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The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, July 10, 1850, Image 2

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<i<>n in good faith in the territories, anil with
dear recognition of the boundary line of Tex
in iin integrity, and entirely running the ft
length of the Rio Grande, 1 would far preler th
proposition to the Administration plan, which '
full of enormities from end to end, without a nit
gle redeeming quality. But this compromise, s
-idled, 1 suppose, iu derision of all which Imv
Ween heretofore adopted, begins with the ttnquaii
tied admission of California with her presen
boundaries. My opposition to this measure is si
deeply rooted, as well nigh to constrain me t<
reject all schemes whatever of which it compost*
a part. The pill is too nauseating to be taken it
connexion with our ingredients, however palulu.
ble. If such an outrage is to be effected, and
such n precedent established, so improper in ib
pelf, and leading to such dangerous consequences,
I never wish the future politician who may refet
to my course, U> say for me, "I did it."
One leading objection to the whole scheme is,
that it gives finality to nothing,aud therefore, will
quiet neither the North nor the South. The
U'dmot Proviso is not enacted over the tcrritorias
avowedly on the ground that it is unnecessurv,
and of course with the understanding, that if the
future tide of emigration shall render u
J ,
H will be insisted upon. I
11 will lie the starling point ot' new agitations,!
new combination*. It will open nearly onc-thirdj
of Texas as a new field for contention. The
South will insist that slavery has been recognized
up to 3GO 30'. The North will contend that the
southern claim has been bought out and surrendered;
and the South being the weaker parly, I
know now, as certainly as I know any future
event, the North will have it all their own way.
Having voted for the annexation of Texas, I
know it was well understood that she had a disputed
boundary, and that she claimed the Rio
Hratide from its mouth to its source, as her western
boundary. Texas was invited to trust the
settlement of this dispute to the United State*,
Our Government did undertuke the adjustment;
and the result was, we obtained every inch
claimed. Can there be a doubt, then, of our duty
and her title?
Texas lius the right of making four more new
Suites; the country expected they would be slave
Smtes. The proposed adjustment will necessarily
make two slave States, and two Tree States.
To call upon me to sell out tlie country, and to
T)||V '*
, , ...c tuuwuMimpn money, which was
' nee solemnly settled nnd dedicated, for the purpose
of extending still further, and swelling larger
tne disproportion of territory from which the
Vrath is excluded, is too extravagant, and it ran
never l>e yielded.
Hut I need not multiply objections; as that bill
now stunds, I should feel myself untrue to ray
constituents, untrue to myself, untrue to the
country at large, to give it nty support.
The fugitive slave sections are of but littl*B
consequence. Like the laws against duelling inallfl
tlic States, tliey are apparently strong enough tofl
prevent the practice, but practically they are ufl
ue.ul letter upon the statute book. Public opin-l
iuii does not demand their enforcement. Even so!
will it be with the most stringent fugitive slave!
lull. It wilt prove a mere mockery. The present!
law of 1793 is full and strong enough, if the!
States of the North would comply, or were dis-l
posed to comply wit!) their constitutional obliga-B
iiona. E
The anxiety to suppress the slave trade in thisl
District?a measure of 110 great magnitude in il-l
.self?is only desired in oi3er to stigmatize this!
kmd of traffic, which is known to exist in thegl,
southern Suites, and to make one step fonfturdfl
in the process of abolition of slavery in this Dis-B
win. The motives which impel the movcmpntE
more than the movement itself, ara obnoxiousB
I co>Tie now to the consideration of the ques-B
l ion, what shall we do to quiet agitation nnd re-B
store peace and confidence and good feeling bc-^
iween ihe different sections of this Union?
1 despair of reconciling the abstract coa*'
v iews of the North ^nil. the South,. S?' ctin^
fort is vain nnd fu tile. Hut it is eerie1 .u "in eft
the .same conflict lias existed;toe u.C. ,uJ
extent from the foundation, of*' 411 * .
ua1.& honestly endeavor* greaterorless
plan liy which :' she Government. I
pl. set us hy : ,0- devise
hroiight Uapi 'tu i improve upon the exainIs
die he .orcfathers ; and lain final y
I a viie firm conviction that the old
J ..stand wisest plan, and should be
6'' ,87, before the adoption of our present Condition,
when the celebrated ordinance institut111"
slavery northwest of the river Ohio waspass,,r
it was a well settled policy that all the old
Smies would cede their back lands, and the Ohio
nver was adopted us the compromise line. And
vv bile the first Congress under our Constitution rc.
o'Miized the interdiction of slavery northwest of
the Ohio,<llie^ established ti territory ^soutli ol the
. .moiled their difference by n line oi'partition, and
went on hurmonioualy. But tlie history of thin
compromise convinced me of another fUrt, that if
ilie importation of slaves front abroad had then
been inhabited, and if the only question had been
as to their locality, whether the slaves then in the
country should be allowed to spread, as the interest
or inclination of the owners might dictate,
(hat that ordinance had never found its place
among our statutes. As an evidence of this fact,
I shall refer to one authority as conclusive on this
point. Mr. Madison, in his letter to Mr. Monroe,
in 1*20, says:
' 1 have observed as yet in none of the views
taken of the ordinance of 1787 interdicting slavery
northwest of the river Ohio an allusion to lite
circumstance that when it passed Congress had
no authority to prohibit the importation of slaves
limn abroad ; that all the Slates hud, and some
were in the full exercise of, the right to import
tlieni ; and consequently that there was no mode
In w hich Congress could check the evil but the indirect
one of narrow ing the space open for the reception
of slaves.
"Had the federal authority then existed to prohibit
directly and totally, the importation from
abroad, can it be doubted that it would have been
exerted, and thut a regulation having merely (lie
effect of preventing the interior disposition of
slates actually in the United Slates, and creating
a distinction among the Stutes in the degrees of
their sovereignty, would not have been adopted,
or perhaps thought of."
This was the spirit and the cause of that ordi
nance. ii in tnat ttay, it nua been a question, not
of increase of the number of slaves, but simply
as to their locality in the United States, 1 have not
a doubt the ordinance of 1787 had never existed.
The reason of the measure having failed, to insist
on ilie measure itself is most unreasonable. The
South, fond of the Union, yielded to this discrimination,
making the Ohio river the dividing line
between slave and free States.
Next in order of time was the purchase af Louisiana,
which had an area of 1,075,000 square
miles , but if we include Oregon, (and our ablest
statesmen have claimed that our best title to the
county west of the ltocky Mountains is derived
from that purchase,) its area would Vie 1,416,463
square miles. On the bill granting permission
to the people of Missouri Territory to form a
!Suue constitution, the North resisted her appliiniion,
till they,at last,forced a compromise upon
the South which divided the territory acquired by
tlsit treaty by the line 36? 30\ still bringing the
line of division further south, which sec red to
the North 1,306,463 square miles, and retained
1 It),000 square miles for the South, when it wni
admitted on all sides that the whole territory wni
subject to be made slave territory. Thus th<
North took the lion's share. Had 1 been a mem
ber of Congress at that time, I would have resist
ed ibis adjustment, though disunion and eivi
war had been the consequence. This was don
in 18*20, and the South acquiesced. I regarded t
alter that, a decided question ; and acting on th?
principle of start dtcisis, I have given vole afte
vote in conformity with that line of division.?
Soon after this partition, by w ay of making amend;
(o'Iip South, I suppose, the Spanish treaty wa
entered into, by winch Florida was obtained, ant
Texas was yielded up, and again we were wrong
. d ; but let that pass.
Here 1 must take occasion to allude to that pro
vipo which seems to haunt the imagination of th
^mileman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Wikthrop,
and which he offered to the Ojrejou territorial bil
He offered a proviso prohibiting slavery in thi
rritory. I voted against inserting it in the bil
because I regarded it as dashed at the South wat
tonly and unnecessarily. He says now he regart
><! the Missouri compromise as covering that tei
ritory ; so do 1 ; and thereforeit was unnecessarj
When it was inserted in the bill, being anxious t
for lush those people with a government, and tli
protection which they w ere praying at our liandi
1 voted for the bill. 1 did so, because I wished t
keep good fuith. Those who will examine tli
law will at once see that all who intended in goo
faith to observe the Missouri compromise coul
not have done otherwise. These are its terms :
' ?" That in all that territory ceded hy IVance und<
the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 36
.'tO' north latitude, not included within the limit
of the State contemplated by this act, slavery o
involuntary servitude otherwise than in the pun
jshment of crimes whereof the parties shall Iiav
been duly convicted, shall 1* and is hereby fot
ever prohibited," die,
?.
it J 'l'lie question then was, diit Oregon constitute
h.n pun of the Louisiana purchase? Ouruble.it states
ill [men so regarded it; and the fact that our Norther
i.n j hue wan linniiy Heuieddow n <jj. *9?, instead of 54'
is 40*, is tvideiirelJiHt it was made the basis of ou
l-j treaty v illi CJreul Bntuin. Was it north of .Hi'
io 30'? Of dwit tliere is no question s these iwt
e' points covered'the whole case,
i- Bui it may be asked why, in 1848, the SoutJ
i wiu not willing to give ihe same vote in pursuiuici
J of the Missouri compromise? The answer i>,
simple and direct. At that time we liad acquired
? other territories. New Mexico and California?
i a portion of which lies south of 3(P .'10'?and
- the South agaiu and again avowed a willingnrsi
I to carry out the Missouri compromise. It was re
- fused. The North showed a disposition, aye, a
, determination, not to keep good faith with the
South. As long as wc had no territory over
which the line could be extended, the North could
, call upon us to keep faith without a pledge, which
I the same members could not reciprocute by ex-;
( tending the line. But ufter our late acquisitions,
they had no such ground to stand upon, and we
iuiv plainly that the treachery was intended to be
practiced. These statements explain my course
in reference to this matter;and my error, if I committed
any, was in an attempt to keep good faith
with a people who have shown a reckless disre
gard of all honor or obligation, when a stipulation
with slaveholders, as we are termed, is to be
observed.
Next in order is the annexation of Texae. It
was known that Texas claimed the Rio.Grande,
from its mouth to ita source, as her western
boundary, when she applied for admission. If
she could in any way or at any. time make good
this claim, it waa seen that portion of her territory
would Ua north of 3fJP 30'. The North,
jealous of her claim that slavery was not t? pans
north of that initio lipe, again demanded the recognition
of the restriction north of it; the South
readily kepi.good ftvith in this true spirit?a hard
Icoiitracl, harsh and unjust in ita terms, but honor,
hi iori demanded, ancl she consented without a
Imurqvpr.
I Thus it hufe been that this line haa given peace
land quiet to the country. The North hue receiIved
and is now enjoying her part of the contract.
|A portion Of territory v?l p?m?inD l:-l ->
j 7 utci which III1H
line litis not been dt facto run, though in justice,
in spirit, in honor, it ha* been run; end when the
North passes that line, I shall feel their morality
is founded in that school which characterized the
corrupt early churches, that it was no sin to breat:
faith with, heretics.
The advocates for the admission of California;
place their support, principally, on a regard and;
efference for the declared opinions of the people
in that country. No one goes before me in their
respect for the opinions of any people when legitimately
expressed. It is for that very reason,
and 011 that vth-y ground, I call for a division <?f
California. The proof ia satisfactory that the
people of that territory, south of 36? .30 , prefer
a territorial government, and are now asking it, at
your hands. If California must come in as a
State, a regard for the people will require you to
limit its southern boundary by 36^ 30*. This
should be done on the plan proposed on yesterday
at the other, end of the Capitol, by the senator I
from Louisiana, [Mr. Soul*..] '
' But it is said that the South should prefer
take in the whole Pacific coast in one State.'
wise a division will operate in the iuore* jiher-|
number of free States. This ioav ..se of thel
what guarantee have we tliat, , be so. Butf
ot unUTOrma, with her Fre* " ,.icr the admission
Her gigantic proportion .-^j) constitution and
tnd subdivided as Mhe is not to be divided
tm utious meu Jp lt.? as seetional jealousy and
Lt>ugr- , State may ask for a partiOT.tJt.
Utt e cgg cn?( Rt any time, divide n State
ipiuie consent of the people thereof. And my
,ii now is, that whenever they permanently
ate the capital of the State, then will come here
a petition for a new State, and whenever that petition
is presented, my opinion is, it will be granted.
Establish a territorial government for South California,
carry there the doctrine of non-intervention
in good faith, and secure to the territory the full
right to decide, when she applies for admission as
a State, all questions in reference to slavery. This
territorial government is called for hy the people;
the South would he satisfied with it. You yield
110 principle in according it, but rather maintain
your consistency. And if God and nature nre
against our settlement of this territory, we will
never complain. To God and Nature we will
submit; all we ask, let man. with his devices, not
interfere.
This line of 3f>? 30' ought, in justice and good
faith, now to to be extended to the Pacific. All
other methods of adjustment will be but laying
the foundation of greater trouble in the future.
II repeat, I have sought to agree with my friends
jpon soon in her basin. I find it cannot be done
ivithoui practising some deception on the one
ode or the other. Such are the difficulties which
inviron this whole subject, that we must act in
hat spirit with which jAbpiham and Lot divided
he country between tWYV respective households.
Ifott go to the right, and we to the left; and there
ihall of peace between us?your people and ourl
teople. I am opposed to all double dealing?
rnnknoss, candor, manliness, directness, ami pariutism,
demand that we shall understand each
ilher. But you reply, more in false pride than in
ound reason, if tins compromise be passed, the
South will have triumphed, and demagogues will
raise the cry, that the North has succumbed.
This will not be true; indeed, 1 will ask you to
violate none of your principles. Divide the territory
by this fine; north of it, interdict or not
slavery as it may suit you. In this respect, take
your own course; south of that line, leat e the
people free, with the assurance, that when they
form a State constitution, they shall decide the
question of slavery for themselves. This is as
far as 1 can go with a due regard to the South.
Iritis proposition you can accept, and leave the
result to natural causes. For years, I have observed
a fashion in this House, with Northern
members, to denounce cuch other as doughfaces,
and with such like terms; and I have, thought
that gentlemen fear these catch epithets more
than they do an argument. Their force I do not
comprehend?for I regard that man more us u
doughface, a coward, that shrinks from a discharge
of his duty to the whole country, of which
he is the representative, rather than meet and attempt
to correct and satisfy lite unreasonable
prejudices ol tnc unenngmenea ui norne. rie is
the doughface who panders to unjust sentiments,
in order to win favor, and cowardly retrouts from
the task of enforcing upon his constituents the propriety
of observing their constitutional obligations.
That was a noble sentiment of Mr. Webster when
lie says, the people should undertake the task of
overcoming themselves.
It is charged by the gentleman from Pennsylvania
(Mr. Wilmot) that the South has committed
an aggression upon the North, in seducing her
public men from their fealty to the North. I
charge that the aggression is in an opposite direction.
The North has the political honors of this
country at her disposal, and these temptations
have already carried away from their duty to their
own section many of our ablest men. Indeed,
the very idea of forming a national character with
our statesmen is now tantamount to trenHon
to her interests and power. This has been done,
and will, I fear, be done again and again.
But again : You object that the Constitution
will not admit your interdicting slavery north of
110* no more than it will south of that line J
and by adopting this line you concede the whole
power of Congress over this subject. As an original
question this is true, and 1 would never ask
it; but time and universal consent have sanctified
such a measure as a peuce-ofi'ering upon the altar
of our country. 1 would act upon the same principle
which controlled Mr. JelVerson in the purchase
of Louisiana. I would do it ex necessitate
ret, tVom the force of circumstances. We are in a
dilemma which the lYnmers of the Constitution
could never have contemplated. It is a rasni
omissus. Thrice has a line of division been ngreeii
upon, and thrice has it given quiet to the country
Agree to it once more, and the greatest ohstnch
is removed in our future progress. It is a charm
ed line?the bow of promise. It is the work ol
the North forced upon the South, Now ohscrvi
your own handiwork, and the sky of the future it
bright and full of promise. Neglect it, reject it
and darkness, visible darkness, obscures our path
uBwny.
1>I But shall we go cm making other and furthe:
l-lacquisitinns r M y experience has cured mc ol
1-Hlhin nrooensitv 1 helteee il has satisfied till
South, if, howeverj.you ho settle these question!
tliat another acquisition will enable you to sur
round the South with States where the negro goe<
free, I fear, I believe, the questions of new ac
quisitions will soon be the turning point of a pre
siilential election ; und the South will be too weali
to defend herself at the ballot box.
I disdain to play a game of brag. I would 1101
be guilty of the consummate weakness of suppoa
ing that anything is to be gained by an appeal tc
the tears of any section of this confederacy
Bravery is the characteristic of our people, Nortt
and South, cowardice is the exception. 1 have n<
thought that the North could ever subdue tht
South, nor could the South subdue the North
Such reflections arc unbecoming and a profanitj
to our system of government
"Wear# brethred, all of a common stock. Shoul
a tier to shoulder we have gone I brought many
i-llmnl contest; together we nave suffered, togeth
? we lmte triumphed and nyoiced. in your pru
0 of power, wrong u t not ; attempt not to tramp
r down uuf proud American spirit, ur to force us <
3 admit the negro race into terms of social eqtfhlil
t> with ourselves. It will lie vain. We are jroi
equals in honor, in character, in virtue, iu religioi
r in charity, in patriotism ; your equals we she
1 remain, But deul with us in that christian snir
t of doing to otiiars what you w ould have tnet
I to dp to you under similar ciri umsiuueea, and oi
country will be happy, prosperous, and conten
i ad, and ours will be a bright and glorious desliu)
THE SOUTHERN TRESS
t CITY" OF WASHINGTON.
WEDNESDAY. JULY 10. 1850.
DEATH Of* PRESIDENT TAYLOR.
I It is ocr melancholy doty to announce flu
pdcath of Gun. ZACHARY TAYLOR, Preaidcn
of the United. States. He expired last night a
twonty-five minutes of eleven. I le was aw an
of his approaching dissolution, and two ho tin
before hi* death declared he had done his duti
to his country. Maylie rest in peace.
He was fortunate in his life, and we think it
his death. His splendid military achievements
won the admiration of his countrymen,?hit
simplicity of character a large measure of theii
confidence. He lias departed at a crisis whiel
he could scarcely have passed without danger oi
disaster to his renown.
The suddeness of his illnesss, and its catastrophe,
Iiiih appalled the community, and inspired
the most solemn and gloomy feelings.?
Less tlian a week ago he was in good iienlth?
he is now no more. Let us trust that this dispensation
of Providence is one of mercy rather
than wrath.
g^"Mr. Butler, of South Carolina, had the
floor yesterday in the Senate, and commenced a
(searching and thorough examination of' the
IConiDromiso whomn ? 'i--* L-3
i ? " 1 uciore i iiiil noilV, On-1
livened by his rare powers of illustration audi
sarcasm. He gave way, More concluding, to tj
motion to adjourn made by Mr Wkb^tkr, :'jr
bonsoquonco of the illuo*v0f President TAY
LOU.
The Rigb*^ Qj pr0perty. ? AboliMon and
Agrarianism.
It has always been contended by Southern
statesmen, and by the more far-s ighted and sagacious
of their Northern brethren, in the better
days of the Republic, that thi> crusade hy the
Abolition agitators against one peculiar description
of property, would, lead to the denial of
the right to hold other species of property also,
as an infringment of natural rights.
Following an inevitable sequence, the principles
on which Abolition is based, must lead its
advocates to agrarianism?and " the rights of
man," under their construction, antagonizing
directly with the right* of property, must be
made to override all obstructions to the attainment
of universal equality. The same cant of
philanthropy that rises loudly in the legislature
and the market-place?in the highways and byeways?proclaiming
the " inalienable rights" of
man to liberty, begins now with equal pertinacity
to urge his " inalienable right" to land also.
" Am 1 not a man and a brother," says the iuo-1
del Free-soiler, "and shall you monopolize more
of the earth than you can possibly need to supply
your wants, or even your luxuries?w hile 1
cannot claim or occupy an acre ? While you are
so strenuously asserting the inalienable rights of
the Mack slave, shall you be allowed to neglect
and refuse the inalienable rights of the white
freeman.' We will take care that you do not?
we w ill insist 011 our share of our common heritage."
Such, substantially, is the language now used,
and the sentiments now held not alone by the visionary
followers of Owen, Wright, Abby Folsom,
A e., but bv the irtore practical operatives of the
Free-soil agitators?and it is only a natural corollary
to their propositions. Substitute for the
settled provisions of written constitutions the
opinions of each individual, founded on his crude
notions of "a higher law"?make each man's
private judgment the tribunal for establishing
eirrlitu aT tienitorte m nno U'aciI unKuf ittif/>
v,. "',v- "" ??
conscience for the constitution, awl Mr. Sewakd's
construction of its provisions for those of
its framers?and tlic reign of Anarchy, the millenium
of Free-soil, will have arrived.
The doctrine, however, is not original either
with Mr. Seward or his satellites: it is a foreign
exotic, not a native product. Its earliest
and most eloquent apostle was Jean Jacques
Rousseau?baptized In blood, it passed down to
Robesi'iehe, and his mantle has recently been
assumed by Provdhon. So that Senator Seward
stands now before the American public arraved
in the shreds and patchos of this cast-off
garment, a world too wide for his intellectual
proportions scanty as it is.
But his pioneers were bolder far than he?they
swept down upon their destined victims, " the
privileged classes," (as they called them,) with the
scream and swoop of the hungry vulture?they
did not silently wind their stealthy way up tc
them with the slimy sinnosities of the serpent
Hud the Senator, iji his late speech, cited the examples
and the precepts of these his true proto.
types, instead of seeking the shelter of a greni
!and glorious name, b v striving to assimilate bun
self tq Algernon Sidney," he would have dom
fent justice to nil. That patriot wrote, fough
I Ami fell for the maintenance of right* and thi
protection of property, which a despotic powe
nought illegally to wrest from himself, his neigh
hors, and the charter of their common country
His position was identically that of the mei
now stigmatized as Southern ultras?standing
up for right against might, and braving the chimo
that wouUi eall it treason. There was nothing o
the subterranean?of the sapper and miner, i
the mind, heart, or sonl of Algernon Sionf.ynothing
in his life or death to assimilate him t
tho philanthropists of this day.
Ft is said that a certain well known eJianiete
can 44 quote scripture for his purposes." So ea
demagogues and fanatics pervert and pa rod
the utterances of patriots, to subserve their end
and screen their selfish purposes.
We propose to show that this Free-soil acho<
is foutided on the same basis as that institute
by these French u reformers," and the parralh
can bo very easily drawn. The cardinal an
fundamental doctrine of Frot duon, its moder
preacher, is condensed into the pithy maxii
that
44 All Property is Robbery
Senator Seward and his disciples have not v<
adopted to their full extent the doctrines of the
master?for we. presume that the former wool
strenuously oppose a division of his fees, p?
diem and mileage, with tbem : and they in tur
l?-!? ?? swwja iwiywfiwtnim > .. v 11 nswhu'm????
ET\ . ' - / t .8 Ml . _ 'to
aBwould be ?-?|iiully loth'to diride their pentotwl
^ {'iekin^s and ]>erquisites with the \yhok' brotherl(.6)io(,d
of man. Vet as far as it could he done,
^ without personal expense or Inconvenience, they
^Bliave carried oat the doctrine as far as relates
i.lto two of the most important sliapes projk-rty
Jmissumes, vh: in slaves and in land. The reticent
movements made both in and out of ConirBgres.s
reference to both these interests, con'
Bclusively show tluit Abolition an<l Agrnrianism
( Bare Siamese twins; the conditions regulating the
existence of the one, also controlling the other.
*1 There is not a proposition laid down hv Senai
lor Seward, in relation to the abolition of slaver}',
that does not, equally apply to the abolition
of property of all kinds, and more esptpH
? l iallv of lauded estate. The title of both isfl
based upon the same general truths, andfl
e may be assailed, by the same appeal to soincfl
i " higher law," or " inalienable right." 9
* The Senator himself must sec this; but hel
s has also the sagacity to see that sueli ' a gene!
1 ral overturn" culburte gat/rale, as the French?
' schools call it?would not promote his interests!
...r, .ivna, iiu uierewre mutinies ms policy, i>y?
' givinjr C'erbesus a sop " in the si tape of bounty*
land bills, and ire? tiirins from tb.e public do?
main. Not so all of his followc rij; They are
not equally politic, but insist in pushing the
principles to their legitimate, conclusions. YVe
have seen a paper, published in New York City,
(und possibly there ir,ay be many others elsewhere,)
which had at its head an engraving of
a naked man sitting on the globe, under which
was the motto, u die earth is the. common property
of all her children?
Not only are these doctrines avowed, and this
coalition proclaimed by Northern Free-aoilere,
but in the giant Northwest these fatal heresies
are taking /oot |n the Ohio Standard, published
at Cleveland, we find the editor warmly
ftn<l endorsing a communication,
lu wh* c|, the platform of the jwrty is thus lakll
to* n. The riter begins by quoting a letter*
A ddressed to him by a gentleman who " liolds :i|
iistinguirthcd post of honor and trust'' in that?
tate, to the following effect: - fij
"I agree with vou in thinking that the plat-?
irm of the "F'ree Democracy" ought to hen
road enough to include all the reforms in the?
olitical and social condition of men which are?
ithin the proper scope of legislation, i think,B
so, that tne several reforms which you specify,?
re within that proper scope. But it is quite?1
ue, nevertheless, that political progress, like allM
ihers, is gressire?if I may coin a word?that is,Q
ep by step. And the step to he taken first, islj'
ways a matter of sound discretion. The princi-W
le mould reach forward to the last step. The
lovement must necessarily begin with the first.
"In my judgment the first step rationally, in
ly real progress in this country, is the rescue of
le government from the control of the slave
power, whose boast it is that the slave holding
ascendency 1ms saved the country from the inroads
of agrarianism?under which name slaveholders
and aristocrats stigmatize all real progress. This
can only he done by denationalizing slavery.?
When this is done, the road will he clear to other
reforms. My first labors, therefore, are directed
to the overthrow of the slave power and denationalisation
of slavery. 1 do not, however, lose sight
of other subjects."
To these views the writer demurs, though
Iconcurring in the benevolent purposes express-Si
ed. He is impatient, and thinks the process tooBi
"Now, for my part, I cannot see anv good
reuson why the "Free Democracy, should wai1,
till this very desirable object is attained, before it
inscribes upon hs banner the absolute and unconditional
freedom of public lands to actual landless
'settlers only?provided it believes this policy to
Ibe for the public good. But granting the public
jland question to be the second step in the true progressive
movement, as to national policy, and
that the "Free Democracy" should not tnlce that
Jstep until it bus denationalized Slavery, my friend
will not claim that the party should notinovein
its Slate policy, by limiting the amount of land to
be acquired by one individual, until this is accomplished.
No. lie claims no such delay, as he
render will perceive by referring to the quotation;;
from his letter, and l have therefore this high
"Free Soil" authority for making "Land Limitation"
an issue in the coming contest. And this
in fact is the main question. The.sale, at present
prices, of the public lands, or their free grant,
(aside from permitting speculators to purchase,)
to urtiuil liinilln?H
II"! little moment compared with this master c\ilj|3
of our land system. ffi
Adding this remark: I*
I I have some, but not nil extensive, nrqunint-BJ,
ance with Free-SoiIers, and so far as that ac-l,
quaintance extends, all are avowed advocates ofl
land reform. " '
No comments could make this matter plainer:*'
that such arc the real results, and the incvitublcgp
consequences of! the first step, no sane, man ennw
doubt. The same wild idea of the innlicnahlcl
right of man to land, as well as to liberty, wasH.
proclaimed at a late meeting in Wisconsin, andl<
with much ingenuity of argument by the speakers
at a Land Reform Mass Meeting, the proceedings,
of which we shall publish to-morrow.
For the present we propose, to make a few brief
extracts.
I Mr. Howe, (one of the speakers) " wanted
to re-enact, the law of Nature" (therein diftVring
from Mr. Webster,) ami thereby render
the soil free far the use of mankind." He was
warmly applauded, and gave way to Mr. IngallsB
who said t hat " Land-monopoly was the parent q/'l
slavery, and contributed more to its extension ?m/9
[perpetuity, than all other causes combined."M
r The condition of our people under it, but lit/lem
u>etter than human bondage." M
Mr. Van Amrinsre said, anionsr other things.*
Iiat w Land-monopoly 111 our country was rapidly I
11 the increase, far more so than most personsB
uspect, unfamiliar 11s they are. with the facts*
; is {growing beyond all conception in the Enst-I
rn States, it is so in the Western States, undl
i our own State. Speculators have forstalledl
he actual settler, and emigrants are now cotn-l
idled to press thr out beyond the verge of?
ivilization, and to pass over the extended hind-B
d possessions of the non-resident speculator.'1?
He concluded by offering the following series offl
resolutions; ji
1. Resolved, That it is mockery to declare that
all men have a natural, inalienable right to life,
unless they have n place to live; and that the
natural right to a home is indispensable as a foundation
to the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness.
3. Resolved, That as all men have an inalienable
right to a Home, no one man, and no company of
men, have a right to monopolize all the Homes;
and thut Lund Limitation is n cardinal and essential
measure to Land Reform.
3. Resolved, That Mechanics and others who
do not wish farms, must be guaranteed building
lots and out-lots, in towns, villages, and cities,
and that no Land Bill is a just one which docs not
provide Homes for nil.
J 4. Resolved, That we witness with pleasure the
"*1 rapid progress made by Land Reform in the Senate
and House of Representatives of Congress,
and among the People, and we pledge ourselves to
^end our energies to the establishment of the
measures of this great reform, which is fundamental
to nil others.
The resolutions were unanimously adopted.
If such are the fruits of Free-Soil in the
grecntree, what may wo expect from it in the
d dry? License for liberty?anarchy for oruer?
r. a short reign of equality, to l>o succeeded by a
nl bloody revolution, if not a reign of terror, un
... - -----
- - -
der some subtle demagogue, whose love for
humanity all centres in lus ow n jiersoii, and
who raises the storm that he may ride upon its
waves to power over the wreck of " liberty, the
Constitution, and the Union."
The asj>ect of the times is rapidly becoming
revolutionary. He must be smitten with judieinl
blindness who does not see and feel it.
It becomes, therefore, the duty of all who can
give a sound and healthy tone to public sentiment.
either from the pulpit, the press, or the
legislature, to do it speedily; for the bats that
love the twilight?the pur-Mind expounders of
natural rights?can be driven into their native
obseurity bv the bright light of reason and of
truth.
Aii owl can endure the sun-light just about as
long as this " Com us and his crew" could resist
full and lair discussion of their principles before
the people.. From their own mouths let them
> i j
"r cuuucijiniHi.
feir The u self 'yclept" Union editor admits?
tlwt iu 1848 he took the ground that the South
would acquiesce in the Missouri Coniproini.se
lh.'*, u muuI in nothing /ess.'1 But he says he did
not mxke it a sine qua nun or ultimatum, which
be complains of us for doing, for he would agree
to *ny adjustment as luvoroble to the South us
that Compromise. Well, did we not say that
the line of 38 30, or its equivalent was our rillimaturn
? What is the difference to a plain m:in
Between our position now, and the Union's iji
!l848
' The Union however now maintains that win it
he calls the non-intervention policy of the pending
plan, is as good for the South as the Missourj
Compromise or better. Well, we would like some
ingenious man to show what possible chance the
South has by the plan now proposed, of obtaining
one inch of the territor y in dispute, or even
of retaining what we thought was seen red to us
in Texas by the terms of annexation.
But by the Missouri Compromise line extended
to the Pacific, the Sovitli certainly has a chance
of occupying the Territory of California south?
of that lino, and is sure of retaining her 1 cxanl
territory. U
As for the stand tluit General Cass has taken!
against the Wilniot Proviso and in favor of nou-H
intervention, as lie understands it, we cannot!
conceal from ourselves and our readers, that he!
and his friends have rendered the latter policy!
acceptable at home, by contending1 that it would!
operate as effectually to exclude the South from!
all territory, as the Wilmot proviso. And wefi
are not oppressed with admiration of such justice?
or gratitude for such liberality as that. ta
But General Cass has intimated that he might!
vote for the Missouri Compromise to save the!
Union. We think the safety of the Union de-1
pends on the success of that plan, if General!
Cass wi 11 thus vote, he will give substantial proof!
L?f his title to Southern regard?to the regard of!
ill friends of the Union. And none will be more!
ready than we to recognize his patriotism in sow
ioirig. If his constituents will not support him!
!n such a course, they are unfaithful to that!
Union they profess to love so much ; they prove!
"nemselves ready to sacrifice it to their own!
lust of territorial or political aggrandizement.!
attempting to exclude their brethren from a soil
and climate they themselves will never occupy.
As for the line of policy which General Cass
now pursues, we deny it to be non-intervention
ft gives the intervention of Congress to sanction
an exorbitant claim of territory by California?
a claim designedly exhorbitant to accomplish the
object of the Wilmot Proviso?to determine by
the will of the people of the North the institutions
of the people yet to colonize South California,
and to exclude the South from all share
of it.
As for our desire to modify the Missouri Com-!1
promise, so as to obtain guarantees for slavery!'
10uth of the line, all we propose, is to provide!
that all property recognized as such, in the scv-!!
?ral States, shall be recognized south of the!
Missouri line. Otherwise l.ho South might,after!
onceding to the North by ;iet of Congress, all!,
iorth of that line be excluded from her portion!
south of it, by the enforcement of Mexican law.H]
\nd no inan who in disposed in good faith to I
sdjust this controversy on the. basis of the Mis |
louri Compromise, can hesitate to make the tcrinsl
dear and explicit. B
We seek no recognition or guarantee by Congress
of slavery. The South asks no such er.lorsement
of her institutions. But we desire
he rights of American citizens under American
aw8 and 011 American soil to be held paramount
;o Mexican law.
It is in vain to evade the merit of the position
he South has now assumed. She stands 11cjuited
of nil ultraism by taking it. She cannot
30 bewildered by sophistry?she cannot be dclud-B
?d by cunning?she cannot be, intimidated byl
ibuse or by threats to abandon it. Every dayl
ionviction attends her argument, harmony in-l
ureases in her counsels, and contidonce in berB
. aiiw. P
If the third class of opponents, the SouthernB
ntembers, can be reconciled, the bill would cer-B
tainly become a law; but they, unfortunately, de-B
menu what it is difficult to grant. They ask tliatB
Congress shall graarautee protection to slave prop-B
erty which shall be transported to the terrritories:B
but Congress cannot establish slavery in a terri-B
tory?all that can be done is, to throw the doorB
open nlike to emigration from the North andB
South, leaving the people, in the formation ofB
their constitution, to adopt or reject slavery, asB
they may consider expedient. And this thecom-fl
promise bill proposes to do, by prohibiting thclj
territorial legislature from ncting on the subject ofB
slavery in any form. What more can be obtained?
for the South? We confess that we do not sc< g
now legislation cm comer outer advantages; ollt. ,
if there be any plan, consistent with justice, lotH
it be tried. We are content with the Compromise
[bill as it stands, because we see in its passage the
restoration of harmony and good feeling?the
overthrow of the Free-Soil party?and the constituiional
protection of Southern rights. Reject
ithat bill, and the nation may become tempesttost,
anil the interest of the South be sacrificed.?
Baltimore Clijrpcr.
All we ask i*, that the South may have the
rioht to enter the territory without obstruction
r>
from Mexican law or any other law. We are
willing to abido by the decision of the people of
the territory when they are entitled to admission
as States, as to whether slavery shall remain
or not.
Mr. Stevens mid: V
" I am opposed to the diffusion of slavery, because
confining it within its present limits will
bring the Slates themselves to its gradual abolition.
Let this disease spread, and although it
will render the whole body leprous and loathsome,
yet it will long survive. "Confine it, and like the
cancer that is tending to the heart, it must be eradicated,
or it will eat out the vital*. The sooner
the patient is convinced of this, the sooner he will
procure the healing operation."
" Yes, sir; this admitted result is, to my mind,
one of the most agreeable consequences of the
legitimate restriction of slavery. Confine this
malady within its present limits, surround it by
<y. ? ' r'|' |fc--If,''*iT'{*"*|" I
.. >i un.iK.iiiiijipBBjiiii J. Mil.I
f
\
s cordon of freemen that it cannot spread, and in
le*a than twenty-five years, every slaveholding
State in this Union will have on its statute-books
i law for the gradual und final extinction of slavery.
Then will liave been consummated the
fondest wishes of every patriot's heart. Then
will our fair country be glorious, indeed; and be
to posterity a bright example of the true principles
?f government?or universal freedom."
My colleague has been subjected to not a little
severe criticism from Southern gentlemen for the
expression of these sontimsnts. I can tell gentlemen
from the South, that this language is by
no means peculiar to my colleague. They arej
is far as I know, the sentiments of the entire
North. That speech has been again and again
republished both in English and German, and circulated
by thousands. This sentiment is of no new
growth. I doubt not that my colleague himself
learned it at his mother's knee, and these lessons
?re seldom forgotten.?Speech <]f Hon. John W,
Hoice, of J'tntunflvania.
Confine the North to its present limits, ami
ere long, pnu|>erisra, crime, vice and disease,
* will eat out her vitals," or the vast honk: of
the victims of these ills, controlling the ballotbox,
will rise against tlte institution of property
and the rewards of industry; and plunder, socialism
and anarchy will overspread that region
to be followed by desolation and the strifes of
rapine and famine, until military despotism rises
on the ruins of their boasted freedom.
The nanus of Hon. Rol>ort W. Johnson!
of Arkansas, as a signer of the Southern address
in behalf of this pa | tor, was in the copy
furnished us changed to William R. Johnson
Wc correct it to dav.
? _
A friend has sent us the following Correspondence
:
The Clayton Compromise and the Clay
Compromise,
Harper's Ferrt, July 6, 1850.
Dear Sir: I luue heard it insisted very earnestly
of late, that (fee Clay Compromise concedes
and secures to the South all that the Clayton
Compromise professed to do, and a good deal
more. I do not profess to know how this is myself;
but I have neard that Mr. Calhoun and other
enlightened Southerners should have said, that
the South would be content with the Clayton
Compromise as to the Territorial question, and if
the Clay Compromise concedes the same and
yields us more, why in the name of peace do we
not accept it, and be done with it?
Vours, A COMPROMISER.'
If " Compromiser's" premises were true, I
should hardly dissent from what he advises; but
'the Clay Compromise falls deplorably short of I
voucnsanng all to me sown mat tne outer aoess
though I admit it aims at more, and would be nllfl
the better for the superflux, if it were of the rigluB
sort, and would ensure that the remedy would notfl
aggravate the disease. A very summary conr
trast will show in what the differences between
the measures consist; and point to the sources of
preference between them.
1. The Clayton Compromise was silent about
the Wilmot Proviso, north or south of the line
of the Missouri Compromise; withheld from the
Territorial Legislatures of Utah andjVew Mexico jj1
all powefs of legislation to admit or exclude slave- ?
ry, and refered to the Supreme Court of the United
Stales the question, whether the Mexican laws n
prohibiting slavery, survived the cession and re- '
tnained in force in these territories ?
The Clay Compromise, either in express terms s
or through necessary implications, does the same, n
2. The Clayton Crompromise subjected theB
whole of California both north ami south of 3t>?S,30'
to the same provisions which it adopted to theB,:
Territories of Utah and New Mexico. f|
The Clay Compromise does nothing of theB1
sort, but gives the direct sanction of Congress toB\
the establishment of the Wilntot Proviso, bothBk
north and south of the line, and excluding? ^
Southerners front the whole thoroughly and a'-RL
ways! |t;
3. The Clayton Compromise took not an acreBo
(Yom the slave territory of Texas, to doom to theBr
dominion of Freesoilism, nor consequently aB^
doit from the South's pocket to pay for it. Bp
Mr. Clay's Compromise slices from the slaveBs
territory of Texas, territory enough to makeB
two or more States, and destinates it irretrievublyBi
to the sovereignty and ascendency of Frccsoil-V
ism?provides an unsearchable asylum for fugi-B1'
Live siuves, mm caucus p,viw,uvu, uui 01 uu*h
South*8 Exchequer, to bribe herself, to cheatlBj
icrself out of Iter own jurisdiction, and her ownly
jovereignty! H1
4t. The Clayton Compromise contained no pro-B?
visions touching the reclamation of fugitive sluvesBp
?neither assisting nor obstructing claimants inBn
jursuit of them. B
The Clay Compromise essentially embarrasses,
lelays nnd obstructs their recovery, by exacting!!
he production of record proofs, as the supcr-H
idded and indis]>ensable conditions of their sur ender
and delivery ; and after the claimants have j
troven their slaves and fugitives upon the highest w
ipecies of testimony, it confers an option on the
ugitives to bind their owners in penal bonds of
>1,000, payable to (whom think ye?) the United
Statei forsooth, to secure them jury triuls by way w
)f appeals from the judgments of the federal y
judges and commissioners in the free States, who ?
lave never in GO years surrendered a fugitive who
vas not a slave, andfto the credit of SouthernersB
je it said,) have never been asked to do so!
5. The Clayton Compromise deals with slavery *'
n the District of Columbia, as the Constitution
)f the United States, and the cessions of Virginia
md Maryland dealt with it half a century ago ;
jeing powerless to meddle with it, it lets it alone.
The Clay Compromise, under color of abating
legro-traders'shambles and slave-marts as pub- ,.f
ic nuisances, indiscriminately emancipates everyBsl
ilave brought into the District for private sale to J1
mpply the wants of the citizens within it, or to
lischarge the obligation of their debtors beyond Je
t, and thus abandoning to the mercies of the ftina- th
ics and to Congress, all the restraints of the Contitution
and the public, fhith, against federal legis- ,yj
ation uppn the subject of slavery in the District A
>f Columbia! M
Such are the contrasts which mark the compronines?and
such the grounds of our decided preerence
for the one, and our irreconciliable liosility
to the other. Is " Compromiser " satisfied?
Death of the Hon. W. II. Brockenbrottoh.
Die Tallahassee Floridian and Journal, of 29th
lit,, says:?We shroud our columns in black as
i token of respect to the memory of this dis- f
inguished gentleman, whose melancholy death '1
tccurred in Tallahassee, at his residence, on Fri-B^
lav iviorninir. June lie bis demise Fli>ri.Hc"
la has lost perhaps the most brilliant intellects*
vitliin her limits. None whevknew him tvelljl
"ailed to award to the deceased the possession ofB1'"
renins of high order, lie only needed continu-K*
nice of life, conneeted with physical vigor proJr^
jortioncd to his mental strength, to have risenB .
o eminent rank among the great names of tlu B'!'
Etcpublic. Mr. Broekcnbrongh was 37 years ofB
ige the 33d of February last. We hope thatK8
tome friend, whose ability better tits for theff"
vork, will furnish tis an appropriate, obit nan H
lotice. _ Bj'
Healtii or Baltimoue.?The whole numberB
rf deaths in this city last week was 114, twoB .
note than in the corresponding week last yearn''
iVeek before last the deaths in Baltimore wereB10
)0, or 18 less than in the same week of 1849.B"?
rhese facts show an increase of 31 in the raor-BJl'
ality here in a single week this season, oonso-B
juent of course upon the increased heat in allfl
juarters, producing the usual bowel diseaaea,fl 1
here being 35 denths by cholera infant am, where-B 1
us there were only 13 the week previous by that|R.(
omplaint. Two were by drinkmg cold water.fi
CORRESPONDENCE.
iMMMfchif l?kt p.m.
'reviaturt announcement of the President's Death?
Trotting Match?Fire? ff'heeling Bridge lease?
Markets, tfc.
The announcement this morning of the dangerus
condition of President Taylor took the city
y surprise, and the" subsequent despatches this
korning, announcing the dangerous aspect of his
laease caused the most anxious inquiries up to
Ite o'clock, when despatches were received by
time of the papers announcing his death. In a
;w minutes u dozen flags on Baltimore street were
impended at half-mast, which was followed by
?e shipping in the harbor, and the Church and
re Wis throughout the city were tolling a solemn
rquiem for the dead. It was however found that
ie Sim had received despatches later than those
nnounring hi* hi* death, which reported him
till living, and some hopes still remaining for his
too very. This soon spread through the city in
tiru, the bells ceased ringing and the dags were
iken io, enabling us all to breathe freer again,
nd still entertain a hope of his final recovery.
The trotting match yesterday between Lady
fpscow and Lady Suffolk, afforded but little sport.
*dy Suffolk distanced Moscow in the first heat,
lien winning the purse in Sii 31s. Lady Bevun
nd Roanoke try their speed again to-day.
The following gentlemen were last night elected
)emocratic candidates for Delegates, to the State
yonstitutioiml Reform Convention, to assemble in
his city, at the close of this month :?Chas. G.
A. Gwinn, Robt. G. Brent, Geo. W. Sherwood,
>avid Stewart, Elian Ware, Jr., and Jas. Carroll. ?
A despatch from Washington to some of the
Northern papers state that Chancellor Walwortlu
o whom the Wheeling bridge case was referred
las pronounced it a nuisance, and a serious abtruction
to the free navigation of the Ohio river.
The large warehouse of Wm. G. Price, on Lorntnwi
ufsoof A?ni* ?*??/! nrt?v??vv~L *
rU?? OUWI) HUH UIIU WlUIIilOOIUU IllCICIiUIll, W H n
otally destroyed by fire at 4 o'clock this morn"P
The fire in Brooklyn, on Sunday last, was a
remendous affair, the loss not falling much short
>f a million of dollars. Among the items lost
vus 1200 hhds. of molasses; 600 hlids. sugar;
100 tons of guano; 000 tons saltpetre, &c.
the markets.
At auction to-day?
157 hhds. P. R. Sugar .... 5,15a5,4Q
60 " " Molasses .... 24a24J
131 " Cuba Sugar, 40 sold (balance
withdrawn) 5,l.r>a5,2T>
38 " hhds. P. R. (Molasses . . 24
38 " Cuba Molasses ... 17$
13 tierces \ SuSttr House SyruP 21 i
We hear of no sales of Flour or Wheat worth
eporting.
No Corn offering, and prices continue nominal.
Boston, July 8th.
A hearing was held this morning before the
Committee on Pardons, in the case of Professor
iV ebster.
A petition was presented for clemency, signed
iy 988 persons of New York city?two from
'Vanklin county, New York, and two from
Michigan.
The Lieutenant Governor stated that a large
lumber of petitions for a commutation of the unappy
sentence.was received from ull parts of the
ountry?one from Mr. Green, a juryman in the
ase, and two or three others from persons who
aid they themselves committed the murder, and
ot Professor Webster.
Several medical men were present, and showed
hat a blow on the head, such as that which Pro?ssor
Webster said he gave Dr. Parkman, oAen
auRed death in a short time.
Mr. Edwin Jarvis cited two instances to prove
he ungovernable temper of Professor Webster,
nd how soon it was oyer. In one case, Dr.
Vebster, when a student, commenced the play of
nocking off lints with ti fellow student, in which
Vebttev got rather the worst of it. Finally,
Vebpttr got enraged, seized a stick, and would
nve given his companion a deadly blow, had he
ot been prevented. The next moment it was all
ver with hint, and lie did not evince the least
esentnicnt whatever.
At another time, while in London, Professor
Vebster was being shaved, when I)r. Lathford
layfully remarked, " Did you ever see a barber
hnve u monkey ?"
Mr. Webster was much enraged at this, and
eijr.ed a knife, and would hn\e struck at Dr. L.
ad he not been prevented.
Dr. Jeffries Wyman was introduced to show
Imt Dr. Parkman's skull was a little thinner than
te average of persons.
A petition was presented by Professor Brown,
igged by President Sparks, and nearly all the
'rofeasors of Harvard College, praying for a
ommutation of punishment, not on the ground of
is late confession?he, as they say, having for;ited
all claim to be believed?but on the great
robubility that exists that the act was not preleditated.
Professor Bowen urged a delay in order to obtin
more direct petitions in the case.
The case was then postponed until the 18th inst.
The Cholera in Cincinnati.
Cincinnati, July 8.
The Board of Health report, for the twenty-four
ours ending yesterday evening, 87 deaths, 56 of
hich were or Cholera.
Death of S. S. Prentiss.
Natchez, July 3.
The eloquent and gifted Sargeant S. Prentiss,
ho represented Mississippi in Congress a few
ears ago died here to-day, after a severe illness
f several weeks.
Philadelphia, July 9?2 P. M.
The weather here is quite pleasant to-day.
Flour continues dull, and prices range from
>,12 to $5,25 for shipping brands.
Wheat is firm, with sales of red at 120al22r.,
id white at 130 cts.
Provisions dull at last quotations.
Cotton Statf.ment.?Through the kindness of
le agents of the Georgia, and Macon and Wesln
R. Roads we have been furnished with a
port of the amount of cotton received at and
lipped from their respective depots since the
st of February, 1850. It will be seen that the
lling off in the receipts from those of the same
ontlis in 1849 is but 295 bales, which is much
ss than might have been expected considering
le shortness of the last crop.
1850. - 1849.
ebruary 2,031 bales, 3,118 bales,
[arch 846 " 2,040 "
pril 2,106 " 654 "
fay 1,342 " 385 "
tne 316 " 139 "
6,641 ' 6,936
6,641
Decrease, 206
The Troops at the Western Posts.
Tiic Washington Republic publishes orders
oni the War Department, in which, agreeably
i the .net recently passed by Congress to incase
the rank and tile of the army, and to enuirage
enlistments, it is directed that the light
tillerv companies be increased to 64 privates
tch; while the companies of the army on duty
the posts in Texas. New Mexico, California,
regon, Minnesota and the Indian Territory,arc
be each increased to 74 privates. At the stains
in Texas, New Mexico, and the new posts on
e Canadian and Arkansas rivers, where there
no regular mounted force, one half of each
taniry company in to do equipped and mounted
cavalry, under tlic direction of thecommandg
officer of the military department where
ey may be serving. j
Previous orders, reducing company organiza>ns
below 42 privates are repealed. The
luunanding officers at the posts in the above
imed territories are to recruit for their compaes
and their regiments; and, to encourage enitments,
the following bounties are offered: in
e 8th department, $26; in the 9th, $52; in
c 10th, $117; in the 11th, $142; at Fort
irelling, $23; at Fort Gaines, $27; at the
iat on the Des Moines river, $23; at Fort
earnev, $34; at Fort Lurimie, $48; at the J
>sts on the Upper Arkansas river, $37. |

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