is, when
the people, authorized to form a constitution,
having all the constitutional rights
to be admitted into this Union, presented
themselves with their constitution, they
were refused admittance, until the South
consented to establish (be imaginary line of
36 deg. 30 min, ntfrth of which they forever
bound themselves and their posterity
not to go with their slaves, while their
Northern brethren might go north or south.
There was the fatal error of the people 0/
the South. They should never have conceded
the jurisdiction to Congress on the subject.
They should have resisted, at every
hazard, (as they must do at some time or
other,) every attempt to prevent them from
going, when they please, where they please,
and with what property they please, into any
and all the territory of the United States,
every acre, every foot?ay, every spoonful
of which?was the community property.
The country, however, remained comparatively
quiet until about fifteen years ago.
Still there was no great uneasiness felt, until
the admission of Texas into the Union.?
You, Mr. Chairman, and I, ware members
of the twenty-eighth Congress, and recollect
M,n *-?i- _i r -? J
I iuv umv/uiioivu uiai tuuiw piatc. uci mc rcau
I an extract or two from the speeches of
i Northern men upon this subject:
"Yes, sir,. I repeat, hypocritical pretences!
What, the ministers of the libertyloving
Government of Great Britain, so impressed
with the horrors of human servitude
in Texas and the United States, as to interpose
their benevolent policy in our affairs,
as an act of pure philanthropy! No person,
at all acquainted with English history and'
policy, and who has learned even a tithe of
the suffering of the millions upon millions
of human beings held in abject and intolerable
slavery throughout her vast dominions,' can
fail for a moment to read this painted hypocrite
'Through the disguise she wears. *
"Look at England herself. In the distance,
like the whitened sepulchre, she looks
splendid?beautiful. Approach her; enter '
her cold and dismal mines; then behold slavery?half-clad
half-starved, pale, emaciated
slavery?in the shape of human beings,
compelled to ceaseless servitude,.the doomed
and wretched vassals of the very lords and
1 I All ... "
cans wno prame so loudly upon tne noor oi
Parliament about the horrors of American
slavery. Enter her manufacturing towns
and cities; see the ragged and wan husband
and father, struggling early and late for a
mere pittance. Visit the wife and children
in the miserable and dirty .hovel, enduring
all the horrors bordering upon nudity ana
starvation; and then caff to mind, that all
this is the direct effect of the oppressive and
grinding policy of these pretended philanthropists
for the negro race in America. But we
need not stop here. True, gfie freed her
slaves in the West Indies. For what purpn#??
not of a. hatred-tp slavery! EpMP a
sincere desire to relieve human suffering?
Or was it to Foment the spirit of political abolitionism
in the United States, to array the
North against the South, and thus to
weaken the ties that bind us together, auJ
finally consummate her long-cherished desires,
by a dissolu'inn of our Ujiion, and
prostrate forever her great and rival antagonist
in commerce, manufactures, and the
You, Mr. Chairman, heard all that discussion?you
saw all their fire-brand resolutions
voted down and denounced by Northefn
men. I need not say to you, that was the
way the Democracy of the North, and many
of tjie intelligent Whigs, voted. You know
who stood by the Atherton resolutions, and
all sueh resolutions as would give peace and
quiet to the South. Let me show the committee
how Northern States?at leastNorthern
Democratic States?acted. While the
Texan annexation was under discussion, a
member of this House, frum New Hampshire,
wrote and published a long letter to
his constituent, assigning his reasons for deserting
his party on this question, and put
forth ap anti-slavery manifesto. You recollect
in what unmeasured terms he was denounced
by one of his colleagues. I will
not offend the committee by reading the insinuations
ftiade against the veracity of his address.
Suffice it to say, that no gentleman
born and brought up south of Mason and
Dixon's line, would ever have preserved
friendly relations afterward,, without some
The author of that address had been nominated
as a candidate tor re-election to this
body by the entire Democracy of the State,
(because, at that time, IMew Hampshire
had not adopted the district system of electing
her members of Congress,) and though
it was within a few weeks, if I remember
accurately, of the time cf the election, and
at an inclement season of the year, a convention
was called for the entire State, the
nomination was cancelled, another person
was substituted in his place, and from that
day John P. Hale has ceased all connection
with the Democratic party. True it is,
that by a union of the Whigs and Abolitionists,
ha was elected a Senator; and the colleague
who denounced him, and the author
of the speech, the extract of which I have
just read, is?who do you suppose, Mr.
Chairman? why, Moses Norris, his coSenator!.
Where are tiie eleqnent defenders of the
South?-no, sir; not of the South, but the
fearless exponents of the Constitution? Where
are the Browns? the Ingersolls? the Athertons?
the Norrises, and the Elliscs? and echo
answers, " Where?" All have been compelled
to turn their coats like HAtx*and
Norris, or one by one have been stricken
down, or forced tnto voluntary enle flrom
! public life.
The committee will pardon me if I read
one short extract from the speech of an able
member from New York, the Empire State,
with thirty-four members upon this floor, and
but one solitary spared monument of the defenders
of the Constitution:
" Let the scheme declare, as the bill of
my colleague, [Mr. Robinson,] the predecessor
of my friend before me, from New
York, [Mr. Duer,] proposes, that after
r- -'WL '
4 - Jr f f &
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L published oo Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays
of each week.
"The Southern Preaa,"?Weekly,
Is published every Saturday.
advertising rates.
Fur one square ?f 10 Unas, three insertions, $1 Ob
u every subsequent insertion, - 25
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subncriptiuus at our riak Address, (post-paid) 0 A j
Washington City.
forming on? slave State, slavery shall be
prohibited in all the other States which the
territory may hereafter make, unless Congress
shall otherwise determine by law, and
you drive Texas into indignant rejection.
You make a fundamental provision, which,
if adopted, would be an unfailing source
of agitation, of contention?perhaps of disunion
itself. The spir t of political abolitionism
would rejoice in triumph. It would
hold a poorer over the action of some members
of Congress hereafter, whose fa:es it
would knead into dough. You would effectually
imprison the slave race within those
limits of the Udion, close the drain and the
outlet to Mexico, and most surely perpetuate
the existence of slavery under the pretext
of extending the area of freedom."
Such then, Mr. Chairman, were the sentiments
of all liberal men at the North. I
hope to hear no more of the aggressions of
the South, or the slaveocracy, as we have it
classically expressed. The idea of a party
ink minority of more than forty members,
on this floor, aggressing upon the rights of 'jj
a majority, is as ridiculous as would be the
attempts of a weak, sickly man, to encroach
upon the privileges of a strong, herculean
neighbor. If you mean to carry out the
opinions entertained by nearly all men of all
parties, and restrict us to our present limits,
and forbid us from ever extending ourselves
and our institutions, say that you have become
more righteous, or that you understand
the Constitution better, or what you
please, but do not charge us with aggressing
upon your rights. How can we aggress
upon your rights? We cannot pass a solitary
measure without a large vote from the
North, if all the Representatives from the
slave States were united. Can you name a
single instance where the South have endeavored
to interfere with the domestic affairs
of the North? If you will strike out
of your proviso the word " slavery," and insert
any other substantive in the English
language, there is not a man, woman, or
child, out would rise up and denounce it.
Say that the Catholic religion, or the Methodist
religion, the common law, or the civil
law, shall not go to California, and there
would be a denunciation from one end of the
Union to the other. It is true that the Wil- '
mot Proviso, eo iiomine, is defunct. 1 was
sitting in that gallery when it was introduced,
and a gentleman observed to me that it was
the worst firebrand ever introduced, and
would dissolve the Union, and we but 1
went into the House, and voted against it.
The people of the South relying upon
their constitutional rights, are committed
against this Wilmot Proviso, and you will
not pass it. When the Constitution was
framed, the people of the South had intelligence
and foresight enough to make such
constitutional provisions as were necessary
to secure them from any encroachments.
We think those provisions sufficient, and
are willing to trust ourselves under that Constitution
when faithfully executed: byl I 'l~
sire to sa^ ior raysen, Srnronw mtenXIiiig or
wishing to commit any gentlemeu to my
views, that as it is admitted by Northern
men, jurists, and all writers and commenators
upon the Constitution, that without
these guarantee, the Union could never
hare bee.i formed; if it shall be shown by
the legislation and practice of this Government,
that they are not sufficient to secure
all the rights of property in slaves in esse
posse, manendo et eundo, I desire to have
additional guaranties.
Mr. McCLERNAND wished to know
whether the gentleman intended to exert his
influence to cause the Southern Statesto secede,
or break upthe Union, if they do not
get an amendment to the Contitution ?
Mr MORSE. If those guaranties are
not sufficient, or are not maintained, I will
devote all my energy, day and night?I will
write and talk to the people to bring this
about. My people, in giving up the right
to go north of 36 deg. 30 min., will at least
have the doctrine of non-intervention respected
south of that line. I believe the guaranties
of the Constitution amply sufficient, and am
willing to submit the question to the courts
of justice. ]
Mr. McCLERNAND. The gentleman says
that, if such and such things are not done, he is
for disunion. He insists that slavery is tolerated
south of 36? 30\ Now the gentleman, holding
the doctrine he does, I ask him, in view of that
doctrine, how can he contend that non-intervention
can prevent him ?
Mr. MORSE. It cannot.
Mr. McCLERNAND. What is the difficulty
Mr. MORSE. Because you declare in all your j
speeches and preambles, and will probably uo so j
in some legislative enactment, that slavery shall
not go there, or that it is forever excluded by
Mexican law. The moment you do, you violate
die bond, tear your name from it, and seek to
hold us to it. 3
Mr. McCLERNAND. You said the Wilmot
proviso was detVinct.
Mr. MORSE. True ; but there are two other
provisos, the Executive, and, the most odious of
all, the Mexican Proviso, as I shall call it?"a rose
hv nnv nthpr nnmr"?lh(> mirWAlinn in somewhat
musty. I
Mr. DUER. If the judieiary decides against I
you, will you then insist on your proposed change . 1
in the Constitution? I
Mr. MORSE. No, sir ; I* would abide by thnt * I
decision?you cannot make your Mexican proviso I
any more palatable. If I am to be excluded from I
the country, where you said solemnly we had a I
right to go, I would rather you should do it than I
the Mexicans. I
The legislative and the treaty-making power I
ars both subservient to the Constitution, and no I
law?no tredty can bind any citizen that contra- I
venes that sacred instrument. The President I
and the Senate cannot make any treaty in defi- I
anee of this Constitution. If a stipulation hnd I
been inserted, ether by the commissioners or by the I
Senate, (as I learn was attempted,) that slavery jM
would not go to every part of the territory south fo
36 deg. 30 min., it would not be worth the parch
ment on which it was written, and I would eo
there, a?I have no doubt we bare a right to do
with our slaves, and if there was an honest iud^e
to be found; ^any man ercept one who thinks lie H
will be justified in violating his oath because the
Constitution is subservient to the laws of God,) 1
would hold your treaty null and void, and I H
should be protected in the enjoyment of my slave
property. Could your President and Senate make
a treaty establishing a Chureh as a part of your
State government? Could your Senate make a
treaty recognizing a title of nobility ? In short, H
can it do anything forbidden, or evsn doubtful,
under you/- Constitution?
Well, what is the ferce of this Mexican proviso? I
I have read all the writers upon national law, and
1 find nothing of tha kind, and t regret that a *H
senator from Pennsylvania has Vattel in the
original from the library, or I would show what

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