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<i<>n in good faith in the territories, anil with dear recognition of the boundary line of Tex in iin integrity, and entirely running the ft length of the Rio Grande, 1 would far preler th proposition to the Administration plan, which ' full of enormities from end to end, without a nit gle redeeming quality. But this compromise, s -idled, 1 suppose, iu derision of all which Imv Ween heretofore adopted, begins with the ttnquaii tied admission of California with her presen boundaries. My opposition to this measure is si deeply rooted, as well nigh to constrain me t< reject all schemes whatever of which it compost* a part. The pill is too nauseating to be taken it connexion with our ingredients, however palulu. ble. If such an outrage is to be effected, and such n precedent established, so improper in ib pelf, and leading to such dangerous consequences, I never wish the future politician who may refet to my course, U> say for me, "I did it." One leading objection to the whole scheme is, that it gives finality to nothing,aud therefore, will quiet neither the North nor the South. The U'dmot Proviso is not enacted over the tcrritorias avowedly on the ground that it is unnecessurv, and of course with the understanding, that if the future tide of emigration shall render u J , H will be insisted upon. I 11 will lie the starling point ot' new agitations,! new combination*. It will open nearly onc-thirdj of Texas as a new field for contention. The South will insist that slavery has been recognized up to 3GO 30'. The North will contend that the southern claim has been bought out and surrendered; and the South being the weaker parly, I know now, as certainly as I know any future event, the North will have it all their own way. Having voted for the annexation of Texas, I know it was well understood that she had a disputed boundary, and that she claimed the Rio Hratide from its mouth to its source, as her western boundary. Texas was invited to trust the settlement of this dispute to the United State*, Our Government did undertuke the adjustment; and the result was, we obtained every inch claimed. Can there be a doubt, then, of our duty and her title? Texas lius the right of making four more new Suites; the country expected they would be slave Smtes. The proposed adjustment will necessarily make two slave States, and two Tree States. To call upon me to sell out tlie country, and to T)||V '* , , ...c tuuwuMimpn money, which was ' nee solemnly settled nnd dedicated, for the purpose of extending still further, and swelling larger tne disproportion of territory from which the Vrath is excluded, is too extravagant, and it ran never l>e yielded. Hut I need not multiply objections; as that bill now stunds, I should feel myself untrue to ray constituents, untrue to myself, untrue to the country at large, to give it nty support. The fugitive slave sections are of but littl*B consequence. Like the laws against duelling inallfl tlic States, tliey are apparently strong enough tofl prevent the practice, but practically they are ufl ue.ul letter upon the statute book. Public opin-l iuii does not demand their enforcement. Even so! will it be with the most stringent fugitive slave! lull. It wilt prove a mere mockery. The present! law of 1793 is full and strong enough, if the! States of the North would comply, or were dis-l posed to comply wit!) their constitutional obliga-B iiona. E The anxiety to suppress the slave trade in thisl District?a measure of 110 great magnitude in il-l .self?is only desired in oi3er to stigmatize this! kmd of traffic, which is known to exist in thegl, southern Suites, and to make one step fonfturdfl in the process of abolition of slavery in this Dis-B win. The motives which impel the movcmpntE more than the movement itself, ara obnoxiousB I co>Tie now to the consideration of the ques-B l ion, what shall we do to quiet agitation nnd re-B store peace and confidence and good feeling bc-^ iween ihe different sections of this Union? 1 despair of reconciling the abstract coa*' v iews of the North ^nil. the South,. S?' ctin^ fort is vain nnd fu tile. Hut it is eerie1 .u "in eft the .same conflict lias existed;toe u.C. ,uJ extent from the foundation, of*' 411 * . ua1.& honestly endeavor* greaterorless plan liy which :' she Government. I pl. set us hy : ,0- devise hroiight Uapi 'tu i improve upon the exainIs die he .orcfathers ; and lain final y I a viie firm conviction that the old J ..stand wisest plan, and should be 6'' ,87, before the adoption of our present Condition, when the celebrated ordinance institut111" slavery northwest of the river Ohio waspass,,r it was a well settled policy that all the old Smies would cede their back lands, and the Ohio nver was adopted us the compromise line. And vv bile the first Congress under our Constitution rc. o'Miized the interdiction of slavery northwest of the Ohio,<llie^ established ti territory ^soutli ol the . .moiled their difference by n line oi'partition, and went on hurmonioualy. But tlie history of thin compromise convinced me of another fUrt, that if ilie importation of slaves front abroad had then been inhabited, and if the only question had been as to their locality, whether the slaves then in the country should be allowed to spread, as the interest or inclination of the owners might dictate, (hat that ordinance had never found its place among our statutes. As an evidence of this fact, I shall refer to one authority as conclusive on this point. Mr. Madison, in his letter to Mr. Monroe, in 1*20, says: ' 1 have observed as yet in none of the views taken of the ordinance of 1787 interdicting slavery northwest of the river Ohio an allusion to lite circumstance that when it passed Congress had no authority to prohibit the importation of slaves limn abroad ; that all the Slates hud, and some were in the full exercise of, the right to import tlieni ; and consequently that there was no mode In w hich Congress could check the evil but the indirect one of narrow ing the space open for the reception of slaves. "Had the federal authority then existed to prohibit directly and totally, the importation from abroad, can it be doubted that it would have been exerted, and thut a regulation having merely (lie effect of preventing the interior disposition of slates actually in the United Slates, and creating a distinction among the Stutes in the degrees of their sovereignty, would not have been adopted, or perhaps thought of." This was the spirit and the cause of that ordi nance. ii in tnat ttay, it nua been a question, not of increase of the number of slaves, but simply as to their locality in the United States, 1 have not a doubt the ordinance of 1787 had never existed. The reason of the measure having failed, to insist on ilie measure itself is most unreasonable. The South, fond of the Union, yielded to this discrimination, making the Ohio river the dividing line between slave and free States. Next in order of time was the purchase af Louisiana, which had an area of 1,075,000 square miles , but if we include Oregon, (and our ablest statesmen have claimed that our best title to the county west of the ltocky Mountains is derived from that purchase,) its area would Vie 1,416,463 square miles. On the bill granting permission to the people of Missouri Territory to form a !Suue constitution, the North resisted her appliiniion, till they,at last,forced a compromise upon the South which divided the territory acquired by tlsit treaty by the line 36? 30\ still bringing the line of division further south, which sec red to the North 1,306,463 square miles, and retained 1 It),000 square miles for the South, when it wni admitted on all sides that the whole territory wni subject to be made slave territory. Thus th< North took the lion's share. Had 1 been a mem ber of Congress at that time, I would have resist ed ibis adjustment, though disunion and eivi war had been the consequence. This was don in 18*20, and the South acquiesced. I regarded t alter that, a decided question ; and acting on th? principle of start dtcisis, I have given vole afte vote in conformity with that line of division.? Soon after this partition, by w ay of making amend; (o'Iip South, I suppose, the Spanish treaty wa entered into, by winch Florida was obtained, ant Texas was yielded up, and again we were wrong . d ; but let that pass. Here 1 must take occasion to allude to that pro vipo which seems to haunt the imagination of th ^mileman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Wikthrop, and which he offered to the Ojrejou territorial bil He offered a proviso prohibiting slavery in thi rritory. I voted against inserting it in the bil because I regarded it as dashed at the South wat tonly and unnecessarily. He says now he regart ><! the Missouri compromise as covering that tei ritory ; so do 1 ; and thereforeit was unnecessarj When it was inserted in the bill, being anxious t for lush those people with a government, and tli protection which they w ere praying at our liandi 1 voted for the bill. 1 did so, because I wished t keep good fuith. Those who will examine tli law will at once see that all who intended in goo faith to observe the Missouri compromise coul not have done otherwise. These are its terms : ' ?" That in all that territory ceded hy IVance und< the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 36 .'tO' north latitude, not included within the limit of the State contemplated by this act, slavery o involuntary servitude otherwise than in the pun jshment of crimes whereof the parties shall Iiav been duly convicted, shall 1* and is hereby fot ever prohibited," die, ?. it J 'l'lie question then was, diit Oregon constitute h.n pun of the Louisiana purchase? Ouruble.it states ill [men so regarded it; and the fact that our Norther i.n j hue wan linniiy Heuieddow n <jj. *9?, instead of 54' is 40*, is tvideiirelJiHt it was made the basis of ou l-j treaty v illi CJreul Bntuin. Was it north of .Hi' io 30'? Of dwit tliere is no question s these iwt e' points covered'the whole case, i- Bui it may be asked why, in 1848, the SoutJ i wiu not willing to give ihe same vote in pursuiuici J of the Missouri compromise? The answer i>, simple and direct. At that time we liad acquired ? other territories. New Mexico and California? i a portion of which lies south of 3(P .'10'?and - the South agaiu and again avowed a willingnrsi I to carry out the Missouri compromise. It was re - fused. The North showed a disposition, aye, a , determination, not to keep good faith with the South. As long as wc had no territory over which the line could be extended, the North could , call upon us to keep faith without a pledge, which I the same members could not reciprocute by ex-; ( tending the line. But ufter our late acquisitions, they had no such ground to stand upon, and we iuiv plainly that the treachery was intended to be practiced. These statements explain my course in reference to this matter;and my error, if I committed any, was in an attempt to keep good faith with a people who have shown a reckless disre gard of all honor or obligation, when a stipulation with slaveholders, as we are termed, is to be observed. Next in order is the annexation of Texae. It was known that Texas claimed the Rio.Grande, from its mouth to ita source, as her western boundary, when she applied for admission. If she could in any way or at any. time make good this claim, it waa seen that portion of her territory would Ua north of 3fJP 30'. The North, jealous of her claim that slavery was not t? pans north of that initio lipe, again demanded the recognition of the restriction north of it; the South readily kepi.good ftvith in this true spirit?a hard Icoiitracl, harsh and unjust in ita terms, but honor, hi iori demanded, ancl she consented without a Imurqvpr. I Thus it hufe been that this line haa given peace land quiet to the country. The North hue receiIved and is now enjoying her part of the contract. |A portion Of territory v?l p?m?inD l:-l -> j 7 utci which III1H line litis not been dt facto run, though in justice, in spirit, in honor, it ha* been run; end when the North passes that line, I shall feel their morality is founded in that school which characterized the corrupt early churches, that it was no sin to breat: faith with, heretics. The advocates for the admission of California; place their support, principally, on a regard and; efference for the declared opinions of the people in that country. No one goes before me in their respect for the opinions of any people when legitimately expressed. It is for that very reason, and 011 that vth-y ground, I call for a division <?f California. The proof ia satisfactory that the people of that territory, south of 36? .30 , prefer a territorial government, and are now asking it, at your hands. If California must come in as a State, a regard for the people will require you to limit its southern boundary by 36^ 30*. This should be done on the plan proposed on yesterday at the other, end of the Capitol, by the senator I from Louisiana, [Mr. Soul*..] ' ' But it is said that the South should prefer take in the whole Pacific coast in one State.' wise a division will operate in the iuore* jiher-| number of free States. This ioav ..se of thel what guarantee have we tliat, , be so. Butf ot unUTOrma, with her Fre* " ,.icr the admission Her gigantic proportion .-^j) constitution and tnd subdivided as Mhe is not to be divided tm utious meu Jp lt.? as seetional jealousy and Lt>ugr- , State may ask for a partiOT.tJt. Utt e cgg cn?( Rt any time, divide n State ipiuie consent of the people thereof. And my ,ii now is, that whenever they permanently ate the capital of the State, then will come here a petition for a new State, and whenever that petition is presented, my opinion is, it will be granted. Establish a territorial government for South California, carry there the doctrine of non-intervention in good faith, and secure to the territory the full right to decide, when she applies for admission as a State, all questions in reference to slavery. This territorial government is called for hy the people; the South would he satisfied with it. You yield 110 principle in according it, but rather maintain your consistency. And if God and nature nre against our settlement of this territory, we will never complain. To God and Nature we will submit; all we ask, let man. with his devices, not interfere. This line of 3f>? 30' ought, in justice and good faith, now to to be extended to the Pacific. All other methods of adjustment will be but laying the foundation of greater trouble in the future. II repeat, I have sought to agree with my friends jpon soon in her basin. I find it cannot be done ivithoui practising some deception on the one ode or the other. Such are the difficulties which inviron this whole subject, that we must act in hat spirit with which jAbpiham and Lot divided he country between tWYV respective households. Ifott go to the right, and we to the left; and there ihall of peace between us?your people and ourl teople. I am opposed to all double dealing? rnnknoss, candor, manliness, directness, ami pariutism, demand that we shall understand each ilher. But you reply, more in false pride than in ound reason, if tins compromise be passed, the South will have triumphed, and demagogues will raise the cry, that the North has succumbed. This will not be true; indeed, 1 will ask you to violate none of your principles. Divide the territory by this fine; north of it, interdict or not slavery as it may suit you. In this respect, take your own course; south of that line, leat e the people free, with the assurance, that when they form a State constitution, they shall decide the question of slavery for themselves. This is as far as 1 can go with a due regard to the South. Iritis proposition you can accept, and leave the result to natural causes. For years, I have observed a fashion in this House, with Northern members, to denounce cuch other as doughfaces, and with such like terms; and I have, thought that gentlemen fear these catch epithets more than they do an argument. Their force I do not comprehend?for I regard that man more us u doughface, a coward, that shrinks from a discharge of his duty to the whole country, of which he is the representative, rather than meet and attempt to correct and satisfy lite unreasonable prejudices ol tnc unenngmenea ui norne. rie is the doughface who panders to unjust sentiments, in order to win favor, and cowardly retrouts from the task of enforcing upon his constituents the propriety of observing their constitutional obligations. That was a noble sentiment of Mr. Webster when lie says, the people should undertake the task of overcoming themselves. It is charged by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Wilmot) that the South has committed an aggression upon the North, in seducing her public men from their fealty to the North. I charge that the aggression is in an opposite direction. The North has the political honors of this country at her disposal, and these temptations have already carried away from their duty to their own section many of our ablest men. Indeed, the very idea of forming a national character with our statesmen is now tantamount to trenHon to her interests and power. This has been done, and will, I fear, be done again and again. But again : You object that the Constitution will not admit your interdicting slavery north of 110* no more than it will south of that line J and by adopting this line you concede the whole power of Congress over this subject. As an original question this is true, and 1 would never ask it; but time and universal consent have sanctified such a measure as a peuce-ofi'ering upon the altar of our country. 1 would act upon the same principle which controlled Mr. JelVerson in the purchase of Louisiana. I would do it ex necessitate ret, tVom the force of circumstances. We are in a dilemma which the lYnmers of the Constitution could never have contemplated. It is a rasni omissus. Thrice has a line of division been ngreeii upon, and thrice has it given quiet to the country Agree to it once more, and the greatest ohstnch is removed in our future progress. It is a charm ed line?the bow of promise. It is the work ol the North forced upon the South, Now ohscrvi your own handiwork, and the sky of the future it bright and full of promise. Neglect it, reject it and darkness, visible darkness, obscures our path uBwny. 1>I But shall we go cm making other and furthe: l-lacquisitinns r M y experience has cured mc ol 1-Hlhin nrooensitv 1 helteee il has satisfied till South, if, howeverj.you ho settle these question! tliat another acquisition will enable you to sur round the South with States where the negro goe< free, I fear, I believe, the questions of new ac quisitions will soon be the turning point of a pre siilential election ; und the South will be too weali to defend herself at the ballot box. I disdain to play a game of brag. I would 1101 be guilty of the consummate weakness of suppoa ing that anything is to be gained by an appeal tc the tears of any section of this confederacy Bravery is the characteristic of our people, Nortt and South, cowardice is the exception. 1 have n< thought that the North could ever subdue tht South, nor could the South subdue the North Such reflections arc unbecoming and a profanitj to our system of government "Wear# brethred, all of a common stock. Shoul a tier to shoulder we have gone I brought many i-llmnl contest; together we nave suffered, togeth ? we lmte triumphed and nyoiced. in your pru 0 of power, wrong u t not ; attempt not to tramp r down uuf proud American spirit, ur to force us < 3 admit the negro race into terms of social eqtfhlil t> with ourselves. It will lie vain. We are jroi equals in honor, in character, in virtue, iu religioi r in charity, in patriotism ; your equals we she 1 remain, But deul with us in that christian snir t of doing to otiiars what you w ould have tnet I to dp to you under similar ciri umsiuueea, and oi country will be happy, prosperous, and conten i ad, and ours will be a bright and glorious desliu) THE SOUTHERN TRESS t CITY" OF WASHINGTON. WEDNESDAY. JULY 10. 1850. DEATH Of* PRESIDENT TAYLOR. I It is ocr melancholy doty to announce flu pdcath of Gun. ZACHARY TAYLOR, Preaidcn of the United. States. He expired last night a twonty-five minutes of eleven. I le was aw an of his approaching dissolution, and two ho tin before hi* death declared he had done his duti to his country. Maylie rest in peace. He was fortunate in his life, and we think it his death. His splendid military achievements won the admiration of his countrymen,?hit simplicity of character a large measure of theii confidence. He lias departed at a crisis whiel he could scarcely have passed without danger oi disaster to his renown. The suddeness of his illnesss, and its catastrophe, Iiiih appalled the community, and inspired the most solemn and gloomy feelings.? Less tlian a week ago he was in good iienlth? he is now no more. Let us trust that this dispensation of Providence is one of mercy rather than wrath. g^"Mr. Butler, of South Carolina, had the floor yesterday in the Senate, and commenced a (searching and thorough examination of' the IConiDromiso whomn ? 'i--* L-3 i ? " 1 uciore i iiiil noilV, On-1 livened by his rare powers of illustration audi sarcasm. He gave way, More concluding, to tj motion to adjourn made by Mr Wkb^tkr, :'jr bonsoquonco of the illuo*v0f President TAY LOU. The Rigb*^ Qj pr0perty. ? AboliMon and Agrarianism. It has always been contended by Southern statesmen, and by the more far-s ighted and sagacious of their Northern brethren, in the better days of the Republic, that thi> crusade hy the Abolition agitators against one peculiar description of property, would, lead to the denial of the right to hold other species of property also, as an infringment of natural rights. Following an inevitable sequence, the principles on which Abolition is based, must lead its advocates to agrarianism?and " the rights of man," under their construction, antagonizing directly with the right* of property, must be made to override all obstructions to the attainment of universal equality. The same cant of philanthropy that rises loudly in the legislature and the market-place?in the highways and byeways?proclaiming the " inalienable rights" of man to liberty, begins now with equal pertinacity to urge his " inalienable right" to land also. " Am 1 not a man and a brother," says the iuo-1 del Free-soiler, "and shall you monopolize more of the earth than you can possibly need to supply your wants, or even your luxuries?w hile 1 cannot claim or occupy an acre ? While you are so strenuously asserting the inalienable rights of the Mack slave, shall you be allowed to neglect and refuse the inalienable rights of the white freeman.' We will take care that you do not? we w ill insist 011 our share of our common heritage." Such, substantially, is the language now used, and the sentiments now held not alone by the visionary followers of Owen, Wright, Abby Folsom, A e., but bv the irtore practical operatives of the Free-soil agitators?and it is only a natural corollary to their propositions. Substitute for the settled provisions of written constitutions the opinions of each individual, founded on his crude notions of "a higher law"?make each man's private judgment the tribunal for establishing eirrlitu aT tienitorte m nno U'aciI unKuf ittif/> v,. "',v- "" ?? conscience for the constitution, awl Mr. Sewakd's construction of its provisions for those of its framers?and tlic reign of Anarchy, the millenium of Free-soil, will have arrived. The doctrine, however, is not original either with Mr. Seward or his satellites: it is a foreign exotic, not a native product. Its earliest and most eloquent apostle was Jean Jacques Rousseau?baptized In blood, it passed down to Robesi'iehe, and his mantle has recently been assumed by Provdhon. So that Senator Seward stands now before the American public arraved in the shreds and patchos of this cast-off garment, a world too wide for his intellectual proportions scanty as it is. But his pioneers were bolder far than he?they swept down upon their destined victims, " the privileged classes," (as they called them,) with the scream and swoop of the hungry vulture?they did not silently wind their stealthy way up tc them with the slimy sinnosities of the serpent Hud the Senator, iji his late speech, cited the examples and the precepts of these his true proto. types, instead of seeking the shelter of a greni !and glorious name, b v striving to assimilate bun self tq Algernon Sidney," he would have dom fent justice to nil. That patriot wrote, fough I Ami fell for the maintenance of right* and thi protection of property, which a despotic powe nought illegally to wrest from himself, his neigh hors, and the charter of their common country His position was identically that of the mei now stigmatized as Southern ultras?standing up for right against might, and braving the chimo that wouUi eall it treason. There was nothing o the subterranean?of the sapper and miner, i the mind, heart, or sonl of Algernon Sionf.ynothing in his life or death to assimilate him t tho philanthropists of this day. Ft is said that a certain well known eJianiete can 44 quote scripture for his purposes." So ea demagogues and fanatics pervert and pa rod the utterances of patriots, to subserve their end and screen their selfish purposes. We propose to show that this Free-soil acho< is foutided on the same basis as that institute by these French u reformers," and the parralh can bo very easily drawn. The cardinal an fundamental doctrine of Frot duon, its moder preacher, is condensed into the pithy maxii that 44 All Property is Robbery Senator Seward and his disciples have not v< adopted to their full extent the doctrines of the master?for we. presume that the former wool strenuously oppose a division of his fees, p? diem and mileage, with tbem : and they in tur l?-!? ?? swwja iwiywfiwtnim > .. v 11 nswhu'm???? ET\ . ' - / t .8 Ml . _ 'to aBwould be ?-?|iiully loth'to diride their pentotwl ^ {'iekin^s and ]>erquisites with the \yhok' brotherl(.6)io(,d of man. Vet as far as it could he done, ^ without personal expense or Inconvenience, they ^Bliave carried oat the doctrine as far as relates i.lto two of the most important sliapes projk-rty Jmissumes, vh: in slaves and in land. The reticent movements made both in and out of ConirBgres.s reference to both these interests, con' Bclusively show tluit Abolition an<l Agrnrianism ( Bare Siamese twins; the conditions regulating the existence of the one, also controlling the other. *1 There is not a proposition laid down hv Senai lor Seward, in relation to the abolition of slaver}', that does not, equally apply to the abolition of property of all kinds, and more esptpH ? l iallv of lauded estate. The title of both isfl based upon the same general truths, andfl e may be assailed, by the same appeal to soincfl i " higher law," or " inalienable right." 9 * The Senator himself must sec this; but hel s has also the sagacity to see that sueli ' a gene! 1 ral overturn" culburte gat/rale, as the French? ' schools call it?would not promote his interests! ...r, .ivna, iiu uierewre mutinies ms policy, i>y? ' givinjr C'erbesus a sop " in the si tape of bounty* land bills, and ire? tiirins from tb.e public do? main. Not so all of his followc rij; They are not equally politic, but insist in pushing the principles to their legitimate, conclusions. YVe have seen a paper, published in New York City, (und possibly there ir,ay be many others elsewhere,) which had at its head an engraving of a naked man sitting on the globe, under which was the motto, u die earth is the. common property of all her children? Not only are these doctrines avowed, and this coalition proclaimed by Northern Free-aoilere, but in the giant Northwest these fatal heresies are taking /oot |n the Ohio Standard, published at Cleveland, we find the editor warmly ftn<l endorsing a communication, lu wh* c|, the platform of the jwrty is thus lakll to* n. The riter begins by quoting a letter* A ddressed to him by a gentleman who " liolds :i| iistinguirthcd post of honor and trust'' in that? tate, to the following effect: - fij "I agree with vou in thinking that the plat-? irm of the "F'ree Democracy" ought to hen road enough to include all the reforms in the? olitical and social condition of men which are? ithin the proper scope of legislation, i think,B so, that tne several reforms which you specify,? re within that proper scope. But it is quite?1 ue, nevertheless, that political progress, like allM ihers, is gressire?if I may coin a word?that is,Q ep by step. And the step to he taken first, islj' ways a matter of sound discretion. The princi-W le mould reach forward to the last step. The lovement must necessarily begin with the first. "In my judgment the first step rationally, in ly real progress in this country, is the rescue of le government from the control of the slave power, whose boast it is that the slave holding ascendency 1ms saved the country from the inroads of agrarianism?under which name slaveholders and aristocrats stigmatize all real progress. This can only he done by denationalizing slavery.? When this is done, the road will he clear to other reforms. My first labors, therefore, are directed to the overthrow of the slave power and denationalisation of slavery. 1 do not, however, lose sight of other subjects." To these views the writer demurs, though Iconcurring in the benevolent purposes express-Si ed. He is impatient, and thinks the process tooBi "Now, for my part, I cannot see anv good reuson why the "Free Democracy, should wai1, till this very desirable object is attained, before it inscribes upon hs banner the absolute and unconditional freedom of public lands to actual landless 'settlers only?provided it believes this policy to Ibe for the public good. But granting the public jland question to be the second step in the true progressive movement, as to national policy, and that the "Free Democracy" should not tnlce that Jstep until it bus denationalized Slavery, my friend will not claim that the party should notinovein its Slate policy, by limiting the amount of land to be acquired by one individual, until this is accomplished. No. lie claims no such delay, as he render will perceive by referring to the quotation;; from his letter, and l have therefore this high "Free Soil" authority for making "Land Limitation" an issue in the coming contest. And this in fact is the main question. The.sale, at present prices, of the public lands, or their free grant, (aside from permitting speculators to purchase,) to urtiuil liinilln?H II"! little moment compared with this master c\ilj|3 of our land system. ffi Adding this remark: I* I I have some, but not nil extensive, nrqunint-BJ, ance with Free-SoiIers, and so far as that ac-l, quaintance extends, all are avowed advocates ofl land reform. " ' No comments could make this matter plainer:*' that such arc the real results, and the incvitublcgp consequences of! the first step, no sane, man ennw doubt. The same wild idea of the innlicnahlcl right of man to land, as well as to liberty, wasH. proclaimed at a late meeting in Wisconsin, andl< with much ingenuity of argument by the speakers at a Land Reform Mass Meeting, the proceedings, of which we shall publish to-morrow. For the present we propose, to make a few brief extracts. I Mr. Howe, (one of the speakers) " wanted to re-enact, the law of Nature" (therein diftVring from Mr. Webster,) ami thereby render the soil free far the use of mankind." He was warmly applauded, and gave way to Mr. IngallsB who said t hat " Land-monopoly was the parent q/'l slavery, and contributed more to its extension ?m/9 [perpetuity, than all other causes combined."M r The condition of our people under it, but lit/lem u>etter than human bondage." M Mr. Van Amrinsre said, anionsr other things.* Iiat w Land-monopoly 111 our country was rapidly I 11 the increase, far more so than most personsB uspect, unfamiliar 11s they are. with the facts* ; is {growing beyond all conception in the Enst-I rn States, it is so in the Western States, undl i our own State. Speculators have forstalledl he actual settler, and emigrants are now cotn-l idled to press thr out beyond the verge of? ivilization, and to pass over the extended hind-B d possessions of the non-resident speculator.'1? He concluded by offering the following series offl resolutions; ji 1. Resolved, That it is mockery to declare that all men have a natural, inalienable right to life, unless they have n place to live; and that the natural right to a home is indispensable as a foundation to the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 3. Resolved, That as all men have an inalienable right to a Home, no one man, and no company of men, have a right to monopolize all the Homes; and thut Lund Limitation is n cardinal and essential measure to Land Reform. 3. Resolved, That Mechanics and others who do not wish farms, must be guaranteed building lots and out-lots, in towns, villages, and cities, and that no Land Bill is a just one which docs not provide Homes for nil. J 4. Resolved, That we witness with pleasure the "*1 rapid progress made by Land Reform in the Senate and House of Representatives of Congress, and among the People, and we pledge ourselves to ^end our energies to the establishment of the measures of this great reform, which is fundamental to nil others. The resolutions were unanimously adopted. If such are the fruits of Free-Soil in the grecntree, what may wo expect from it in the d dry? License for liberty?anarchy for oruer? r. a short reign of equality, to l>o succeeded by a nl bloody revolution, if not a reign of terror, un ... - ----- - - - der some subtle demagogue, whose love for humanity all centres in lus ow n jiersoii, and who raises the storm that he may ride upon its waves to power over the wreck of " liberty, the Constitution, and the Union." The asj>ect of the times is rapidly becoming revolutionary. He must be smitten with judieinl blindness who does not see and feel it. It becomes, therefore, the duty of all who can give a sound and healthy tone to public sentiment. either from the pulpit, the press, or the legislature, to do it speedily; for the bats that love the twilight?the pur-Mind expounders of natural rights?can be driven into their native obseurity bv the bright light of reason and of truth. Aii owl can endure the sun-light just about as long as this " Com us and his crew" could resist full and lair discussion of their principles before the people.. From their own mouths let them > i j "r cuuucijiniHi. feir The u self 'yclept" Union editor admits? tlwt iu 1848 he took the ground that the South would acquiesce in the Missouri Coniproini.se lh.'*, u muuI in nothing /ess.'1 But he says he did not mxke it a sine qua nun or ultimatum, which be complains of us for doing, for he would agree to *ny adjustment as luvoroble to the South us that Compromise. Well, did we not say that the line of 38 30, or its equivalent was our rillimaturn ? What is the difference to a plain m:in Between our position now, and the Union's iji !l848 ' The Union however now maintains that win it he calls the non-intervention policy of the pending plan, is as good for the South as the Missourj Compromise or better. Well, we would like some ingenious man to show what possible chance the South has by the plan now proposed, of obtaining one inch of the territor y in dispute, or even of retaining what we thought was seen red to us in Texas by the terms of annexation. But by the Missouri Compromise line extended to the Pacific, the Sovitli certainly has a chance of occupying the Territory of California south? of that lino, and is sure of retaining her 1 cxanl territory. U As for the stand tluit General Cass has taken! against the Wilniot Proviso and in favor of nou-H intervention, as lie understands it, we cannot! conceal from ourselves and our readers, that he! and his friends have rendered the latter policy! acceptable at home, by contending1 that it would! operate as effectually to exclude the South from! all territory, as the Wilmot proviso. And wefi are not oppressed with admiration of such justice? or gratitude for such liberality as that. ta But General Cass has intimated that he might! vote for the Missouri Compromise to save the! Union. We think the safety of the Union de-1 pends on the success of that plan, if General! Cass wi 11 thus vote, he will give substantial proof! L?f his title to Southern regard?to the regard of! ill friends of the Union. And none will be more! ready than we to recognize his patriotism in sow ioirig. If his constituents will not support him! !n such a course, they are unfaithful to that! Union they profess to love so much ; they prove! "nemselves ready to sacrifice it to their own! lust of territorial or political aggrandizement.! attempting to exclude their brethren from a soil and climate they themselves will never occupy. As for the line of policy which General Cass now pursues, we deny it to be non-intervention ft gives the intervention of Congress to sanction an exorbitant claim of territory by California? a claim designedly exhorbitant to accomplish the object of the Wilmot Proviso?to determine by the will of the people of the North the institutions of the people yet to colonize South California, and to exclude the South from all share of it. As for our desire to modify the Missouri Com-!1 promise, so as to obtain guarantees for slavery!' 10uth of the line, all we propose, is to provide! that all property recognized as such, in the scv-!! ?ral States, shall be recognized south of the! Missouri line. Otherwise l.ho South might,after! onceding to the North by ;iet of Congress, all!, iorth of that line be excluded from her portion! south of it, by the enforcement of Mexican law.H] \nd no inan who in disposed in good faith to I sdjust this controversy on the. basis of the Mis | louri Compromise, can hesitate to make the tcrinsl dear and explicit. B We seek no recognition or guarantee by Congress of slavery. The South asks no such er.lorsement of her institutions. But we desire he rights of American citizens under American aw8 and 011 American soil to be held paramount ;o Mexican law. It is in vain to evade the merit of the position he South has now assumed. She stands 11cjuited of nil ultraism by taking it. She cannot 30 bewildered by sophistry?she cannot be dclud-B ?d by cunning?she cannot be, intimidated byl ibuse or by threats to abandon it. Every dayl ionviction attends her argument, harmony in-l ureases in her counsels, and contidonce in berB . aiiw. P If the third class of opponents, the SouthernB ntembers, can be reconciled, the bill would cer-B tainly become a law; but they, unfortunately, de-B menu what it is difficult to grant. They ask tliatB Congress shall graarautee protection to slave prop-B erty which shall be transported to the terrritories:B but Congress cannot establish slavery in a terri-B tory?all that can be done is, to throw the doorB open nlike to emigration from the North andB South, leaving the people, in the formation ofB their constitution, to adopt or reject slavery, asB they may consider expedient. And this thecom-fl promise bill proposes to do, by prohibiting thclj territorial legislature from ncting on the subject ofB slavery in any form. What more can be obtained? for the South? We confess that we do not sc< g now legislation cm comer outer advantages; ollt. , if there be any plan, consistent with justice, lotH it be tried. We are content with the Compromise [bill as it stands, because we see in its passage the restoration of harmony and good feeling?the overthrow of the Free-Soil party?and the constituiional protection of Southern rights. Reject ithat bill, and the nation may become tempesttost, anil the interest of the South be sacrificed.? Baltimore Clijrpcr. All we ask i*, that the South may have the rioht to enter the territory without obstruction r> from Mexican law or any other law. We are willing to abido by the decision of the people of the territory when they are entitled to admission as States, as to whether slavery shall remain or not. Mr. Stevens mid: V " I am opposed to the diffusion of slavery, because confining it within its present limits will bring the Slates themselves to its gradual abolition. Let this disease spread, and although it will render the whole body leprous and loathsome, yet it will long survive. "Confine it, and like the cancer that is tending to the heart, it must be eradicated, or it will eat out the vital*. The sooner the patient is convinced of this, the sooner he will procure the healing operation." " Yes, sir; this admitted result is, to my mind, one of the most agreeable consequences of the legitimate restriction of slavery. Confine this malady within its present limits, surround it by <y. ? ' r'|' |fc--If,''*iT'{*"*|" I .. >i un.iK.iiiiijipBBjiiii J. Mil.I f \ s cordon of freemen that it cannot spread, and in le*a than twenty-five years, every slaveholding State in this Union will have on its statute-books i law for the gradual und final extinction of slavery. Then will liave been consummated the fondest wishes of every patriot's heart. Then will our fair country be glorious, indeed; and be to posterity a bright example of the true principles ?f government?or universal freedom." My colleague has been subjected to not a little severe criticism from Southern gentlemen for the expression of these sontimsnts. I can tell gentlemen from the South, that this language is by no means peculiar to my colleague. They arej is far as I know, the sentiments of the entire North. That speech has been again and again republished both in English and German, and circulated by thousands. This sentiment is of no new growth. I doubt not that my colleague himself learned it at his mother's knee, and these lessons ?re seldom forgotten.?Speech <]f Hon. John W, Hoice, of J'tntunflvania. Confine the North to its present limits, ami ere long, pnu|>erisra, crime, vice and disease, * will eat out her vitals," or the vast honk: of the victims of these ills, controlling the ballotbox, will rise against tlte institution of property and the rewards of industry; and plunder, socialism and anarchy will overspread that region to be followed by desolation and the strifes of rapine and famine, until military despotism rises on the ruins of their boasted freedom. The nanus of Hon. Rol>ort W. Johnson! of Arkansas, as a signer of the Southern address in behalf of this pa | tor, was in the copy furnished us changed to William R. Johnson Wc correct it to dav. ? _ A friend has sent us the following Correspondence : The Clayton Compromise and the Clay Compromise, Harper's Ferrt, July 6, 1850. Dear Sir: I luue heard it insisted very earnestly of late, that (fee Clay Compromise concedes and secures to the South all that the Clayton Compromise professed to do, and a good deal more. I do not profess to know how this is myself; but I have neard that Mr. Calhoun and other enlightened Southerners should have said, that the South would be content with the Clayton Compromise as to the Territorial question, and if the Clay Compromise concedes the same and yields us more, why in the name of peace do we not accept it, and be done with it? Vours, A COMPROMISER.' If " Compromiser's" premises were true, I should hardly dissent from what he advises; but 'the Clay Compromise falls deplorably short of I voucnsanng all to me sown mat tne outer aoess though I admit it aims at more, and would be nllfl the better for the superflux, if it were of the rigluB sort, and would ensure that the remedy would notfl aggravate the disease. A very summary conr trast will show in what the differences between the measures consist; and point to the sources of preference between them. 1. The Clayton Compromise was silent about the Wilmot Proviso, north or south of the line of the Missouri Compromise; withheld from the Territorial Legislatures of Utah andjVew Mexico jj1 all powefs of legislation to admit or exclude slave- ? ry, and refered to the Supreme Court of the United Stales the question, whether the Mexican laws n prohibiting slavery, survived the cession and re- ' tnained in force in these territories ? The Clay Compromise, either in express terms s or through necessary implications, does the same, n 2. The Clayton Crompromise subjected theB whole of California both north ami south of 3t>?S,30' to the same provisions which it adopted to theB,: Territories of Utah and New Mexico. f| The Clay Compromise does nothing of theB1 sort, but gives the direct sanction of Congress toB\ the establishment of the Wilntot Proviso, bothBk north and south of the line, and excluding? ^ Southerners front the whole thoroughly and a'-RL ways! |t; 3. The Clayton Compromise took not an acreBo (Yom the slave territory of Texas, to doom to theBr dominion of Freesoilism, nor consequently aB^ doit from the South's pocket to pay for it. Bp Mr. Clay's Compromise slices from the slaveBs territory of Texas, territory enough to makeB two or more States, and destinates it irretrievublyBi to the sovereignty and ascendency of Frccsoil-V ism?provides an unsearchable asylum for fugi-B1' Live siuves, mm caucus p,viw,uvu, uui 01 uu*h South*8 Exchequer, to bribe herself, to cheatlBj icrself out of Iter own jurisdiction, and her ownly jovereignty! H1 4t. The Clayton Compromise contained no pro-B? visions touching the reclamation of fugitive sluvesBp ?neither assisting nor obstructing claimants inBn jursuit of them. B The Clay Compromise essentially embarrasses, lelays nnd obstructs their recovery, by exacting!! he production of record proofs, as the supcr-H idded and indis]>ensable conditions of their sur ender and delivery ; and after the claimants have j troven their slaves and fugitives upon the highest w ipecies of testimony, it confers an option on the ugitives to bind their owners in penal bonds of >1,000, payable to (whom think ye?) the United Statei forsooth, to secure them jury triuls by way w )f appeals from the judgments of the federal y judges and commissioners in the free States, who ? lave never in GO years surrendered a fugitive who vas not a slave, andfto the credit of SouthernersB je it said,) have never been asked to do so! 5. The Clayton Compromise deals with slavery *' n the District of Columbia, as the Constitution )f the United States, and the cessions of Virginia md Maryland dealt with it half a century ago ; jeing powerless to meddle with it, it lets it alone. The Clay Compromise, under color of abating legro-traders'shambles and slave-marts as pub- ,.f ic nuisances, indiscriminately emancipates everyBsl ilave brought into the District for private sale to J1 mpply the wants of the citizens within it, or to lischarge the obligation of their debtors beyond Je t, and thus abandoning to the mercies of the ftina- th ics and to Congress, all the restraints of the Contitution and the public, fhith, against federal legis- ,yj ation uppn the subject of slavery in the District A >f Columbia! M Such are the contrasts which mark the compronines?and such the grounds of our decided preerence for the one, and our irreconciliable liosility to the other. Is " Compromiser " satisfied? Death of the Hon. W. II. Brockenbrottoh. Die Tallahassee Floridian and Journal, of 29th lit,, says:?We shroud our columns in black as i token of respect to the memory of this dis- f inguished gentleman, whose melancholy death '1 tccurred in Tallahassee, at his residence, on Fri-B^ lav iviorninir. June lie bis demise Fli>ri.Hc" la has lost perhaps the most brilliant intellects* vitliin her limits. None whevknew him tvelljl "ailed to award to the deceased the possession ofB1'" renins of high order, lie only needed continu-K* nice of life, conneeted with physical vigor proJr^ jortioncd to his mental strength, to have risenB . o eminent rank among the great names of tlu B'!' Etcpublic. Mr. Broekcnbrongh was 37 years ofB ige the 33d of February last. We hope thatK8 tome friend, whose ability better tits for theff" vork, will furnish tis an appropriate, obit nan H lotice. _ Bj' Healtii or Baltimoue.?The whole numberB rf deaths in this city last week was 114, twoB . note than in the corresponding week last yearn'' iVeek before last the deaths in Baltimore wereB10 )0, or 18 less than in the same week of 1849.B"? rhese facts show an increase of 31 in the raor-BJl' ality here in a single week this season, oonso-B juent of course upon the increased heat in allfl juarters, producing the usual bowel diseaaea,fl 1 here being 35 denths by cholera infant am, where-B 1 us there were only 13 the week previous by that|R.( omplaint. Two were by drinkmg cold water.fi CORRESPONDENCE. iMMMfchif l?kt p.m. 'reviaturt announcement of the President's Death? Trotting Match?Fire? ff'heeling Bridge lease? Markets, tfc. The announcement this morning of the dangerus condition of President Taylor took the city y surprise, and the" subsequent despatches this korning, announcing the dangerous aspect of his laease caused the most anxious inquiries up to Ite o'clock, when despatches were received by time of the papers announcing his death. In a ;w minutes u dozen flags on Baltimore street were impended at half-mast, which was followed by ?e shipping in the harbor, and the Church and re Wis throughout the city were tolling a solemn rquiem for the dead. It was however found that ie Sim had received despatches later than those nnounring hi* hi* death, which reported him till living, and some hopes still remaining for his too very. This soon spread through the city in tiru, the bells ceased ringing and the dags were iken io, enabling us all to breathe freer again, nd still entertain a hope of his final recovery. The trotting match yesterday between Lady fpscow and Lady Suffolk, afforded but little sport. *dy Suffolk distanced Moscow in the first heat, lien winning the purse in Sii 31s. Lady Bevun nd Roanoke try their speed again to-day. The following gentlemen were last night elected )emocratic candidates for Delegates, to the State yonstitutioiml Reform Convention, to assemble in his city, at the close of this month :?Chas. G. A. Gwinn, Robt. G. Brent, Geo. W. Sherwood, >avid Stewart, Elian Ware, Jr., and Jas. Carroll. ? A despatch from Washington to some of the Northern papers state that Chancellor Walwortlu o whom the Wheeling bridge case was referred las pronounced it a nuisance, and a serious abtruction to the free navigation of the Ohio river. The large warehouse of Wm. G. Price, on Lorntnwi ufsoof A?ni* ?*??/! nrt?v??vv~L * rU?? OUWI) HUH UIIU WlUIIilOOIUU IllCICIiUIll, W H n otally destroyed by fire at 4 o'clock this morn"P The fire in Brooklyn, on Sunday last, was a remendous affair, the loss not falling much short >f a million of dollars. Among the items lost vus 1200 hhds. of molasses; 600 hlids. sugar; 100 tons of guano; 000 tons saltpetre, &c. the markets. At auction to-day? 157 hhds. P. R. Sugar .... 5,15a5,4Q 60 " " Molasses .... 24a24J 131 " Cuba Sugar, 40 sold (balance withdrawn) 5,l.r>a5,2T> 38 " hhds. P. R. (Molasses . . 24 38 " Cuba Molasses ... 17$ 13 tierces \ SuSttr House SyruP 21 i We hear of no sales of Flour or Wheat worth eporting. No Corn offering, and prices continue nominal. Boston, July 8th. A hearing was held this morning before the Committee on Pardons, in the case of Professor iV ebster. A petition was presented for clemency, signed iy 988 persons of New York city?two from 'Vanklin county, New York, and two from Michigan. The Lieutenant Governor stated that a large lumber of petitions for a commutation of the unappy sentence.was received from ull parts of the ountry?one from Mr. Green, a juryman in the ase, and two or three others from persons who aid they themselves committed the murder, and ot Professor Webster. Several medical men were present, and showed hat a blow on the head, such as that which Pro?ssor Webster said he gave Dr. Parkman, oAen auRed death in a short time. Mr. Edwin Jarvis cited two instances to prove he ungovernable temper of Professor Webster, nd how soon it was oyer. In one case, Dr. Vebster, when a student, commenced the play of nocking off lints with ti fellow student, in which Vebttev got rather the worst of it. Finally, Vebpttr got enraged, seized a stick, and would nve given his companion a deadly blow, had he ot been prevented. The next moment it was all ver with hint, and lie did not evince the least esentnicnt whatever. At another time, while in London, Professor Vebster was being shaved, when I)r. Lathford layfully remarked, " Did you ever see a barber hnve u monkey ?" Mr. Webster was much enraged at this, and eijr.ed a knife, and would hn\e struck at Dr. L. ad he not been prevented. Dr. Jeffries Wyman was introduced to show Imt Dr. Parkman's skull was a little thinner than te average of persons. A petition was presented by Professor Brown, igged by President Sparks, and nearly all the 'rofeasors of Harvard College, praying for a ommutation of punishment, not on the ground of is late confession?he, as they say, having for;ited all claim to be believed?but on the great robubility that exists that the act was not preleditated. Professor Bowen urged a delay in order to obtin more direct petitions in the case. The case was then postponed until the 18th inst. The Cholera in Cincinnati. Cincinnati, July 8. The Board of Health report, for the twenty-four ours ending yesterday evening, 87 deaths, 56 of hich were or Cholera. Death of S. S. Prentiss. Natchez, July 3. The eloquent and gifted Sargeant S. Prentiss, ho represented Mississippi in Congress a few ears ago died here to-day, after a severe illness f several weeks. Philadelphia, July 9?2 P. M. The weather here is quite pleasant to-day. Flour continues dull, and prices range from >,12 to $5,25 for shipping brands. Wheat is firm, with sales of red at 120al22r., id white at 130 cts. Provisions dull at last quotations. Cotton Statf.ment.?Through the kindness of le agents of the Georgia, and Macon and Wesln R. Roads we have been furnished with a port of the amount of cotton received at and lipped from their respective depots since the st of February, 1850. It will be seen that the lling off in the receipts from those of the same ontlis in 1849 is but 295 bales, which is much ss than might have been expected considering le shortness of the last crop. 1850. - 1849. ebruary 2,031 bales, 3,118 bales, [arch 846 " 2,040 " pril 2,106 " 654 " fay 1,342 " 385 " tne 316 " 139 " 6,641 ' 6,936 6,641 Decrease, 206 The Troops at the Western Posts. Tiic Washington Republic publishes orders oni the War Department, in which, agreeably i the .net recently passed by Congress to incase the rank and tile of the army, and to enuirage enlistments, it is directed that the light tillerv companies be increased to 64 privates tch; while the companies of the army on duty the posts in Texas. New Mexico, California, regon, Minnesota and the Indian Territory,arc be each increased to 74 privates. At the stains in Texas, New Mexico, and the new posts on e Canadian and Arkansas rivers, where there no regular mounted force, one half of each taniry company in to do equipped and mounted cavalry, under tlic direction of thecommandg officer of the military department where ey may be serving. j Previous orders, reducing company organiza>ns below 42 privates are repealed. The luunanding officers at the posts in the above imed territories are to recruit for their compaes and their regiments; and, to encourage enitments, the following bounties are offered: in e 8th department, $26; in the 9th, $52; in c 10th, $117; in the 11th, $142; at Fort irelling, $23; at Fort Gaines, $27; at the iat on the Des Moines river, $23; at Fort earnev, $34; at Fort Lurimie, $48; at the J >sts on the Upper Arkansas river, $37. |