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The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, July 10, 1850, Image 1

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Ell wood Fisher 4 Edwin De Lcou.
ilLY, $10 00
U-WEEKUY, 5 00
EEKLY, 2 00
JJG Subscriptions payable in advance. Any per*
i procuring five subscriber? shall receive one copy
itw. All letters to the Editors to be post-paid.
printed ht g. a. sage.
>nCE, Pennsylvania Avenue south side, between
and U streets.
ddress (o the People of the Southern
At a large meeting oi Southern members
Loth Houses of Congress, held at the Cap1
on the evening of the 7th ultimo, the
.in. Hopkins L. Turkey, of Tennessee,
ving been appointed Chairman at a pre>us
meeting, took the Chair; and, on motion
the Hon. David Hubbard, of Alabama,
s Hon. William J. Alston, of Alabama,
ts appointed Secretary.
Whereupon, the Hon. A. P. Butler, o
uth Carolina, from the committee appointat
a preliminary meeting, reported an Ad3ss
to the Southern people, recommending
1 - * WJAv- mJL \SAl tf t ?t . I "L .. " In jli-t. -I n%lie*r.*kkA 'IjJU t, .M *' '
1 . 1 1 1 ?? lj I. 111! ,1 I , I , nil I!
VoL I. Washington, Wednesday, .Inly lO, 1850. Mo. SO.
i establishment, at \Vashington City, of a
wspapcr, to be devoted to the support and
fence of Southern interests; which was
id, and with some slight modifications,
The following resolution was offered by
3 Hon. Thomas L. Cungman, of North
trolina, and unanimously adopted by the
lUsolved, unanimously, That the committee, in
dishing the Address, tie instructed to give with it
: names of the Senators and Kepresenlatives in
ngress wbo concur in the proposition to establish
i Southern Organ, as manifested by their subscripns
to the several copies of the plan in circulation,
who may hereafter authorise said committee to inde
their names.
Maryland.?Senator: Thomas G. Pratt.
Virginia.?Senators: R. M. T. Hunter,
M. Mason. Representatives: J. A.
ddon, Thos. H. Averett, Paulus Powell,
K. Meade, Alex. R. Holladay, Thos.
Bocock, H. A. Edmund8on, Jeremiah
North Carolina.?Senator: Willie P.
angum. Representatives: T. L. Clingin,
A. W. Venable, W. S. Ashe.
South Carolina.?Senators: A. P. But,
F. H. Elmore. Representatives: John
ni l loon Incptili A Wnnrl wa rrl. Danifil
" * " 7
allace, Wm. F. Colcock, James L. Orr,
mistead Burt, Isaac E. Holmes.
Georgia.?Senators: John McP. Berrien,
illiam C. Dawson. Representatives: Jo
)h W. Jackson, Alex. H. Stephens, Rob;
Toombs, H. A. Haralson, Allen F.
Alabama.?Senator: Jeremiah Clemens,
jpresentatives: David Hubbard, F. W.
wdon, S. W. Inge, VY. J. Alston, S.
. Harris.
Mississippi.?Senator. Jefferson Davis,
presentatives: \V. S. Featherston, Jacob
mmpson, A. G. Brown, W. W. Mcillie.
Louisiana.?Senators: S. U. Downs,
jrre Soule. Representatives: J. H. Harinson,
Emile La Sere, Isaac E. Morse.
Arkansas.?Senators: Solon Borland, W.
bustian. Representative: R. \V. Juhnn.
Texas.?Representatives: Vol. E. IIowI,
D. S. Kaufman.
Missouri.?Senator: I).. R. Atchison.
?presentative: James S. Green.
Kentucky.?Representatives: R. II. Stani,
James L. Johnson.
Tennessee.?Senator: Hopkins L. Tury.
Representatives: James H. Thomas,
'ederick P. Stanton, C. H. Williams,
hn H. Savage.
Florida.?Senators: Jackson Morton, D.
Yulee. Representative: E. Carrington
* > % - *? ? 1 ? 1
And upon motion, tne meeting aci|ourneu.
Attest :
Wm J. Alston', Secretary.
he committee to which u:as rcjcrrcd the
duty cf preparing an Address to the. people
of the slaveholding States upon the
subject of a Southern Organ, to be established
in the City of Washington, put
I forth the following :
J Feli.ow-citizkns : A number of .Senars
and Representatives in Congress lrom
ie Southern States of the Confederacy deepimpressed
with a sense of the dangers
rich beset those States, have considered
refully our means of self-defence within
e Union and the Constitution, and have
me to the conclusion that it is highly impornt
to establish in this city a paper, which,
ithout reference to political party, shall be
woted to the rights and interests of the
outh, so far as they are involved in the ques>ns
growing out of African slavery. To
tablish and maintain such a paper, your
ipport is necessary, and accordingly we
Idress you on the subject.
In the contest now going on, the constiitional
equality of fifteen States is put in
jestion. Some sixteen hundred bullions
orth of negro property is involved directly,
id indirectly, though not less surely, an inulculablc
amount of property in other forms,
ut to say this is to state less than half the
bom that hangs over you. Your social
rms and institutions?which separate the
luropean and the African races into distinct
asses, and assign to each a different sphere
i society?are threatened with overthrow
Whether the negro is to occupy the same
icial rank with the white man, and enjoy
jually the rights, privileges, and immunies
of citizenship?in short, all the honors
hd dignities of society?is a question of
reater moment than any mere question of
'roperty can be.
Such is the contest now going on?a con!st
in which public opinion, it not the profiling,
is destined to be a most prominent
rce ; and yet, no organ of the united inter
its of those assailed has as yet been es
Vblished, nor docs there exist any paper
hidi can be the common medium lor an
iterchange of opinions amongst the "Southrn
States. Public opinion, as it has been
rmed and directed by the combined influnce
of .interest and prejudice, is the force
-hich has been most potent against us in
le war now going on against the instituon
of negro slavery ; and yet we have laen
no effectual means to make and inainlin
that issue with it upon which our safety
nd perhaps our social existence depends.
Vhoever will look to the history of this
uestion, and to the circumstances uner
which we are now placed, must see
lat our position is one of imminent danger,
^id one to be defended by all the means,
loral and political, of which we can avail
ourselves in the present emergency. The
warfare against African slavery commenced,
as is known, with Great Britain, who, after
having contributed mainly to its establishment
in the New World, devoted her most
earnest efforts, for purposes not yet fully explained,
to its abolition in America, iiow
wisely this was done, so far as her own colonies
were concerned, time has determined;
and all comment upon this subject on our
part would be entirely superfluous. II,
however, her purpose was to reach and embarrass
us on this subject, her efforts have
not been without success. A common origin
a common language, have made the English
literature ours to a great extent, and the
efforts of the British Government and people
to mould the public opinion of all who
speak the English language, have not been
vain or fruitless. On tne contrary, they
have been deeply felt wherever the English
language is spoken; and tha more
efficient and dangerous, because, as yet,
the South has taken no steps to appear and
plead at the bar of the world, before which
she has been summoned, and by which she
has been tried already without a hearing.
Secured by constitutional guaranties, and
independent of all the world, so far as its
domestic institutions were concerned, the
South has reposed under the conciousness i
M/vKt arwl m/lonon/lonno nnrl fnrplinrnp tn I
?,iu 1
plead at a bar which she knew had no jurisdiction
over this particular subject. In this 1
we have been theoretically right, but prac- <
tically we have made a great mistake. All :
means, political, diplomatic, and literary, I
have been used to concentrate the public 1
opinion, not only of the world at large, but i
of our own country, against us; end resting
upon the undoubted truth that our domestic i
institutions were the subjects of no Government
but our own local Governments, and 1
concerned no one but ourselves, we have <
been passive under these assaults, until
danger menaces us from every quarter. A I
great party has grown up, and is increasing I
in the United States, which seems to think 1
it a duty they owe to earth and heaven to <
make war on a domestic institution upon I
which are staked our property, our social i
organization, and our peace and safety, t
Sectional feelings have been invoked, and t
those who wield the power of this Government
have been tempted almost, if not quite, s
beyond their power of resistance, to wage a 1
war against our property, our rights, and 1
our social system, which, if successfully 1
prosecuted, must end in our destruction. 1
Every inducement?the love of power, the !
desire to accomplish what arc, with less
truth than plausibility, called "reforms"?
all are offered to tempt them to press upon
those who are represented, and, in fact,
seem to be an easy prey to the spoiler. Our
eqality under the Constitution is, in effect,
denied; our social institutions are derided
and contemned, and ourselves treated with
contumely and scorn through all the avenues
which have as yet been opened to the public
opinion of the world. That these
assaults should have had their effect is not
surprising, when we remember that, as yet,
we have offered no organized resistance to
them, and opposed but little, except the isolated
efforts of members of Congress, who
have occasionally raised their voices against
what they believe to be wrongs and injustice.
It is time that we should meet and maintain
an issue, in which we find ourselves involved
by those who make war upon us in
regard to every interest that is peculiar to
us, and which is not enjoyed in common with
them, however guarantied by solemn compact,
and no matter how vitally involving our
prosperity, happiness, and safety. It is lime
that we should take measures to defend ourselves
against assaults which can end in
nothing short of our destruction, if we oppose
- ' 4 :d?
no resistance 10 mem. uiviiij; iu mimcuiai
circumstances, and a want of knowledge of
the true condition of things in the Southern
States, the larger portion of the press and of
the political literature of the wotld has been
directed against us. The moral power of
public opinion carries political strength along
with it, and if against us, we must wrestle
with it or fall. If, as we fnmly believe, truth
is with us, there is nothing to discourage us
in such an effort.
The eventual strength of an opinion is to
be measured, not by the number who may
chance to entertain it, but by the truth which
sustains it We believe?nay, we know, that
truth is with us, and therefore we should not
shrink from the contest. We have too much
staked upon it to shrink or to tremble?a
property interest, in all its forms, of incalculable
amount and value ; the social organization,
the equality, the liberty, nay, the existence
of fourteen or fifteen States of the Confederacy?all
rest upon the result of the
struggle in which we are engaged. We
must maintain the equality ol our political
position in the Union ; we must maintain the
dignity and respectabil.ty of our social position
before the world; and must maintain
and secure our liberty and lights, so far as
our united efforts can protect them ; and, if
possible, we must effect all this within the
pale of the Union, and by means known to
the Constitution. The union of the South
upon these vital interests is necessary, not
only for the sake of the South, but perhaps
lor the sake of the Union. Wc have great
interests exposed to the assaults, not only ol
the world at large, but of those who, constii
tutinsr a maioritv. wield the nowcr ol out I
own confederated States. We must defend
tlio.se interests by all legitimate means, or
else perish either in or without the effort. To
nuke successful defence, we must unite with
each other upon one vital question, and make
the most of our political strength. We must
do more?we must go beyond our entrenchments,
and meet even the more distant and
indirect, but by no means harmless assaults,
which are directed against us. We, too,
can appeal to public opinion. Our assailanti
act upon theory, to their tlieory we can oppose
experience. They reason upon an
imaginary "state of things to, this we may
oppose truth and actual knowledge. To do
this, however, we too must open up avenues
to the public mind ; we, too, must have an
organ through which we can appeal to the
world, and commune with each other. The
want of such an organ, heretofore, has been
perhaps one of the leading causes of our present
There is no paper at the Seat of Government
through which we can hear or be heard
fairly and truly by the country. There is a
paper here which makes the abolition of slavery
its main and paramount end. There
are other papers here which make the maintenance
of political parties their supreme and
controlling object, but none which consider
the preservation of s-ixteen hundred millions
of property, the e'quality and libertv of fourteen
or fifteen States, the protection of the
white man against African equality, as paramount
over, or even equal to, the maintennance
of some political organization which is
to secure a President, who is an object of
interest not because he will certainly rule, or
perhaps ruin the South, but chiefly for the
reason that he will po3sess and bestow office
and spoils. The South has a peculiar position,
and her important rights and interests
are objects of continual assault from the majority;
and the party press, dependent as it
is upon that majority for its means of living,
will always be found laboring to excuse the
assailants, and to paralyze all efforts at resistance.
How is it now? The abolition naitv
I /
can always be heard through its press at
the Seat of Government, but through what
organ or press at Washington can Southern
men communicate with the world, or with
each other, upon their own peculiar interests?
So far from writing, or permitting
anything to be written, which is calculated 1
to defend the rights of the South, or state its
case, the papers here are engaged in lulling
the South into a false security, and in man- i
ufacturing there an artificial public sentiment, ,
suitable for some Presidential platform, (
though at the expense of any and every in- j
terest you may possess, no matter how dear <
or how vital and momentous. !
This state of things results from party oh- 1
ligations and a regard to party success. And '
they but subserve the ends of their estab- (
lishment in consulting their own interests, .
ind the advancement of the party to which ,
they are pledged. You cannot look to them
is sentinels over interests that are repugnant
to the feelings of the majority of the self- 1
sustaining party.
In the Federal Legislature the South lias ,
some voice and some votes; but over the pub- ,
lie press, as it now stands at the Seat of
Government, the North has a controlling in- i
fluence. The press of this city takes its '
tone from that of the North. Even our J
Southern press is subjected, more or less, to
the same influence. Our public men, yes,
our southern men, owe their public standing
and reputation too often to the commendation
and praise of the Northern press. Southern
newspapers republish from their respective
party organs in this city, and in so do
IC[)IUUUtC UlltUUJtlUUN, uuu uucsa, 111
most instances, of the wrong they do?the
northern opinion in regard to public men
and measures. How dangerous such a state
of tilings must be to the fidelity of your representatives
it is needless to say! They
are but men, and it would be unwise to suppose
that they are beyond the reach of temptations
wnich influence the rest of mankind.
Fellow-citizens, it rests with ourselves to
alter this state of things, so far us the South
is concerned. We have vast interests, which
we are bound, by many considerations, to
defend with all the moral and political means
in our power. One of the first steps to this
great end is to establish a Southern Organ
here, a paper through which we may commund
with one another and the world at
large. We do not propose to meddle with
political parties as they now exist; we wish
to enlist every southern man in a southern
cause, and in defence of southern rights, be
he Whig or be he Democrat. We do not I
propose to disturb him, or to shake him in J
his party relations. All that we ask is, that;
he shall consider the constitutional rights of
the South, wiiich are involved in the great
abolition movement, as paramount to all
party and all other political considerations.
And surely the time has come when all
southern men should unite for the purpose of
self-defence. Our relative power in the
Legislature of the Union is diminishing with
every census; the dangers which menace us
are daily becoming greater; and, the chief inof
ninr.Anf m flirt oooonUo nnnn no ic 11?r* imlilir*
press, over which,owing to oursupineness,the
North exercises a controlling influence. So
lar as the South is concerned, we can change
and reverse this state of things. It is not
to be borne, that public sentiment at the South
should be stifled or controlled by the party
Let us have a press of our own, as the
North has, both here and at home?a press
which shall be devoted to Southern rights,
and animated by Southern feeling; which
shall look not to the North but the. South for
the tone which is to pervade it. Claiming
our share of power in Federal Legislation, let
us also claim our share of influence in the
press of the country. Let us organize in
every Southern town and county, so as to
send this paper into every house in the land.
Let us take, too, all the means necessary to
maintain the paper by subscription, so as to '
increase its emulation, and prointc the
spread of knowledge and tiuth. LctWery
portion ol the South furnish its lull rjuota of
talent and money to Mist.mi a paper which
ought to be supported by ail, because it will
he devoted to the interest ol every Southern
man. It will he the earnest elfort of the I
committee who a;c charged with these a'rr..?.<*Aw.notu
I i.rni'Mim o/liLrru of litrrli tlilprit
1 Ci II^V III* 111 IV/ WU'VIIIV. VUMWI.1 "I "'h1' * ,VI
and standing; and tliev will also sec that llic )
paper is conducted without opposili/?, and I
without reference to the political parties of i
the day. With these assuiances, we feel j
justified in calling upon you, the' people of1
the Southern .States?to make the necessary
etlorts to establish and maintain the proposed
CoURTSHtp.?-The plain English of the politeat
address of a gentleman to a lady is?
I am now, dear madam, the humblest ofyour
servants?be so good as to allow me to be
your lord and master.
On the California (Question, delivered in the j
House of Representatives. June 5,185U.
The House being in Committee of the Whole i
on the shite of the Union, on the President's
Message, Mr. THOMPSON said:
Mr. Chairman : During this long-protracted
debate on the admission of California, and the
formation of governments for our territories, I
have been n silent, patient listener. I have not j
deemed it neeessary to enter upon thp discussion,
for tho purpose of detiuiug my position be- i
fnr<> ?i?v nAnatituhnio I ?ui^aoi-a?.J */> I
r.v ?*?T * JiUVV' IIVl cnuvui VIUU iu
contrul or direct public sentiment nt home or
elsewhere. My constituents understand nu\ and
I believe I understand them. There exists between
us a mutuality of confidence, an identity of interests,
a sympathy of feeling, and vanity of
principle, that our very instincts woufn lead us
to the same conclusions. They love this Union,
they desire its perpetuation, they would pour
out their blood in the defence of its tJny. But
they also love their rights, they will maintain j
their honor, and they will submit to any sacrifice 1
to uphold that Constitution which made us a i
united people. They will ask for nothing hut j
what is right, and it is worse than vain to sup- 1
pose that they will submit to that which is
wrong. Whigs and Democrats of Mississippi t
will stand firmly banded together on this common
I came to this Congress deeply impressed with
the magnitude of the duties devolved upon its
members. Before I took inv seat, knowing I
was to act with the minority on this tloor, I resolved
to offer,nothing to adjust existing diflieul- i
lies. On the majority rested the whole respon- <
sihility of every proposition and every action. ,
No Southern member has made any proposition i
on these questions which divide the North from ]
llie Soutli at my suggestion or with my consent, i
The North, the great, the powerful, and I may |
add, the imperious North, have now the destinies
of this country in their hands. They can op- i
press, they can insult by odious and unjust dis- <
;riminations, they can revile and spew their disrusting
ami revolting saliva upon the South, <
which is too weak to control this central Gov- I
irnment, and growing weaker by the desertion ]
of her sons on account of her weakness; hut ]
they can never degrade and humiliate that people 1
is long as the spirit of Washington and Henry, <
Jackson and Calhoun shall animate their hearts. <
To the patriotism and magnanimity of this great
North 1 lir>W Minn-nl Vnii run nrnunriu flin '
Constitution and maintain the Union. You can i
restore peace to a troubled country, and create <
anew that confidence between the members of <
this confederacy which is now well-nigh de- I
stroyed. <
But, Mr. Chairman, wc hear it asserted that s
the difi'erencc between the North and the South 1
ire fundamental and irreconcilable, andean nev- i
?r be compromised. If this be true, we laid \
better take immediate steps for effeetinea peace- i
nble separation. This Government is based on j
the. affections of the people, and can never be <
maintained by force. Adopt any line of policy <
which impairs the rights or destroys the conri- <
denee of any section of this confederacy, and
you will alienate the hearts of the jieople, and
sow the seeds of a rupture which can only be
carried out in blood.
But 1 am not yet prepared to believe this. The i
South has constitutional rights, for which alone i
they contend, and the whole is included in the
simple axiomatic truth, that her property, under
tlie flag of the Union, shall receive the same pro- i
lection and guardianship which it affords to the
property of all other citizens. In other words,
that this, Government shall be her friend, and
not her enemy. This principle is opposed by the
North from jealousy of political power, and froiil
a prejudice against the institution of slavery,
which they desire to overthrow. If the South
yield*, she yields rights?rights secured by the
Constitution. If the North yields, she yields
prejudices. If the South yields, it, of course,
will be considered that she docs so from her
weakness. If the North yields, she can claim,
and it will be awarded to her, that her course is
actuated from a motive of magnanimity and a
praiseworthy desire to do right, and to preserve
the union and harmony of the States. You
have the vantage ground, and it is to be seen if
you have that nobleness of spirit which should
actuate patriots in the present trying crisis.
But I am met with a grave charge upon the
South: that her statesmen have always exerted
a controlling influence over the policy of the
Government. This is a. serious charge, if it had
any meaning. But, suppose we admit its truth,
is it not evidence that Southern policy has been .
most acceptable to the whole people'! The great
founders and leaders of the two parties which
have divided this country, Jefferson and Hamilton,
the one was a Southern, the other a Northern
man; both men of great talent, and both
patriots; but the Southern statesman became
the favorite of the people, North Mid South;
and simply because his principles commended
themselves to the approbation and hearts of the
masses of the people every where, and, therefore,
received their support and sanction. From
that day to this he has been, and continues to be,
an honored leader in both sections.
But this charge is only a part of that systematic
effort which lias been carried on for years to excite
the prejudices of the North against the
South. It has no reason in it. And here I must
take occasion to warn the Democrats of another
object for tins charge: It is a part of the old
Federal tactics to break down your party, and
bring you under Federal misrule.
I think I have 11 right, Mr. Chairman, on this
occasion, to make an appeal to the Democratic
party. 1 have no claim on the Whig party: there
has always been opposition and contention between
us, because, after the straitest sect, I have
been a Democrat; and, as some of our opponents
prefer the phrase, I have been a progressive Democrat.
I have always believed it to be the
only national party?sometimes doing wrong,
but. ever aiming at the right. I say, I have a
right to mingle my voice in your councils; and
in rlriinir so. I must nrpinisc. with a statement of
my firm belief, that once finally destroy and
thoroughly disunite that party, and from that
day this Union is in imminent peril; the opposing
force to the wild fanaticism of the North
will be removed, and the complete triumph of
faction will be followed by inevitable and blasting
evils to our country. It has long been
charged at the South that all parties of the North
were alike in their virulent opposition to Southern
rights. Heretofore we could point to the
record to disprove these assertions, and the people
have taken the evidence. One by one, we
nave seen those noblo spirits who refused to
bow to the unreasonable prcjudicos of section,
and manfully advocated the Constitution as it
is. fall in the conflict. But we have mourned
their fate, and in our heart of hearts wo will
cherish their memories. Session slier session,
we have witnessed desertions upon this floor
and at the other end of the Capitol, and all of
us have united in denouncing and despising the
I traitors. But up to this time,, some choice spirits
have remained, sufficiently large in number and
respectable in talent, to keep up our unity as a
party, and to command the rcsoeet and confiI
deuce of the country. It is left for you to settle
these agitating questions?you can do it
The party in power having long been in a
I minority, hnvc bfen constrained, by the force of
circumstance*,, to nttiliate with every faction,
ami enroll among their ranks every discontent
and every deserter from our party; and, consequently,'they
can liavc no unity of purpose or
identity of principle. They can never administer
this Government with success. Thov can
never adjust these difficulties satisfaetordy to
the nation. In addition, the very deceptions
practised, and frauds committed, in obtaining
power, will prove an insuperable bar to them.
If this country is saved, it has to Ik1 dome by
the Democratic part)'. I#et us only for a moment
review our past history.
It was this party, undef the lend of Mr. Jefferson,
who made the purchase of Louisiana,
and added that vast and fertile territory to our
country, in the face of the most violent opposition
of the Federal party. It was this party
who carried the country in triumph through
the war with Great Britain in 1812, whilst the
opjtositkm was weakening its movements at
home by threats of disunion. It was its policy
which removed the Indians to the country West
of the Mississippi, and opened our new States
to settlement and cultivation, by an industrious
and energetic peonlo. amidst the sympathetic
tears :uid cries of their opponents. When the
moneyed power, organized under the lead of a
gre.ut National Rank, aspired to the control of
the industrial pursuits of this country, and even
to the distribution of its honors and offices, under
the lead of the patriotic Jackson, in solid
phalanx, we breasted the storm, and sustained
the strong arm of our leader, whilst he throttled
the monster; and now, while that great power
lies quietly in the dust, all the people rejoice
over its demise.
One of the charges of aggression made by the
South on the North, by the gentleman from
Ohio, [Mr. Cami'DEi.l,] in the enactment of the
revenue tariff of 1846, and which works so admirably
as far to exceed our most sanguine expectations.
This great measure of equality and
relief to the labor of the country, did surely not
tind its peculiar advocates in the South. The
whole party, North and South, are willing to
hare its responsibility and claim its proportion
of the honor.
This party has ever advocated an economical
Government, and opposed extravagant expenditures,
though it has often been defeated in this
policy by desertion from its own ranks. This
party has ever contended for a strict construction
of the Constitution, maintaining the rights
if all the States, and resisting the centralization
if it<iw<>r ill tlu> KVdi.r-il fJiivummnnt
When the great question of the annexation of
I'exjttcanio up for discussion nnd decision, the
vhole party, abating a few deserters, took hold
>f it with zenl and decision. I remember well
?ur commotions; and if any section of our party,
L?y its talent and energy deserved to lead the
(f liers in this movement, from a full and personal
acquaintance with all the facts, this posi:ion
should be assigned to the indomitable spirts
of the Northwest. It was followed by a war
,vith Mexico, and for the most part, the Demo,
iratie party sustained our troops, supplied our
irmies, and were entitled to wear the honors of
our triumph. The result of this war was the. acquisition
of the territories of New Mexico and
Candor requires tne to say that the Democratic
party are responsible for.these acquisitions.
And.when peace had been declared,had we been
able, then to settle all the conflicting questions
arising out of this extension of our common
country, I doubt not our party this hour had
been in power. But our failure then to settle
all these questions shook the confidence of the
country, and amidst the discontent and confusion
which was consequent upon the failure, the people
called our opponents into power and imposed
this responsibility upon them. It is thought by
many that this relieved our party from all responsibility.
This is a contracted and improper view
of the subject. As partisans, but as partisans
alone, is this position true. But us patriots, as
lovers of the Union and of constitutional liberty,
I appeal to you to come to the rescue. It is apparent
that the Administration can never make
an adjustment without throwing itself into the
arms of those who desire to put their heel upon
the South, nnd thus make these ncqnisitions n
curse upon the country. And it, must be further
apparent, that in future, the South will be eonstrained
to nlliliato with that party North, of
whatever denomination, that will nobly make
sacrifices in this crisis to sustain her rights.
You cannot, then, believe that the Aug of the
Union owes us 110 protection of our slave property
on the ocean or in our territories. If you
are Democrats,willing to support the Constitution
in its integrity, you must believe that it
guaranteed every right existing before its formation.
As sovereign (States, we had this right
before we entered the Union. This is most
clear. By that association we lost no lights
but received assurances from a united people of
an additional guarantee, by an arm stronger than
our own. As Democrats, you cannot desire to
surround us with a "cordon of free States,"
thus alarming the fears of property holders,
rendering insecure our titles, and thus forcing a
free people, by the pressure without, to abolish
slavery wiunn, una 111:11,100, oy me acuon 01 :i
common Government, a common friend.
As Democrats, with n love for the whole people
of the Union, you cannot entertain such hostility
to us and to onr institutions thus guaranteed
by the Constitution, as to maintain that disunion
and all its train of consequences are to be
preferred to an admission that a single acre of
our large common domain, which ought to be
common pasture ground for us all, shall be set
aside for the occupancy of Southern property.
If you hold these opinions and entertain these
desires, and intend to carry them out, my honest
conviction is, that it is best for us to separate,
and separate now. Postponement will but aggravate
the evil day, which will come as certainly
as that death is the doom of us all.
When I know these things have been said
here by enraged madmen, I will not believe the
whole North thus abandoned and unjust. And
in ray unbelief, I have hope, faint, it is true, but
strong enough to prevent me from believing 1
arn surrounded by enemies.
I h:rvc waited, Mr. Chairman, for propositions
from the North. I have not allowed myself to
become indissolubly wedded to anything. I am
ready to take hold of any measure which deals
with the whole country fairly and justly. I
want u measure which gives finality to all these
sectional discussions and diflcrences, preserving |
the equality of the States, and the integrity of
the rights of all, for the present, and promising
peace and security for the future.
With these views, 1 shall examine the propositions
which have been made, and express my
opinions irceiy.
Tlic first plan, in order, for adjusting all our
difficulties, is that offered hy the Administration,
nwiiinalhi under the guidance of a Southern
man. Tliis admits California as a State, and
leaves all other (juestions open until the people
of the territories, living in the meanwhile under
military sway, form State Governments, and
apply tor admission as States.
The gentleman from New York [Mr. Dutn]
comes forward as one of tlio earliest, and, it is
proper to add, one of the ablest advocates for
this line of ojxjrations; and, before he begins his
argument, he prefaces it w ith this most singular
"California with her boundaries, will be admitted
into the Union, and you will have no establishment
of slavery,or, if you prefer the phrase,
no recognition of the constitutional existence of
slavery in any purl of these territories, north or
south, or east or west, of uny line of latitude or
longitude. Neither will you have a repeal of any
existing law prohibiting slavery."
Thus .summarily disposing of the whole controversy,
he begins nn argument to convince
this House that this Administration plan is the
most successful means of gaining his ends, ami
of doing so with the least offence to the South.
This is the method of adjustment, and such is
the paljwble effect, recommended by a Southern
President for the adoption of Congress. The
letter of the Constitution is observed. In order to
make the most vital thrusts at its spirit.
. Congress, it is true, bus the power to admit
new States. Such is the letter of the Constitution;
hut in n wanton and abitrarv exercise of
that power which w addressed to the discretion
of Congress, a great and palpable wrong could
be done, more ojfqiijdyp to the co-State* Hum a
clear, unqualified assumption of the piwrt rttti '
and out
Suppose the Republic of Hayti should apply
for admission into our Union as a State with her
negro population: would the South have no
right to complain, to resist, because Congress
lias the power to admit new States, und the majority
must exercise its discretion as it may suit
their tastes and prejudices. So if a handful of i
squatters upon the common territory, entering |
and takillir nOMSJ'HNiiin of the mihlii* ririmnrtv in
" f ",,w I I 1 " * V J
violation ot the law, should undertake to erect (
themselves into a sovereignty and demand ad- j
mission us a State, claiming to exercise in one \
brunch of the legislative department of the Gov- ,
eminent, a power equal to the oldest or largest )
State of the Union, there is scarcely a freeman ,
in the whole count ry who would not feel indig- j
mint at the proposition. This feeling would be
increased, it wo learned that the individuals coin- |
posing this community were but yesterday citi- |
zens of a hostile republic, knew nothing of our (
institutions, nnd had given no proof whatever of ,
their attaclunont to our Government. The ad- j
mission of a State under such circumstances, ]
would be ail outrage, the more insulting and in- ,
tolerable because it is sought to he done under
the letter of the Constitution. But to carve a i
State out of the territory belonging to the Uni- f
ted States, without any permission from Con- t
gress, or, as it has been done in the ease of Cal- c
it'ornin, when Congress expressly refused to r
grant permission, whose duty it is to dispose of 1
and to make all needful rules and regulations
respecting the same, without knowing who in- 1
habit the same?whether citizens or foreigners, '
who voted for the Constitution which they pre- ,
sent as republican, whether that clause of the Con- t
stitution which requires "the number of Repre- j
sentatives shall not exceed one for every thirty t
thousand" is not openly violated?is presuni])- i
tons indeed beyond anv parallel found in the past r
history of the Government. And I feel 110 hesi- J
tancy in saying, that were it not for the most
singular position of other questions connected ;
with the territories, there would not he found a L
sensible man in the whole country, who would r
not reject such a proposition with contempt as j
cheapening our institutions, and deirmdin<r the 1
States of this confederacy. \
What, then, could have induced a slavcholding
President, who is charged with the custody of !
the public property, to have advised the people in
the territories to form themselves into States,
so soon after Congress had refused to authorize
thorn to execute this privilege? After the Missouri
struggle, and after the discussions during
the last Presidential election, hii^iust have
known, if he knew anything about political questions,
that unless the applying territory excluded
slavery, it was vain to expect to gain admittance.
I say, he must have known this; his
special agent (T. B King) knew this; the debates
of the convention show that this matter
was well understood there. Southern ndventurers,
some of whom were the owners of slaves;
in their anxiety to get into place by the admission
of California voted for the exclusion of
their own properly, and humiliated themselves,
in order to pander to this fell spirit of Abolition,
which runs riot over the land. Vet, you call
the Constitution presented here, the free act,
and the embodied will of California! I do not
believe it. I have a great respect for the voice
of the people in any community, when fairly exposed.
But it must he the voice of the people
?thf prnple who have All abiding interest in their
government, and not sojourners who do nut expect
to be governed by the laws which they
make. It must be a people who feel free and |
independent to decide finally all questions sub- ]
initted to them. ThiA was not the ease with t
the people of California. >
lu the first place, an acquaintance with frontier i
life convinces me, that a territorial government ;
is better suited for them, than a State government,
till a fixed, permanent population is obtain
i * i. ? -
ni. ju imnc lUM-imi' ?uiiira*iit uj hii|>|Mirt a
State government, will be onerous upon a people
who emigrate without capital, and who have
not had the necessary time to acquire that property
which will be subject to taxation, fnevery case
heretofore, the General government has borne
this burden, and California, if admitted now, will
come in n mendicant, asking for alms of this
Government. This will not enable her to take
her equal position among her sister States. She
has ulready demanded and received from the
officers of the United States, money which was
in the Treasury of the United States, without an i
appropriation by law. And it becomes a grave i
question, if these executive officers instituted 1
with the custody of the public money, have not
already subjected themselves to impeachment by
thus disposing of the public money.
Iti the second place, in forming a State Government,
and in the prohibition of slavery, the
people were tampered with, and were not free to
follow their own choice. See how beautifully
President Taylor defines his action in the prcnuu.
rm.t_ l. . i- /t .i'.i'
sivs; - x urn cuureij, nr nays in iuh ouinurnia
message, 44 on their p:irt, though in accordance
with, was not adopted exclusively in conset]nonce
of any expression of my wishes, inasniuoh
as measures tending to this end had been
promoted by the officers sent there bv my prede- j
eessor." How much influence lie did exert so
as not to amount to an exclusion of all other influences,
would require a very exact calculation. <
Here, as in other cases, when I have to examine (
the course of the Administration, I feel no dis- 1
position to press comments to the extreme. I 1
regard him as a mere puppet in the hands of (
strong and wicked men, playing a part, the force (
of which lie cannot comprehend. I aiu forced ,
to the belief that this whole plan of inducing i
the territories to form State Governments, with- ;
out the consent of Congress, originated in the
anxious desire to avoid the exposure of the
fraud by which the Inst Presidential election was
carried. As a further evidence of this influence,
I read from the letter of General Riley, dated
June 30, 1849:
" A few prefer a territorial organization, but I
think a majority will be in favor of a State Government,
so us to avoid all further difficulties respecting
the question of slavery."
Here is proof as clear as the noonday sun of
the influences which controlled the people in
their action. I believe to-morrow, excluding the
ofliec-seckcrs, California would prefer a territorial
government, it is so manifestly their interest
to do so. But gentlemen are so determined to
out off all chances for the South, they fear the
decision of that people when they come to form
a State government in a regular way. possessing
an entire independence.
wgrnjum1 ^ ^ ' 1
The Southern Pr*si,"?Tri-weekly
Is published on Tuesdays, Thursday ? uid Saturdays
of each week.
" The Southern Pre#*,"?Weekly,
Is published every Saturday.
For one square of 10 lines, three insertions, J1 0 >
* **wy subsequent insertion, - - *5
lie ioriiinliujl ui u i l iinrun gijveriniii'iiis, turn
heir continuance as such till they obtain u fixed
ind permanent population. It extends the Constiution
and laws of the United States over the
:ountry, and necessarily protects every lawful
ight of person and property of her citizens. It
nukes no discrimination between rich and poor,
ictween the property of the people of any descrip.
ion, but given a like protection to all. It abol- ,.i
shes, it aoridges no rights of any, but it mainains,
it guards, it defends, it conserves every
ight of every citizen. It enforces contracts, it
protects reputation, it shields the life and liberty of
.11 m?... ,i??,i... ,.i
lo the territories? Thin is best answered by Mr.
Webster while Secretary of Slate, in his nhle and
unanswerable argument to Lord Ashburtoti in behalf
of indemnification for the loss of the slaves
l>v the brig Creole. Hcsuy* :
" In the Southern States of this Union, slavery
exists by the laws of the States, and under the
guarantee of the Constitution of the United
States; and it has existed in them from a period
long antecedent to the time when they ceased to
be British colonies.
"A vessel on the high seas, beyond a murine
league from the shore, is regarded as part of iheterritory
of the nation to which she belongs, ami
subjected exclusively to the jurisdiction of that
Again: after speaking of husband and wife, lie
"It may be said, that in such instances personal
relations are founded in conlract, and therefore
to be respected; but that the relation of master
and slave is not founded in contract, and therefore
is to be respected only by the law of the place
which recognizes it. Whoever so reasons, encounters
the authority of the whole body of public
law, from Grotius down; because there are
numerous instances in which the law itself presumes
or implies contracts, and, prominent among
these instances, is the very relation which we are
now considering, and which relntion is holden by
law to draw after it mutuality of obligation,"
The doctrine here set forth, has been the uniform
principle on which this Government has
jeen conducted, up to the era of the Wilmot
Proviso. If a ship at sea is regarded as the terriory
of the United States, where the master's
ights will be shielled by the flag of the Union, (
nuch more will it be so in the actual territory,
which is the common property of all the States.
This doctrine of non-intervention?so just, ?<>f:iir,
so equal in itself?is totally perverted from its
legitimate use by the Administration. It not
only perverts that principle, so complimentary
and congenial to freemen, but it abuses a plain
power of the Constitution?the power to admit
new States. But it is so palpable that the direci.?
._u?., c-?? ,.r mmi;...,
to place, rather than erring the country, protecting
the weak against the strong, and of endeavoring
to make the blessings of government, like
the dews of heaven, full alike upon nil, that it
needs only to be seen to be despised.
If by the action of the people of California she
is to be considered now a sovereign State, then it
must follow, as certainly as night the day, that the
title to every acre of land within her large boundaries
has been divested from the United States
and is invested in that State; and the President
has advised these people to commit a wholesale
robbery; and he has voluntarily surrendered this
large amount of public property into the hands of
individuals who went ana remained upon it by
the mere sufferance of Congress. If this proposition
be true, the President has been guilty of a
most flagrant and fearful usur|iuUon of power?
and I ask you, Democrats, if you are willing, in
order to surmount one difficulty, of excluding
Southern men from that country by your own
act, to sanction a usurpation so monstrous in its
nature, and so dangerous as a precedent, that, in
rase of a closely contested state of parties, the
Executive would have the power to create at
will, peers of the realm, to sustain his ill-gotten
If this proposition be not true that California is
yet a sovereign State, then it follows, we nre
milled upon to exert the power of creating a sovjigntv?a
prerogative which would have alarmed
he plain republicans of former days. But you
tot only call upon us to create a State, but you
ilso require us to breathe vitality into a (lead
:arcnss, in order to work out our own cxi lulinn
from the territnrv. How Southern men
opposed to the Wilmot Proviso cnn reconcile
themselves to such a measure, 13 perfectly inexplicable
to mc.
The evidence before us must convince every
man that New Mexico is opposed to a State Government,
and excluding Indians and half-breeds,
her population would not entitle her to such a
position. Will you force her to live under military
government, which the President, in his partiality
for military rule, recommends to us as the
best they have ever enjoyed, until she consents?
And in the meantime, all the agitation which has
disturbed the country for the fast three years,
goes on with increased impetus. Our Union may
be strong enough to withstand many assaults, but
constant dropping will wear away stones; and it
is time we shoula feel the magnitude of the task
imposed upon us.
Rejecting this plan, I turn next to the compromise
of the Committee of Thirteen, at the other
end of this Capitol. I ftel unwilling to reject
that proposition without a careftxl and candid examination;
and I flsel bound to say, after full reflection,
as it stands it can never receive my aup,
port; but wjth tlie eetatyjehwent of Roq-uperve#.
? >..mm 4
Libera! deductions made on yearly advertising.
{^Individuals may forward the amount of tboir
subscriptions at our nsk Address, (jiost-paid)
Washington City.
1 . m",...
But my object is not to make an argument
against the admission of California, but lo state
iny objections to the plan of the Administration
for adjusting all these difficulties between the
North and the Houth. After admitting California,
we then make a halt, and wait for the music.
Wait till New Mexico and Utah have formed
State governments, and apply for admissiou.
But this is pure nonsonse. Utah, under the
name of Deecret, has already formed a State
constitution, and she is now applying for admission.
The evidence before us induces me to
believe Utah has as many permanent settlers as
California, though the latter has much the
largest number of visiters and sojourners. Her
Constitution is us republican as that of California,
but it omits one important item, and that is,
it fails to incorporate the Wilmot proviso in her.
constitution, and to send here her (senators and
representatives, elected Is-fore she was actuous
in asking admittance. Why this discrimination
against her? Simply because she does
nnt I'ninii (w?m> ?? iiwult tliii Nwmtli vvifli liar ftv
elusions of her people from her unsettled territory
with their property. Fair dealing is n jewel.
But the hero of Buciui Vi.sta surrenders
himself into the lead of his Wilmot-proviso
Cabinet to. such an extent as to make many of
liis true friends ban# their heads in mortification
uid shame. Aguin, New Mexico is soon to bejome
a State, in the opinion of the President.
Her delegate, Mr. Smith, catching the spirit of
;he men on this floor, has found out how he can
nake friends, and organize a party in favor of
icr admission; and that is, by abusing the, land
i>f his birth and the institutions of his fathers,
pandering to the predjudie.es of an ignorant pop.
11 lnt ion at home, both ugainst shivery and against
their lawful sovereign, Texas, and by inducing
her to come up to this Capitol with a free-soil
constitution. When she comes, Congress will
give her one-fourth of Texas, and tell that State
her remedy is in the courts. In order to determine
the claims of Texas, Congress will he called
ipon to decide against her.
The South are united to a man ngainst the
iVilmot Proviso. It is only necessary to lay the
nets before that same people, when their indignnion
will be still more intense against this unjust,
inprecedented, cowardly policy. The President,
nay truly say, as one mightier than us all, I come
lot to send peace 011 earth but a sword.
There is not a feature in all this plan which
neets with any approbation; yet I hnve been
uid am now for the doctrine of non-intervention
ivith the territories. That doctrine presupposes

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