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THOUGHTS FOR SOUTHERNERS j
On the Mmittion of California Separwtefy or ConW * % : jointly. HOI'SE Or KErREtSXTATIVES, ) WiiHiNGTvVi July 1, 1850. $ It is aaid, that with the exception of Mr. Clay, every Southerner in either House of Congress ia prepared, and resolved to vote againat the admission of California done and at eke it. No doubt it is so, and clearly they are right?.but why I The objections are numerous, though but three need be named: 1st. Her dimensions are nnnuiural and monstrous; 2d. The whole public domain will be thereby lost to the Union; and 3d. Her admission involves the direct sanction of Congress to the establishment of the ffihnot Provito in all the territory south of 36? 30' to the thorough and perpetual exclusion of the South. Imposing objections these, and sound ones too. They have rarely been mot, and have never been answered; and since the signal failure of Mr. Webster to dislodge Mr. Soule from his positions upon the matters of bouudary, the public domain, and the controlling jurisprudence of Mexico over the rights and usages of miners, it may well be blUU U11U uicy ^UiUiUl wv. m nuuiu uuv umv feulured to call the failure of Mr. Webster signal, (though I thought it so,) but for hearing that a distinguished friend of hie?a statesman and jurist of the first order of ability?had so charucteriaed the replies both of Jud^e Douglas and ' himself to Mr. Soule, and said that neither of them had fhlly confronted or faced his positions; having heard concurring opinions from the soundest and wariest of statesmen, and having witnessed his authorities from Howard and Vattel most effectually and unanswerably turned against him, I could conclude nothing else but that the admission of California, now and as she is, involved a total sacrifice of the public domain, the obliteration of the line of the Missouri Compromise, and the imposition upon the South of the odious Wilmot Proviso, through the immediate agency and sanction of Congress itself! No wonder, thought I, that th$ Southern members should be so united and decided in opposing a measure so void of justice and so Aill of evil. j But it is further said that there a rea/?u?(and may God grant there are a very few!) of the same Southern members who will resist to the last the separate admission of California, for the reasons li have stated, will yet vote for her admission as she presents herself in the " Omnibus bill" before the Senate. But is there not a radical difference j between the two bills! Not an atom, not a clause, not a provision, so far as the interests] and rights of California, of the South, or of the Union, are concerned! Both of them are the hopefhl filiations (or lusvs natura, rather) of a common paternity?the Senate's Committee on Territories. In their whole and in their parts, in their terms and in their aims, they are the fac similes of each other, and their tendencies and consequences must be inevitably the same. Then whatever one bill sacrifices of J.he Union's treasures and of .the South's rights, thus to a fraction and exactly doth the other. Therein not the toss of a preference or the shade of a choice between them. But are there not other provisions and concessions from the North included in or accompanying the Omnibus bill which would compensate the South for abandoning the whole of Southern California to the fanatic exactions, and inexorable and chungeless dominion of Free Soilism ? Let us examine them carefully and candidly, and see if they are : By fur the most attractive (in view of Southern interests) of all the measures embraced in the Committee's report, are those provisions of the Omnibus bill modelling out territorial Governments for Utah and New Mexico?especially since the adoption of Mr. Soule's amendment providing for the admission of any States which may be formed from them, " with or without slavery''? as the people who form them shall decide, when the authority and the occasion shall be devolved on them. That, with the amendment of Mr. Berrien, restraining the territorial Legislatures from passing laws " to admit or exclude slavery," would have contented the South, but for the unaccountable rejection by the Senate of Colonel Davis' amendment, providing for the mere police protection to the property-rights of slaveholders on migrating to or passing through the territories. The withholding- of such an authority from the territorial Legislatures, with special reservations of Congressional vetoes to annul any such acts when they were passed, left the bill radically defective in these regards. Should such provisions yet be restored and invested in the territorial Legislatures, I do not hesitate to say, that these portions of the Omnibus bill would be all that, the South should insist upon or claim; but, were this done, there is not a Southerner who could admit that any such provisions would abridge or ifiipair, to any extent, the rights of the North. Not a Southerner could admit that they secured to the property of the slaveholders the veriest modicum of immunity, of right, or of power, which the Constitution and flag of the Union do not guaranty to it wherever it claims its protection, 011 the land or on the sea. Such provisions, then, (if made) could have imported no more than a simple recognition of the constitutional equality of the States and sections, and in no sense or seeming could they have been regarded as concessions from either to the other of anything beyond what the Constitution had already guaranteed equally and imprescriptably to both. To convert a mere acknowledgment of rights, into concessions of grace which are to be remunerated and paid for through concessions and surrenders of constitutional rights, involves a pretension which humiliates while it wrongs: and I know not if it be the most offensive as an insult, or revolting as a burthen. I must prize my native South far above her real worth,?if in all her I borders there be a single constituency which woukl not resent such a pretension, and spurn the asserted inferiority H suggests, and would stamp on it. Yet so it is, and disguise as we ma| what we are ashamed to admit but feel to be true, it must all come to light sooner or later?that the South does pay the North through the Omniitw bill and the accompanying measures, and pay her largely and exorbitantly, for witholding the IVilmot Proviso from the desolate wastes of Utah and New Mexico, and yielding her consent to the impotent and paltry provisions of the territorial sections as they are, in reference to the rights of slaveholders ; and even that, under the protest that the Mexican laws prohibiting slavery arc still in force thither, and with the significant implication that she means to put them in force, should the treaty of cession or the Constitution of the Union have suspended or expunged them! Yet, be these provisions what they may, whether only just or less than just, the South is made to pay for them I all, and most prodigally and lavishly too? not in rights, power, territory and sovereignty merely, but even in moiuy. But I have not taken up my pen to muse upon chances, but to prove what I have said, and all tliat IJiave deduced from it, and I proceed to point out what it is that the North exacts from the South for her inestimable forbearance in withholding the Wdmot Proviso from the territories of Utah and New Mexico, tentil (it may be) the next session of Congress; and in the fj.ee of a forestalling vote in the Houae of Rep>; ..entativca, declaring that neither of them ahall ever be admitted into the Union as titer States, whatever the I people wh? inhabit them may wiah or decide in I their State constitutions! For this acknowledgment of the South' pre-existing rights in the territories, the North exacts of Iter : 1st. That the South shall exempt and exonerate Congress from exercising its acknowledged powers over the limi/s of California, by now stretching the line of the Missouri Compromise to the Pacific, to assert by slalW- that Congress shall establish by ratification t Use fVilmoi Proviso, throughout California to the south pf 38? 30', and cede her the sovereignty without a reservation of either the eminent or usefril domains, and leaving all the lands and treasures of the Union to the laws of inevitable escheat and irretrievable sacrifice. Now, the whole Territories of Utah and New Mexico, from their climates, sterility, and vast distance from the gulf and from the sea, when conjoined with Southern California, rate in agricultural, commercial and political value, as five to an hundred; while the latter in tlu: same association, from its Southern exposure, its wild climate, its soil, its products, its fertility, its prospects of mineral treasure, and above all, the outlet and the hold it gives the South upon the trade i of the Pacific, give it a value agriculturally, commercially and politically, iinmeasurablygreater than all of Utah and New Mexico, and reaching folly to ninety-fire one-hundreths of the.whole. Why, if the South had the choice she would surrender to-morrow every acre of both, in exchange for the privilege of sharing with tha North in the products, commerce, and profits of Southern California. This being the real state of the case, a fair measure of the North's exactions of the South 'a sacrifices?is it to be expected, (when the matter is frilly understood and just as it is) that in all the South, one man will be found in Congress or out of Congress, who would so abandon and abuse her, as to sacrifice ninety-five one-hundreths of the value of a common property, by accepting vn nna.luinrlrnliia n C t U a ulinln nndnr Oillittr till* shallow misnomer of a compromise, or the more galling menace of numbers and compulsion? When I see it, I shall believe it, and not one moment sooner. I neither doubt nor complain that there are Southenersof the highest reputation, and the first order of abilities who have been inclined to support this measure, under some delusive hopes of tr&nquilizing the country?but once unmask its tendencies and its sacrifices, and I consent to be ranked with gipsies and socialists, if it shall not encounter their strenuous and victorious resistance. With the whole of California given up to Free-Soilism, it will hardly be insisted that the South would gain anything, even were she allotted her full constitutional share in Utah and New Mexico. But she is made to pay for her own, and pay for it in the surrender of Southern California. Nor is that all she has to pay : 2d. She has to pay to the North, furthermore, in a dismemberment and the divesture of Texas of 10? of her slave-holding territory from the 32d to the 43d degree of North lalitue, with dimensions large enough for three sovereign States?and ceding the whole, both of its eminent and rueful domain, to the grasping and changeless dominion of political Free-Soillsm; and as Texas cannot submit to such a sacrifice without a heavy recomnpnic. it ia artunllv nrnnosed that the South shall pay out of her own pocket ftilly $6,000,006 aa her contribution towards the ascendency and domination of Free-Soilism within her own dominions ! If Texas should grain any thing through this ominous dismemberment of her territory, (which I wholly contest and deny) it is very certain that the South does not; and that she would lose far more from the union, compactness and strength of the slave States by the operation, than unrestricted settlements, in fine, such States as Utah and New Mexico would be worth to her. Yet we are asked to sacrifice Texas as .well as California, that we might have our own with impoverishment and graves in the parching depths of these arid vales, or topmost nmong their bleak and barren acclivities. Dear that for the whisUe! 3d. As to the[Fugitive Slave bill?if any Southerner hopes that any effective provisions will be secured in that, to bring the North to her constitutional duties, and spare the South her most annoying and impoverishing spoliations, he is far more sanguine than I am. As to the two sections reported f?m the committee, they, with their encumbrances of record proofs and jury [trials, must seriously obstruct the reclamations of slaves?-no.r aid them in the least, unless the proofs are made conclusive, which they are not now. But I wish that this were the worst?which I am far from hoping?but what are we to look for when Mr. Webster tuny admitted in run great speecn, mat the enticing away and emancipating of fugitive slaves, was a serious and important evil, that the Crnstitution had devolved it as a high duty upon the North, to. compensate, to repair and end itafter declaring in the Committee of Thirteen, that in the Bixty years of the Government, he had never heard of an instance of a fugative being claimed asa slave, who had not proven to be such; and that the North, therefore, needed no safeguards to protect the fugitive from service, from simulated reclamation; and who declared to his Boston constituency that he "treads ho Hep backwards," yet soon after he returned to the Senate and laid upon its table to be printed, an amendment to the fugitive bill (which he said he had prepared in February, and be/ore his first speech) giving trial by jury to ftigitive slaves and <y? the Slates wherein they shotild be captured ! When that passes?that will do? and it is confidently asserted, that no bill will be passed without such a clause in it. It is plain Mr. W. does not ask such a change because he thinks it is needed to protect the fugitives from spurious claimants?for ire admitting there we/e no such claimants, he admitted the sufficiency quoad hoc of the apcient remedies; and if this does not upmask the purpose of an universal emancipation of the fugitives from service, through the South's abandonment of such hopeless pursuits and such foreordained verdicts?where is the pith or the efficacy which lurks in this furtive and delusive amendment? If the South shall gain any thing from this torpid, noiseless, sluggish Fugitive Slave bill, I shall be most agreeably surprised; but those who hope most from it, cannot look for a compen* sation in its provisions, to repair the sacrifice of California and Texas to the power of t ree Soil clamors and the North's members. 4th. The only remaining measure upon the calendar of political remedial, may be weLl termed the abolition of slaves and the slave trade in the District of Columbia; tor it must rapidly and inevitably lead to both?and in limited descriptions accomplishes them now! And this is odd enough, for it is more than the Abolitionists bargained for. All they claimed was the abating of the nuisance of the slave marts; but now, private individuals being in or out of the District, are forbidden to bring and sell their slaves here (whether the necessity or urgency prompting them or however privatel and free from exposure) under the penalty of instantaneous emancipation and forfeiture! Thus we go! A vast majority in the South wholly deny a power in Congress to emancipate slaves any where or at all; and a vast proportion in the North concede that the obligations of the public faith afo scarcely less binding upon it; yet, here is this portentous measure, full to the very brim with mischiefs and strifes, sullenly and only awaiting enactmfht to kindle a flame in Southern bosoms from the IvKiryland line to the Delta of the Rio Grande; from the Upper Mississippi to the sea! But, Messrs. Editors, I drop the subject. Should p* ' > " ' "4h' it open the eyes of any upon the perilous breakers which frown in our front?so much the better. Should it return to the columns of the rallying South any of her gallant sons who have strayed | from her side, and show them that, while Caiifor> nia 'k admission by Congress .would be one of the i worst of calamities which could be fid the Bouth, there might be one more which would even transcend that?and that would be her admission in oanjunction and pari passu with the measures which accompanied Mr. Clay's report! AU REVOIH. For ike Southern Press. The charge of raising a seotional issue has been made against the South, and' the advice of Washington has been liberally quoted, against her effort to meet the crisis now impending. Let us see which section i? obnoxions to this charge, and which it was-that first ruised an issue of this character. It needs no elaborate argument to prove that the North is the aggressor, for the South is in an attitude of defence; and not offence. For a series of years, the North has been ahniug its blows at Southern institutions. Proteus like, it has changed its shape to suit its objects, but in every shape, it has been the unrelenting foe a. ct .1 * a o ,i r | 10 fsgumern ijuiui nnu oouuttrn progress, iv 10 true, this charge is not applicable to the North as an entirety, but only to an organization known among them, as Abolitionists and Liberty Party men. ' Yet it is not to be denied that these parties found a resting place there, and if not absolutely countenanced, were yet tolerated by the Northern States, till sufficiently increased and recruited, to becomean important element in determining Whig and Democratic ascendency. The time has arrived, that a platform sufficiently comprehensive should be erected to embrace the whole Northern people, now anxious to conciliate Abolitionism, and a sectional party has been reared in the North, whose object is to degrade the South, and destroy its equality in the confederacy. Confessedly, the object of the North is to prevent the accession of any more slave territory. If this be not sectional we know not what is. The South having had ^presented to her a sec- , uonai issue, naa oanaea in aeience, ana torinwun the cry of disunion and ultr&ism is raised, and she is warned of the danger of a geographical party. What rank hypocrisy is this, and how unworthy of honest men! No Northern senator or representative, dare so far do his duty under the Constitution as to give the South her rights. Even the Missouri line is reftised, and the most worthy Northern men say, they dare not vote for a measure that will gives foot of territory to slavery. Those who have compromised so far as to give a seeming recognition of Southern rights, under the Constitution, are threatened with extinction, and are compelled to admit in their defence, that the measures they advocate "give the kernel to the North, whilst they present the shell to the South." That, in effect, they but give the South an opportunity to abandon the contest for their rights, gracefully. Contrast the grasping policy of the North, with the generosity of the South. When Texas, a slave State, was admitted into the Union, Southern votes yielded all North of 36? 30' to the free Slates. Yet the South is fhlsely accused of raising sectional issues ; the aggressive wolf accuses the lamb of disturbing the enters. Can Pharisaism go further in its hypocritical assumptions of righteousness ??in its making of lbng prayers for a pretence, whilst it is appropriating the spoils of iniquity ? ' The stand of defence taken by the South, is highly conservative, and may be the means, under < Henvfcn, of saving not only herself, but the North also from convulsions, and the destruction inherent in the principles they are now madly fostering. Abolitionism for the South, is red republic, anism fpr the North. The issue, though now geographical, is not long to be so, but will shape itself into one, alike interesting to every lover of true freedom. None can fail to see, that the principles on which Abolitionism is founded, is capable of application to the labor of the North, as well as that of the South. That the kind of liberty they advocate is of that absolute character, demanded by the Red Republicans of France and the Radicals of England. It is not a liberty founded onaeason and Civilization, but one founded on mature; and is as much the right of the savage as the sage, of the hyena as the dove. It ,is the kind of liberty that has brought desolation to the West India Islands, massacre to the Parisians, till arrested by military despotism, and anarchy wherever it has been tried. It is not the liherfv nf the fin*. pel of Christ, but of Volt&ice and transccndentalists. Tito issue, then, is truly, whether liberty restrained by reason, or liberty aboye law, (such as Mr. Seward spoke of, as being above the Constitution,) shall be in the asoendant ? It appears to us, that this issue is as interesting to the North as the South, and that so ftir from being sectional, is eminently national. .This is the mission of the Southern Press! above ^irty, it will recall both parties, to their allegiance to th^ Constitution. Aciter. LETTER FROM Hon. V. E. HOWARD, of Texas. To the Editors of the Southern Press: Gekti.emek : I desire through your paper to make know to my constituents and the public, thfe true position of the Government, in relation to its present controversy with the State of Texas. The claim of Texas to her boundary is a legal question, having no necessary connection with the question of slavery, yet the Cabinet at Washington have chosen, for their own selfish and ambitious purposes, to mingle it with that exciting and complicated subject. In addition to the exclusion of the South from all |he territory* the Cabinet found it c mvenient^ in order to promote its schemes of aggrandisement, to wed itself to the anti-slavery party by taking measures to dismember Texas, ana apply the WHmot proviso within her limits through the pyetended formation of a State government within those limits. It remains to be seen whether the Senate will permit the clear legal" rights of the State to be sacrificed to this influence. Step by step the President has been betrayed by his advisers n?Ily into this measure of iniquity and aggression. He has been urged, persuaded, and seduced into a course, which, if not sneedilv abandoned .wilt inevitably loud ton. collision of arms between the slaveholding and non-slaveltolditfg States. Indeed, it can be no longer disguised that the Free soil influence in Congress,and which prevails in the Cabinet, is aiming at open hostility aud blood-shed. It desires to eitbdue the South by means of the Pedef-al Government, at the head of which is a Southern man. Can any one have forgotten how often, during the present session of Congress the South has been threatened with invasion ahd force, by the militia Colonels, and other valorous champions of Free soil and Abolition? An issue is at length made up. To suit the present political exigencies, and gratify the Rnti- ' slavery influences in the country, the policy of the Administration is chanftd in relation to the Texas < boundut*y Jthc authorities of that State are sneered j at by the President: and the State itself threatened i with violence if it shall undertake to enforce its t jurisdiction in the Santa Fe country. And this j u done in such a manner, with taunts and menaces, i that Texas cannot yield the enforcement of her i jurisdiction without the absolute disgrace of sub- < l lecting herself to the imputation of shrinking j before the minions of power. i In his late message of the 17th of June, the j President says: , " I have alreaUy in a former message, referred i to the fact that the boundary between Texas and i New Mexico is disputed. I have now to state i that information has been recently received, that a I certain Robert S. Neighbours, styling himself com- i missioner of the State of Texas, has proceeded to t Santa Fe with a view pf organising counties in that * t hstnct.under the authority ofTexas. While I have 1 10 power to decide the question of boundary, and I 10 desire to interfere with it as a question of title, < I have to observe, that the possession of the terri- 1 Lory into which it appears that Mr. Neighbours has thus gone, was actually acquired by the United I States from Mexico, and has since been held by 1 the United States, rund in my opinion ought so to i remain unul the question of boundary shall have i been determined by some competent authority. Meanwhile, I think there is uo reason for serious- , ly apprehending that Texas will practically inter- < I'ere with the possession of the United States." Here is an ill-disguised aueer at the officer, and authority of the Stale in the person of lierconimis- 1 lioner: and an implied threat if Texas shall " practically interfere with the possession of the United States." It is without meaning, unless intended as a threat; for the message communicates the fact, that Texas Itad practically asserted jurisdic- i lion in this very country. It is the first time in | the history of this Government, when its First i Magistrate has made use of his station to sneer at the authorities of one of the States of this confederacy. How much dignilv such official bearing can add to the man or the place, the public will judge. This message asserts, in terms, that the posses- i ton of this country is in the United States, And that Major Neighbors, as the commissioner of Texas, ban obtruded himself into it without the authority jf this Government. As the Legislature of that Slate lias placed this disputed territory in my district, I esteem it my duty to correct these misstatements, and place the history of the subject in its true light. In the first place, I assert that the last administration admitted, that the right nf jwuestwn to thin country, as well as the title, was in Texas: ordered it to be delivered over to her, and invited her t? take possession of the country. In his despatch of the 12th of October, 1848, uircctod to the commanding officer at Santa Fe, Secretary Morcv ordered as follows; " Texas claims as a part of* that State all the territory lying east of the Rio Grande, and the 'government here ban not contested that claim." "In regard to that part of what the Mexicans called New Mexico, lying east of the Rio Grande, the civil authority which Texas has established or may establish there is to be respected, and in no manrter whatever interfered with by the military force in that department. otherwise than to lend aid on nrnner nc.cn. sions in sustaining it. In other parte of New Mexico, whatever civil government is found to exist, is to be regarded as a government de facto, and also to be respected." The last administration asserted, that with the war ended the military government 'and the possession of the United States on the east sideot tha Rio Grande. It was always asserted to be a mere war measure. That was the response given to Governor Henderson, of Texas, when he called on the President to explain the character of tliis military government. In his special message of the 24th July, 1848, the President said : " Iq answer to a letter fVom the Governor of Texas, dated on the fourth of January, 1847, the Secretary of State, by my direction, informed him in a letter of the 12th of February, 1847, thatin the President's annual message of December, 1846, 4 You have already perceived that New Mexico is at present in the temporary occupation of the troops of the United States, ana the government over it is military in its character. It is merely such a government as must exist under the laws of nations and of war, to preserve order and protect the rights-of the inhabitants, nnd will sease on the conclusion of a treaty of peace with Mexico. Nothing, therefore, can be more certain than that this temporary government, resulting from necessity, can never injuriously affect the right which the President believes to be justly aslerted by Texas to the whole territory on this tide of the Rio Grande, whenever the Mexican :loim to it shall have been extinguished by :reaty.' " After the failure of Congress to provide territorial governments, the last administration took measures to continue the then existing governments in California and New Mexico; but expressly excepted the country on the east l>ank of the Rio Grande; Secretary Marcy, in his despatch to Gen. Worth, dated December 10, 1848, ordered: " I send you herewith a copy of a letter from ure ^secretary 01 etnie 10 Mr. V oorftees, tlie mail tgent sent to California, which was designed to be made known to the people of that territory. The situation of the pemde of New Mexico (I mean that part of New Mexico over which Texas does not claim jurisdiction,) is similar to that of the people of California. The views of the government, as presented in the letter of the Secretary of State, you will regard as applicable to the inhabitants of New Mexico, and lake the proper measures ft> make thein known in that territory." In his last annual message in 1849, President Polk says : " The existing condition of Calfornia, and that part of New Mexico lying west of the Rio Grande,-and without the limits of Texas, imperiously demand that Congress should, at its present session, organize territorial governments over them." Thus this subject stood at the close of the war and the termination of the last administration. The possession of the country on the east of the Rio Grande by this Government, ceased by positive agreement, at the termination of the war. Every act of military government exercised there since is an absolute nullity. This government has no more possession there now than it has of any oa.her State of the Union, in which it happens to have a post and soldiers stationed. All acts of civil government exercised in Santa Fe by the military, are gross usurpations of power, and tyrannical in the last degree, whether directed by the Executive, or originating with his subordinates I shaI!*now proceed to prove that thin administration has admitted the right of Texas to take possession of this country, l>ut has since changed the order for political reasons. In the despatch of Secretary Crawford to the commanding officer at Santa Fe, dated March 20, 1849, he says : " It is presumed that the instructions from this Department, of October 12, 1848, forwarded by the hands of Midshipman Bead, of the navy, have been received by you some time since ; nevertheless, I herewith furnish copies of the same. With respect to that nortion of the in structions which* is in the following words : 4 In regard to that part of what the Mexicans called Mew Mexico, lying east qf the Rio Grande, the civil authority xchich Texas has established, or may establish there, is to be respected and in no manner interfered with by the military force in that department otherwise than to lend aid on proper occasions in sustaining it.' I have to remark, that it is not expected Texas will undertake to extend her civil government over the remote region designated; but,should she do so, you will confine your action, under the clause above cited, to arranging your command in such manner as not to come into conflict with the authorities so constituted. On the claim of Texas to any* or the whole of New Mexico, east of the Rio Grande, it is not necessary to give an opinion, as Congress and that State alone have the power qf adjusting it." It is true that this instruction of Mr. Crawford is a modification of the order of Secretary Marct, but only in changing the direction to sustain the jurisdiction of Texas into one, not to oppose it. It admits fully the right of Texas to take possession and exercise jurisdiction. Thus supported and protected by the last administration, thus invited and encouraged by the Government of Gen. Tatlor. Texas sent her Commissioners without force or appliances to organize the country and establish bar jurisdiction, relying! on fho honor and rood faith of thisadminintrstmn. I Tlic military obeyed the order of the 06th of March, 1849, and the Commissioner of Texas organized n great portion of the counties undef the jurisdiction of Texas, He met with no opposition from the people or the militnry, as 1 am informed by those who traveled with him, until he arrived at Santa Fe. There some four or five hundred Ameripans, principally aspirants for office, opposed his ' authority; but their opposition would have heen unavailing but for the interference of the military. About that time, Col. McCall, as isolated by the i Texas papers, on the authority of a United States j officer, direct from Santa Fe, arrived with new instructions, under which the authority of Texas | was resisted, and a convention called to frame a i State Constitution. And, now let us go back and briefly trace the origin and motive of this change of policy on the part of th'e Cabiuet of Gen. Taylor, for it will be Tound to be only one part of a system?a single ret in the drama?to defraud the South of all participation in the common territories, to apply the Wilmot Proviso through the means of the ac ion of the few and transient people in the formation pf State Governments. Gen. Taylor was made to intervene and d ictat e the formation of State Governments. On the 3d of April, 1849, Thomas Butlkr King was despatched to California, with the letter t?f Secretary Claytow, containing the significant instruction " You are fully possessed of the President's views, and can, with propriety, suggest to the people of California the adoption of measures best calculated to give them effect. These measures must, of course, originate solely with themselves. Assure them of the sincere desire of the Executive of the United States to protect and d? fend them in the formation of any government, republican in ita character, hereafter to be submited to Congress, which shall be the result of their own deliberate choice. assesses "You are fully authorized to confer with our military and naval commanders within these territories, who will be instructed to assist you in the accomplishment of the objects of your mission." In his massage of 21st January last, the President says: "I seijf the Hon. Thos. Butler King as bearer of des|ialclie? to California, ajid certain officers to California and New Mexico, whose duties are particularljtdefined in the accompanying letters of instruction addressed to thctn severally by the proper departments. I do not hesitate to express to the people of those territories my desire that each territory should, if prepared to comply with the requisitions of the Constitution of Uie United States, form a plaij of a State constitution, and submit the same to Congress, with a prayer for admission into the Union as a States" After alluding to the agitation of the slavery question by Congress, the President froceeds to say; " Under these circumstances thought, and still think, that it was my duty to endeavor to put it in the power of Congress, by the admission of California and New Mexico oa States, to remove all occasion for the unnecessary agitation of the public ntind." ? And the reasons of my opinion that New Mexico will, at no very distant period, ask for admission into the Union, are fbunded on unofficial information which, I suppose, is common to all who have cared to make inquiries on that subject." 1 submit, however, that the Preeident was mistaken in supposing that bis information on that subject was entirely unofficial. His Cabinet, or one member of it, had already interfered actively to bring a State Government into existence in New Mexico. Mr. Secretary CkAwroRO in his instructions to Col. Georok-A. McCall, dated November 19, 1849, says : "-at v. "Sir, as you are about to join your regiment, now on duty in New Mexico, it nas occurred to me as proper to make some observations on the peculiar condition of that and another territory of the United States. " It is 'not doubted that the people ofNewMexiico desire and want a Government organized, with all proper functions, for the protection and security of their persons and property. " The auestion readily occurs, now can that Government be supplied? I have already adverted to past and still existing difficulties, that hare retarded, and may continue to retard the action of the United States, in respect to this necessary and first want; to remove it, may in some degree, be the part of the duty of officers of the army, on whom, under the necessities of the case, have been devolved a partial participation in their civil affairs. It is therefore deemed proper that! shouldsay that it is not believed that the people of New Mexico are required to" await the movements of the Federal Government in relation to a plan of a government proper for the regulation of their own internal concerns. "The Constitution of the United Slates, and the late treaty with Mexico, guaranty their admission into the union of our States, subject only to the " Should ihe people of New Mexico wish to take any steps toward this object, so important and necessary to themselves, it will be your duty and the duty of others with whom you are associated, not to thwart but advance their wisjies. It is their right to appenr before Congress and ask for admission into the Union. Other and complicated questions may arise, which are considered as merged in this essential right of these people, and for the. decision of which we must look beyond the authority of the Executive. " It will be instructive and probably necessary information, when the people ofNew Mexico form a constitution and seek ndmission into the .confederacy of the States, to have your observat'on and views on the probable numbers, habits, customs, and pursuits of life." It should be borne in mind thattlus order was given a very short time previous "to the meeting of Congress, and was a bold usurpation of its powers, and a lawless disregard of the rights of Texas. In fairness nnd plain dealing the Government was bound to notify this -change of policy to Texas. It was not an act of good faith to let the State proceed under the cmpression that this Government would not oppose the civil authorities of the State, and then resist them after their work was half performed. This course was as clandestine and fraudulent, as it was unjust and tyrannical. When the Secretary of War speaks pf " other and complicated questions" he alludes to the boundary claimed by Texan, and distinctly tells the military that it is to be " merged in the essential rights of these people," the plain English of which is, resisuthe jurisdiction of Texas, if the people of New Mexieo see fit to come into the President's plan of presenting themselves with a State organization, otherwise, let Texas go on. Under such an order, the President might well prophesy that Now Mexico would soon present norself for admission into the UniAn. As already stated, this order to Colonel McCall did not Arrive in Santa Fe until late, but it produced its immediate fruits. Colonel Monroe resisted the Texas Commissioner and the jurisdiction of Texas, ordered the people to helu a convention, and form a State constitution. That officer had no alternative* but to consider the instructions of the 26th of March revoked by this order of the Secretary of. War, to bring about a rwiMniMfUn it "!?/. ? ? | ru? Mm Ma (lUMtilig ClOC. VU1UIICI Monroe issued a mandate to a population accustomed to absolute obedience to military authority. He had translated and published in Spanish the message of' the President ipriting, and the instructions of Secretary Crawford demanding, a State government. They produced the eifect to make these people abandon their plan of a territorial government, now before Congress, and resort to a, State organization. It was the result, not of the wishes of that people, but Executive dictation and military coercion. It was a part of this Cabinet plan to defraud the South, diBinember ? State, and trample upon the Constitution of the country by tuking the whole subject out jof the hands of Congress. It is quite in vain for the Government organ to assert that "in both of these cases (California and New Mexico) the only agency of the military commandant has been that of facilitating the expression" of the popular will." He was but the plastic instrument in the hands of the Executive, bound to obedience. It is quite as idle for the organ to place this action on the ground of the right of petition- in the people of New Mexico. .They have not petitioned?they have been ordered and dragooned into the formation of a State government by the Executive, and military usurpation and tyranny. This ceases to be a free government of laws and Constitution, if the people submit to it. Such an act would shake from his throne the most firmly seated monarch of Europe. I know the people of Texas will resist, and resist to the knife. That, if they fail now, they will like Hamilcar, take their children to the altar and make them sweRr eternal hatred and vengeance to their oppressor. V. E. HOWARD. Washington, July 4th, 1850. From the Californians. From the St. Louis Repuhliran, June 90. Mr. Rouville Brunei, an agent of P. Choteau Jr. <fe Co., in the Indian Territory, arrived in this City yesterday morfting. Mr. Brunei wax in charge of a train of wagons from Port Laramie, freight^^with bufl'alo robes, for the company. He was of course a loflg while on the rona, and had a fine r^>portunity of counting the emigrant trains, and estimating their numbers. He puts the whole number of wagons at 13,000 ?pack animals 3,000?about 500 Ibotmen,- and three wheel-bnrrow man?one an Irishman, another a German, and a third a Scotchman.. .The health of the emigrants was very good?no cholera, and only a few cases of small-pox and measles. He counted only six graves, four of which were filled by persons who had accidentally takeu their own lives. Mr. Brunet travelled a new road, laid out by Mai or Ogden, and found it naarer by forty miles to Fort Leavenworth, and in every respect a better road. From Florida.?By the mail from Florida, on Saturday morning last, we learn that the peo;fe of Hillsborough county (in the vicinity of ampn) have had r publtc meeting, at which, among others, the following declartion was issued : " That the peopjp of the county of Hillsborough, desire the General Assembly of this State, at their next ensuing session, to pass an act directing the Governor of the State to cause the Indians to be forthwith removed to ths lands assigned them west of the Mississippi river, and that the said act provide the means necesaory to cary the same into execution. In the accomplishment of this desirable measure, the people or Hillsborough rely with confidence, upon tne co-operation and assistance of their sister counties throughout the Slate." Meanwhile, in order to facilitate matters, the meeting recommends that th? General Government should make war upon the Indians. The editor of the Republican learns that souieof the twenty-five warriors about to move from Florida, will be accompanied by their (hmilies. The sunie paper furnishes the substance of the remarks of Bowi.ros to Capt. Casey, of the army. The chief said that they were willing to be restricted within narrower limits, but that his young men would rather fight than leave the country en- < tirely. He also stated that the " pale faces" could gain nothing but evil if they should send 1 their red brethren away by force, for their Prophet! had told them an evil spirit would take possession of the country us soon aa they should leave it, . which would destroy every " pale face " thut tres- j passed upon their hunting grounds.?Savannah Re- ; publico* CORRESPONDENCE Baltimore, July 6?5, p.m. Independence Day?Con/union </ Dr. WebHer? Gubernatorial Discussion?Rumored Store Revolt ?Commercial Jtjfoirs, 8fc. The celebration of Independence day.ita ill# Yankees call it. was universal among our citizens ; not n place of business, with the exception of apothecary and confectionery shop*, being; open. At midday the city was almost deserted, but towards evening the streets were thronged with those returning homeward, after spending the day in moral or aquatic sports. The publication of the confession of Professor Webster, yesterday morning, took the town by surprise, and has since been the topic of universal conversation. There seems to be almost as much difference of opinion as to the statements of the confession as there was to the justice of the verdict. An analyses of that portion of the confession where he attempts to prove an absence of premeditation is, however, most palpably weak and insufficient, though a sympathy for the heartfelt sorrow of the unfortunate femily of the miserable man, loads many to hope that his sen" tence will be - commuted to imprisonment for life. Messrs Clarke and Lowe, the Whig and Democratic candidates for the Gubernatorial chair of Maryland, have agreed to meet together at the hustings, in September next, face to face, for public :? i--*.-- .u? ??1*4- r I UtB^UQOlUU UCIU1C LUC puupic. 1UI. UU nv, ?*? Democratic nominee, i8 universally admitted to be the greatest slump orator in the State, whilst Mr. Clarke is an able reusoner and a good in-door speaker, but will doubtless fall behind in a match with Mr. Lowe at the hustings. At Kent Island, Maryland, during the past week, I learn that considerable excitement existed, on account of a rumor that was prevalent that a revolt among the slaves was anticipated. Patrols were kept up night and day, and it was finally discovered that the whole matter had its origin in a piece of fun among some young men of the neighborhood. The mail from the North this afternoon brings nothing but a copy of the Harford Republican, there having been a general suspension of publication among the newspapers of Philadelphia. Howard street flour, iVesh ground, was held in the Baltimore market this morning at $5.25, and by mills at $5.37J. Sales of Corn meal are making at $2.87} a $3.12J. There has been but 'illle Wheat in market during the past week? prime Maryland reds would brijig 111a 118ctsJ A load of Pennsylvania white was sold on Tuesday at $1.25. Corn is very scarce?a sale of yellow was made at C3 on Wednesday; white is worth 60 a 62. The steamer Washington arrived at New York this morning from Southampton, but brings no later European intelligence. She sailed from Bremen on the 15th of June. Among lier pnssen /n r* n t xi .i gtTH is \jr. sr. iv. juiues, uic pujiumr nuvcum. In the New York market this morning there was no change in stocks whatever. The markets generally are steady. Sale^of yellow Corn at 58 a 60. Sales of Southern *i6Ur at #5.44 a #5.69. No change in Cotton. Local Intelligence. The Fourth passed off rather quietly, owing to the extreme heat of the day, but with the usual "patriotic demonstrations" that flow from firecrackers and mint juleps. At about half past 11 o'clock, a. m., an audience of some 1,500 citizens and strangers assembled near the Washington Monument, and an able and eloquent oration was delivered by Hon. H. S. Footc, which was listened -to with much interest, and occupied about 30 minutes in its delivery, frequently interrupted by loud ap]iM%fflBDuring the evening there was a very good display of fireworks, which was attended by an immense multitude, "of all ages and conditions," glad to snuff the cool evening breeze and witness an exhibition that comes but once a year. Thus have ws nasoo^ snnllisr Attn!i-flfonrtr v/hinh rr\m at Wfl k#? able to continue to celebrate in spirit and in truth until the end of time. Pkof. Grant's Calcium Light.?Most of our citizens had an opportunity of witnessing the brilliant effeet of Prof. Grant's new light, exhibited from the front of the Capitol, on the eve of the 4th inst. It surpasses in intensity any other light we ever saw, not even excepting the Drummond light. It was of sufficient power when turned upon the avenue, to light its whole length from the Capitol to the President's grounds. It differs from the Drummond light and others, from a difference of materials from which its gasses aro manufactured?a peculiar kind of> lime is also used, upon which the light is reflected?and there is an improvement in the construction of retorts, cylinders, &c. Prof. Grant informs us that it can be manufactured at a very much less expense than the ordinary gas used in lighing our streets. It is hoped that he will again exhibit it on some evening after stores and shops have closed, after having extinguished the gas lights upon the avenue. Its extraordinary power can then be better appreciated. Fsom Texas.?Late accounts from Texas state that the late rains had extended over a wide area. From the Gundnlupe to the Sabine all the streams are swollen, and some of them are higher than they have been before this season. The Brazos had overflowed its hanks opposite Washington. Fears were entertained that this freshet may have [caused much injury. The Trinity and'Colomdo were both very high. The crops have occtr very much injured by ?* : rnins. When they set in the cotton nnrt cr :< were just recovering from th" effects of the previous heavy rains and the cold weather. The planters were busily engaged cleaning their fields of the luxuriant growth of weeds, when the rnins came and drove them from their work, and there is much reason to fear that the weeds will choke the plants and cane. The accounts from all sections are exceedingly discouraging. UNITED STATES HOTEL, Washington City. SUMMER ARRANGEMENT?BOARD $1 50 PER DAT. THE subscriber respectfully informs the public that from the first of July the price of board will be reduced from to f 1 50 per day, and at the same time offers the same inducements as heretofore (ta travellers find persons visiting Washington,) as regards accommodations a.id the determination of the proprietor to please his guests. The United States Hotel is most conveniently situated, being on Pennsylvania avenue, and within two minute* walk of the railroad depot, and five minutes' walk of the Capitol. The hotel is large, capable of accommodating one hundred and forty persons, airy and comfortable. The furniture was all entirely new last fall, and the arrangements of the hotel generally are such as will give satisfaction. The object of the proprietor in reducing the price of board i* to intfuce a fair share of patron A - fc|f * I age ; and he will at the name time assure the community that his table will be aa well iVtrniahed,, hie servant* aa attentive, and the accommodations of hie houac generally shall ennal at least the other hotel*, which cliargc $2 per day. A baggage car will attend at the railroad depot and steamboat wharf to convey baggage to the * hotel. EDW. H. PULLER, Proprietor. A limited number of permanent boarders will b? taken low, during the summer nnd recess of Congress. E. U- F. july 1 3tawlnMtlaw2m: THE THIRD ANNUAL VOLUME or the SOUTHERN LITERARY OCTETTE, Was commenced on Saturday, the 4th of May, 1850, under its original name?instead of Richards' Weekly Gazette?as more significant of its peculiar character, it being the only weekly organ or Literature in the entire Soath! It is * Greatly Enlarged, and Improved, Containing weekly Thirty-two Columns of matter. It ie, moreover, in an Entirely Mte Drees "from head to foot," and upon beautiful white paper, so uiui, in incciiamcai excellence, it is not surpassed by any paper whatever in the United States! It continues under the same Editorial direction as heretofore, and no paius or expense will be spared to make it * A Choice Family Newspaper, "an cheap as the cheapest, and as good as the best!" Utterly discarding the notion that a Southern journal cannot compete with the Northern weeklies, in cheapness and interest, The Southern Literary Gazette rivals the best of them in all the characteristics of a truly valuable fireside Journal. Its aim is the diffusion of cultivated and refined taste throughout the community?and it embraces in its ample folds ever species of intelligence that can tend to this result. Original Contribution, from many of the ablest writers in the South, chiefly occupy its columns, but not to the exclusion of choice miscellany, selected from the best American and European sources. The tone of the Gazette" is independent in criticism and in the discussion of every legitimate topic, but it is strictly Mutral in Politics and Religion ! lis columns are occasionally embellished with Southern Portraits and Landscapes, engraved expressly for the work, and accompanied by biographical and topographical sketches. Its General Information is copious, but carefully condensed from the leading journals of all parts of the world. Notwithstanding the great incrense in the size and attractions of the paper, it is still puhLshea at T\co Dollars Per Annum, in Advance ! ii win oe mrnianeu 10 persons oecoming responsible for the whole number of copies, and having them sent to one address, on the following terms : Three copies, $,5. Five copies, 8 Ten copies, 15 Fifteen copies, ? 20 Twenty* copies, 25 Fifty copies, 60 All orders must be accompanied with the money, and addressed, post pai, to WALK Eli & RICHARDS. Charleston, S. C. THE AMERICAN F ill dKR, published in the city Ba irnure, Marylai d, commences tt>e 6th volume of the present series on the 1st July, 1850, (which will he the.32d of i s existence.) It is published on the 1st of oach month, e ch number containing thirty-two large oc avo pages. Terms: $4 per annum ; six copies for $5; thirteen for #10; thirty for ?20, in advance. The publisher offers for the large-t list of new subscribers, at the above rates, the prize of a Silver Pitcher, valued at ?50 : for fhe 2d largest, a Goblet, valued at $35 ; for the 3d do., $25; 4th do., $15; and for the 5tb, fitli, 7th, 8th, and 9th largest fist, piizes of $12, $10, $6, $5, and $3, payable in agricultural books or implements?the lists and cash to bo forwarded as received, up to the' meeting of the Maryland Agricultural State Society on the 22d October, when the decision will he made known. The Fai mer is peculiarly adapted totha Middle Atlantic States, and, being the organ of tne Mar} land State Agricultural Society, all their prize essays, reports, and proceedings are published in its pages. The increase in its subscription list during the past year, particularly in eastern and middle Virginia and the Carolinas, has been unprecedented. Its correspondents are among the ablest and best practical faimers and planters of the above States as well as of Maryland; and a spirit of improvement has been aroused, principally through its instrumentality, in these States, wnich is effecting a great revolution in the agriculture thereof; and we are authorized to promise to its readers a still increased supply communications from good pratical cultivators or improvers of the soil. Among the new supplies from such sources will be contributions from the pen of Edmund Ruffin, Esq., o Virginia, to every number of the eusuing volume. The work of this gentlemoti on Calcarous Manure s, much altered from the preceding editioh, it is expected, will also be published, in a separate volume, the privilege therefor having been secured, of which due notice will be given in the Farmer. Those wishing to subscribe will forward their names aqd money, -so as to commence with the voluipe: It will be seen by the terms that any one obtaining five subscribers and forwarding $5, will be entitled to a sixth copy, and in proportion for k larger numbfer. The American Farmer is believed to be the most practical work on farming published. Orders, post paid, to be addressed to SAML. SANDS, junc 30. . 129 Baltimore st, Baltimore Md. DDOflDOOTTTa ZV1? A MCW SPPTPB fit" Thy Southern Quarterly Review. Commenced on the Iit op April, 1850, by Walker & Richards, Proprietors fy Publishers. TERMS?$5.00 per annum, payable in advance. . The publishers of the Southern Quarterly Review bee leave to entreat the attention of the public to that Work, to return thanks for the invariable indulgence which has smiled upon its progress hitherto, and to express the hope that this countenance will not be withdrawn, now that the publication, passing from the hands of the former publisher into their Own, makes, as it were, a fresh start in the pursuit of a well known progess. They cannot allow themselves to doubt, that?with all their former contributors, with the addition of many new enes, not less valuable and distinguished?under the conduct still of Mr. W. Gilmore Simms, its sole Editor during the past year?and with the assurance which the subscribers now beg leave to give, that the work will be henceforward issued in a style very superior to that of the past, on better paper, with a fine new X, and with a regard to neatness and finish, h will leave it second to none in the country? they will continue to receive that patronage which thair own endeavor and the claims of such an organ seem reasonably to demand. The writers for the Review include the greater ntimber of 'he best and ablest names ot the country. They rejaresent tbe highest 1 terary talent of the South, and reflect truly, wnh a native earnestness, force, and fidelity, the real policy and the peculiar institutions r>f our section. v *v .. * I- - ? ?1 - _ ,L. fi .L ___?..... ,? i vv e fiitrrjn uic jictijju-in mi- oomn, v :io teci the important* of such a periodical as the Review, to excuse its deficiencies, and generously lend themselves to Us atikistance. With their countenance and concurrence, it can become the established organ of domestic opinion?the champion of our rights and character abroad?the guide and counsel to intellectual progress and proper taste at bome<?the arena in winch the better inmds of the country may always distinguish themselves, and find the proper provocation to execution and performance?the wholesome authority to which we may always turn for the correction and re- ^ straint of crude and undigested speculation. These are all objscts of the last necessity to a civilized people, who have anything to gain by enterprise, or any thing to lose by remissness and indifference. Once more, we ask from the patrons of the Review, indulgence for the past, and such sympathy and support forthe future, as are 9ue to the vital interests which it faithfolly serves, and the character which it seeks to establish,^ All communications should be addressed ' . WALKER A RICHARDS. Publisher* Southern Quarterty Review, Charleston, S. C Editors who will give the above tVospeco tus a few insertion*, shall receive the Reside regularly. Marked copies of the papers should o* eent to the Southern Literary GsseMe, Charleston, 3- C, July i, 1^50, . 4.