The southern press. [volume], July 30, 1850, Image 1

About The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852

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MECHANICAL ARTS & SCIENCES.
D. APPLETON A CO., NEW YORK,
bate IV course or publication, in parts, prick
, twrntt-p1ve cents each,
A Dictionary of Machines, Mechanics,
Engine-work, and Engineering.
Dcsigited for Practical Working-Mcn, and those
intended for the Engineering Profession.
Edited by Oliver Btrnk, formerly Professor qf
Mathematics, College of Civil Engineers, London ;
Jluthor and Inventor of "The Calculus qf Form,"
" The Arte and Improved System of Logarithms,"
ii 7*. vi i. ~e ...
t
v , ^
daily.
Vol. 1. Washington, Tuesday July 30, 1850. IVo. 37.
5- 1 : ' - j. , . . _
* ?* Ul V IMC l?lw UJ UHUIUVJf VV?VI9| ?-*V. )
THIS work is of large 8vo. size, containing nearly
tica thousand pages, up# ardt of fifteen hundred
plates, and six thousand wood cuts. It will present
working-drawings and descriptions of the most important
machines in the United States. Independently
of the results of American ingenuity, it will
contain complete practical treatises on Mechanics,
Machinery, Engine-w?rk, and Engineering; witn
all that is useful in more than one thousand dollars'
worm of folio volumes, magazines, and other
books, among which may be mentioned the following
:
1. Bibliotheque des Arts Industrials. (Masson,
Paris.)
2. Civil Engineer and Architect's Journal.
(Loudon.)
3. Engineer and Machinists Assistant. (Blackie,
Glasgow.)
4. Publication Industrielle. (Arrnengaud Aine,
Paris.)
5. Jamieson's Mechanics of Fluids.
6. Treatise on Mechanics. (Poisson.)
7. Allgemine Bauzeitung mit Abbildungeu.
(Korater, Wien.)
8. Organ fur die Fortschri'te des Eisenbahnwesens
in technischer Beziehung. (Von Waldegg,
Wiesbaden.)
6. Sherwin's Logarithims.
It). Byrne's Logarithms.
11. The Mechanical and Mathematical Works of
Oliver Byrne.
12. Silliman s Journal.
13. Algemeine Maschinen-Encyclopedia. (Hulsse,
Leipzig.
14. Cotton Manufacture of Great Britain and
America contrasted.
15. Holtzapffels' Turning and Mechanical Manippulalion.
16. The Steam Engine. (J. Bourne.)
17. Eisenbahn-Zeitung. (Stuttgart.)
18. Tregold on the Steam-Engine.
19. Pike's Mathematical and Optical Instruments.
20. DictionnairedesAitset Manufactures. (Laboulaye,
Paris.
21. Sganzin's Civil Engineering.
22. Brown's Indicator and Dynaonmeter.
23; Origin and Progress of Steam Navigation.
(Woodcroft.)
24. tssai sur J Industrie aes luaueres textiles.
(Michel Alcan, Pari?.)
25. Macneill's Tables.
26. vGriers' Mechanic's Pocket Dictionary.
27. Teinpleton's Millwright's and Engineer's
Pocket Companion.
28. Lady's and Gentlemen's Diary.
29. Marine Steam Engine. (Brown.)
30. Weisbach's Mechanics and Engineering.
31v The Matnematician. (London.)
32. Barlow on Strength of Materials.
33. Hann's Mechanics.
34. Mechanical Principles of Engineering and
Architecture. (Moslev.)
35. Journal of the Franklin Institute.
36/ The Transactions of the Institute of Civil
Engineers. (London.)
37. The Artisan.
33. Quarterly Papers on Engineering. (Published
by Weale, London.)
39. Imperial Dictionary. (Glasgow.)
40. Student's Guide to the Locomotive Engine.
41. Railway Engine and Carriage Wheels. (Barlow,
London,)
42. Recueil des Machines Instrumens et Appareil.
(Le Blanc, Paris.)
43.: Buchanan on Mill-Work.
44. Practical Examples of Modern Tools and Machines.
fG. Kennie.)
45. Repertoire ael'Industrie Franquaise et Etrangere.
(L. Mathias, Paris.)
46. Treatise on the Manufacture of Gas. (Accom,
London.)
47. Setting out Curves on Railways. (Law,
London.)
48. Ilodge on the Steam-Engine
49. Scientific American.
50. Railroad Journal. (NewYoik.)
51..American Artisan.
52. Mechanic's Magazine.
53. Nicholson's (Peter) Dictionary of Architecture.
54. Dictionaire de Marine a Voiles et a Vapeur,
(De Bonnefoux, Paris.)
55. Conway and Menai Tubuler Bridges (Fairbarn.)
56. Brees' Railway Practice.
57. Barlow's Mathematical Dictionary.
>8. Bowditch's Navigation.
>9. .Gregory's Mathematics for Practical Men.
>0. Engineers' and Mechanics' Encyclopedia.
(Luke Herbert.)
>1. Patent Journal ; London.
>2. Bree's Glossary of Engineering.
>3. Encyclopedia of Civil Engineering. Crasy.
>4. Craddock's Lectures on the Steam-Engine.
>5. Assistant Engineer's Railway Guide. (Haskoll.)
16. Mechanical Principia. (Leonard.)
The great object of this publication is, to place
tfore practical men and students such an amount
'theoretical and scientific knowledge, in a con
msed form, as shall enable them to work to the
ist advantage, and to avoid those mistakes which
ey might otherwise commit The amount of
el'ul information (h is brought together, is almost
yond a precedent in such works. Indeed there ia
itdly any subject within its range which is not
rated with such clearness and precision, that even
man of the must ordinary capacity cannot fail of
Klcrstanding, and thus learning from it much
hicli it i* imp?rtrnt for him to know.
From the annexed list of the principal authors <
id subject comprised in this work it is self-evi?.t,
that all citizen* engaged in the practical and
eful arts, etc., may derive essential advantages
>m the po-?c??jon ami study of this publication,
m following m y be especially designated:
illwrights. ^ !
Milder aisl Ruler Makers.
titieera jn Rras?, Copper, and Tin.
itiers, and Workers ol Steel in general,
rpenirrirkm
.ker
inker* in l?"fy, Bone, and Horn.
Hailmv (lamlndon and Con-1
Irvtm? for Kiril Work, and Muaonry of every
ftMBHfMiMI
r IoMm-U an < Br?dc* B ii!der?.
iU#i? M?l? and Bricklayer*.
if Jk><???? f. M ? ?*<? of Vr^fU, Hhip Carpen r%,
and otixi* r.>.nrt?d ?ith Building and
>?tak'0| Skipwk
and fninp M .V?r?
?p ?r..1 Ki>f? VJuk-r*
??uUatwr?f? u< Line a and (Kabrica.
iMvfartorvra ,d i?j ? Macbuiea, Koiing
Mar lit?H Turd Br* ik?f? and Kii.i?hera, Draw?.??"<*a*e.
W Ml ? , and I'.rker., etc.,coonecld
?m>. lott*. ho and W <*,i Ma? hiaery
laodarrr* Bi< ?> lott and <*"alien Punter*,
ak and Me?-i?rer?. an<l [^r-ona intrr*mt
m> n. vt?, to ?r\ '
aa< < ham 1 ?M. \| jfartnrer- *4
11 ' "?f I ' M-k'
??! lt? \! Init
Kxti VI .k. r?
I aaal Anaa -Sail MiIm
,J Cottar*
nan
rffear Dthmi tmd Camsn
m*fmi>**r+r, .d <;ieji l.rna and Small \rm*
dW VI ?i
raai ana a ra< k?? Maker*
a Make**
bm Weeeere
OiMmi aal Mirth Maaaaa
rra. C%oak W ??kir?, and Scourer*
r?
at aai Ckam MwAbrtwirt
Wh Uy???i ?*d I'UH lala?? M k
Sugar Boilers sod Refiners, with Propiietora of
Sugar Plantations.
Manufacturers of Railway, Bar, Round Ribbon,
and Rod Iron.
Wheel, Axle, and Spring Makers.
Engine Drivers, and Persons connected with tha
Locomotive generally.
Engineers, and Captains of Steam Vessels.
Managers of Stationary Engine*.
I.umber Dealers and owners of Saw Mills.
Veneer Cutters.
Owners of PlaningMachinery.
Corn Millers, and ^arsons connected with Bolting
and Bran-Separating Machinery.
Farmers and Persons using Grain-Shelling and
Threshing Machinery.
Buhl Workeis, Carvers Engravers, and Ornament
Makers in general.
Persons employed is the Manufacture of Gas.
Makers of Copper and Lead Tubing.
Linen and StrawBygr Makers.
Ship Owners, HanSorMasters, and others intere-ted
in Dredging Machinery.
Well Sinker#.
Astronomers, Philosopheia, and others using Philosophical
Apparatus and Instruments.
Miner's Engineers, and other interested in Pumping
Engines.
Persons interested in Canals and Aqueduct".
Warehouseman, and others, using Hydraulic
Presses, Dynanometnc Cranes, Jack Screws,
Common and Feed Cranes.
Workers in Metals and Alloys.
Tin Plate Workers.
Spring Maeufacturers.
Wheelwrights, Clock Makers Horologists, Sic.
The publishers have expended a large sum of
money to get original drawings of machinery in
nrsrtienl iwc in this r.nnntrv. and have procured
almost every work on the audject, whether published
in England, France, or Germany, the most
essential parts of which being comprised in this
Dictionary, render it as perfect and comprehensive
as possible. The publishers have endeavored
to use great economy in type, so that each page of
lha work contains at least four times the number
of words found in ordinary pages of the same size.
This has also secured to each plate woiking-diawngs
of ample size and clearness, so that a Mechanic
may construct accurately any machine described.
The publishers are, in short determined, regardless
of cost, to make the work as complete as possible
; and it is hoped every one desirous to obtain
the work will procure it as issued in numbers, and
thus encourage the enterprise.
The work will be issued in semi-monthlv numbers,
commencing in January, 1850, and will progress
with great regularity.
The whole work will be published in 40 numbers
at 25 cents per number, and completed within
the current year, 1850. A liberal discount will
be made to agents.
Any one remitting the publishers $10 in advance
shall receive the work through the post olTicc free
of expense.
Notice to Proprietors of Newspapers throughout the
United Stales and Canada.
If the foregoing advertisement is insetted five
times during the year, and the paper containing it
sent to us, a copy of the work will be sent gratis
in payment.
THE SQUTHERN^ YRISS.
JULY 30.
DERMOT'S DREAM.
BY MRS. ELLIS
"Then we are to part, Norah. sure?
Must I travel the wide world alone ?
It's hard such a fate to endure :
Are ye thinkin' my heart's made of stone?
Ye say that yer promise ye'11 kape,
It's me that am doubting that same,
For last night not a wink could I stlnpe,
So I driint a most hard-hearted drarne ?
I thought that right o'er the deck
The say wid the big tempest came,
And I clung for my life to tne wreck ;?
Don'tsign, now?it's only a drnme !
"I drifted and drowned till, somehow,
I was saved from the perlious tide,
But the fever was strong on my brow,
And a stranger to watch by my side !
I felt my hot eyes overflow,
As down on my two knees I knelt,
And pray'd that you never might know
The anguish your poor Dermot felt!
My nurse stood as you, Norah, stand?
The tears from her eyes quite a siramc ;
By why, Cuishla, trembles yer hand ?
Remember?it's only a drame !
"It proved that this kind girl had come,
(Wid her soft hair and eyes of deep blue)
Vrnm mv nu/n Hurlint eu/ntP ialnntl Itntv.n
Oh ! Norah! why wasn't you !
Her bright eyes so Iovin'ly shone,
When I asked her the price of my life?
That what could I do b it?och-hone?
Just drame I made her my wife !"
Then up Norah rose with a start,
And cried twixt a sob and a scrame,
"Och ! Dermot, we never will part,
For it's I'll be that nurse in yer drame!"
Paris on a Sunday.?A Paris letter of the
23d ultimo, in the New York Tribune, says: If
Paris be the Revolution A?tna, never was it gayer.
The great drive of the Elysiun Fields is
horse and equipage thronged. Last Sunday,
for example, was a plethora of brilliancy. Inside
the Ilipprodrome, near the Arch of Triumph,
were six thousand spectators to witness the circus
riders. In the Winter Garden, in the same
vicinity, some two thousand. The Winter Garden
is a vast edifice, covering several acres,
glassed over. It is filled with great exotic plan ts,
(lowers, fountains, statutes, walks, nooks, snuggeries,
chandeliers. Here was given a Sunday
concert by Strauss and his band of seventy performers.
All the precision, blaze, zig-zag and
headlong culmination of style and execution,
which have mnde the renown of this famous
band an earth circle, were fully displayed.?
Strauss is a good-looking, well-shaped man,
approaching fifty, and does his work like a general-in-chief.
In the Elysian Fields, the same
Sunday, was a tribe of jugglers, jongleurs, minstrels,
quack doctors, monsters, shows, erudite
dogs, pig, mice, fleas. A travelling dentist particularly
amused me. He was dressed in black
with a white tie. In front of n coach specially
made, with teeth a foot long painted on the side,
and rows of artificial teeth displayed, he declaimed
learnedly on health and beauty. When
he ceased, musical instruments on the top of his
L!_ ! _1 _ . A_ l_ IT .11 _ _ J
Dig vemcie sirucit up. tie sota pnr.aeea anu
drew teeth with admirable skill. While the patient
was making face* worthy of a victim of
Torque miula, the trio was playing a polka, the
crowd looking on with the utmost seriousness.
The Theatrical Gazettec informed me also of,
the establishments open on Sunday night. There
were not more than twenty.
PA StENGERS AVBR1HE HlINGF.RFORD SuBTF.XMON
Bridge.?Mr. Stephenson, in the late parliamentary
discussion in reference to the site of the
exhibition of 1851, took occasion to state that, ,
in fine weather, fifteen thousand persons passed
every day over Hungerford suspension bridge,
(the narrowest and least easily accessible bridge
in the metropolis,) and through a turnstile, pay,
ing toll, without producing any inconvenienceand,
in addition, twenty-five thousand passengers
per day departed flom or arrived at one of the
piers of that bridge, in connection with the steamboat,
on the river. A free passage was thus given
on that narrow bridge without inconvenience to
forty thousand persons daily.
Spiritual New staters.?A new weekly paper ,
has bean started in Boston, entitled the "Spir-j
itual Philosopher," in which the ? mysterious i
knockings," clairvoyance, and kindred matters, I
ara diacussed. It is edited by Le Roy Sunder-,
land. ?
SPEECH OF
JAMES It. ORE, of Booth Carolina, I
On the Slavery Question, delivered in Ike House 1
of Representatives, May 8, 1860.
The House being in Committee of the Whole
on the state of the Union, on the President's
Message transmitting the Constitution of California?
Mr. ORR said:
Mr. Chairman : I propose, in the brief hour
gllotted to me, to examine and present what I
conceive to be Northern sentiment upon the subject
of slavery, and the inevitable results of that
sentiment I believe, sir, there is much misunderstanding,
both at the North and the South,
as to the extent and character of that feeling. 1
know the misapprehension that exists in tliat
part of the country* which Jt have the honor to
represent and I desire to lay before ray constituents
and the people of the South the result of
ray observations since I have been u member of
this House, so that they may be prepared to ,
judge of the proper means of meeting, counter- i
acting and repelling that sentiment.
The first evidence of abolition sentiment in i
the Northern States to which 1 refer, is to be 1
- found in the numerous abolition societies or- ;
gnnized in every part of tliat section of the
Union, composed of large numbers of individ- (
uals of all classes and sexes. These societies ,
meet at stated periods, for the avowed purpose ,
of advancing their political and morel tenets; |
they appoint their emissaries, who traverse the i
country, and who, by their slanders, poison the '
minds of the masses of their people as to the '
true character of the institution of slavery. '
They have established newspapers and periodicals,
which are circulated in great profusion, not
only in the non-sluveholding States, but are
thrown broadcast over the South, through the
mails, for the purpose of planting the thorn of
discontent in the bosoms of our now happy
slaves, and inciting them to the perpetration of
the bloody scenes of St. Domingo. These auxiliaries
of the American Anti-slavery Society, not
content with a general combination against the
institutions of the South, form a competent jiart
of the American and Foreign Anti-slavery Society,
in which they unite with the zealots of
foreign countries in an unjust crusade against
their brethren of the South. Most of the avowed
Abolitionists have, however, the merit of
frankness at least. They seek to emancipate
our slaves, it is true, but concede that it cannot
institution is confined to n few f unities, and that 1
abolition is not the gvtier.il sentiment of the!
country.
Another evidence of the progress of abolition
sentiment is the legislation of toe non-slaveholding
States obstructing the delivering up of fugitive
slaves. What is the constitutional provision
upon thnt subject t " No person held to service
or labor in one State, under the laws thereof,
escaping into another, shall, in consequence of,
any law or regulation therein, he discharged from j
such service or labor, but shall be delivered up i
on claim of the party to whom such service or j
labor may be due." Sonic of the Northern
States have passed laws imposing heavy penalties
on any State officer who may aid the owner'
in recovering his runaway slave. The State
officers of all the States swear to support the
Constitution of the United States as well as the
Constitution of the State in which the officer re
sides. Now, If the Constitution of the United
States requires that, a person held to service
shall be delivered up, and a State officer refuses
to obev that provision, does he prove faithful to
his oaf.i? And is not the penalty imposed by
the particular State a compulsion upon the officer
to commit perjury! This legislation reflects
truly the feeling of the Northern States, upon
this subject. When a slave escapes, friends receive
him with open arms, and clandestinely convey
him beyond the reach of his lawful owner.
be done consistently with the Uonstitution; (
they therefore deelnre nil uncompromising war ,
against the Constitution and the Union; while '
others, who intend to effect the same end, have I
not the candor to own it, and hypocritically profess
an attachment to the Constitution which >
they are really seeking tc destroy. '
Another evidence of the extent of abolition !
sentiment in the Northern States is, the promo^ j
tion of certain gentlemen to seats in the other j
wing of this Capitol. I allude, sir, first to the |
election of Wm. II. Seward. It might be that t
this "faction/' as the Abolitionists have been <
denominated, could, through their societies and ?
conventions, create some attention, and excite '
the contempt of sensible, moderate men, for 1
their fanaticism; but I would inquire, how comes '
it to pass that, insignificant as it is said to be, it ,
is enabled to elect from the great State of New (
York?the Empire State?a man to represent it (
in the Senate of the United States, whose greatest
distinction has been his untiring advocacy of the i
doctrines of abolition ? Does it not show that i
the major port of the people of that State svm- 1
pnthize deeply with their Senator in his nefarious 1
principles ? Look at the recent election, by the [
Legislature of Ohio?a State in numbers second
only to New York?of S. P.Chase, to repre- ,
sent that State in the Senate,of the United
States. He has been amongst the most zealous i
of all his infatuated compeers: even W,w. H.
Seward was not more so, in the advocacy of
radical abolition, and the Legislature of Ohio,
knowing his sentiments, and representing the
people of that State, have honored him with one
of the highest official stations on earth. Others,
too, have been elected to that body, who owe
their promotion to pledges given their constituent#,
that they would oppose the admission of
any more slave States or slave territory into the
Union, and favor the application of the Wilmot
Proviso?that true scion from an abolition stock
?to the territories acquired from Mexico. One
would suppose that when n Senator avowed ,
that, acting as a Seimtor, he recognized a higher ,
obligation than his oath to support the Constitution
of the United States?an obligation which
requires him to violate and set aside the provisions
of that sacred instrument?the Legislature
of his State, then in session, would have promptly
branded such a declaration with the infamy it
deserves. Such a declaration, it is known to the
country, was recently made in the Senate by the
Senator from New York to whom I have alluded
?but the Legislature of that State adopted no
resolutions condemnatory of this sentiment.
They did, however, pass resolutions, with
great unanimity, sustaining fully the ultra posi- (
tions of their distinguished?110, their notorious ,
Senator. Resolutions have been adopted in
every non-slaveholing State, instructing their
Senators and requesting their Representatives ]
in Congress to vote in favor of the adoption of
the Wilmot Proviso, and in opposition in many ]
cases, to the admission of any other slave States. 1
Mr. McLanahan asked if the gentleman from J
South Carolina had observed that the I?ogisln- ,
ture of Pennsylvania had recently laid upon ,
the table resolutions in favor of the Wilmot ,
Proviso? j
Mr. Orr. I have: and I honor the patriotism '
ol _,our constituents in coming to the rescue of 1
the Constitution in these perilous times. In- j
structions, such as I have spoken of, did pass
the Legislature of Pennsylvania two years ago. ,
I repeat the assertion, that every non-slavehold- 1
ing State has passed resolutions of an unmistaka- 1
ble abolition diameter. Yet the unceasing ef- ;
forts of the press here, and of newspaper corn s- I
pendents, arc directed to induac the people of I
I... WihdtK tn tlilia Iwiutilitl' t/? .HIT '
If the 8Uve. perchance, is overtaken, or
hunted out of his secret hiding placq, the owner
perils- his life, through the lawless violence
of the mob, in reclaiming his property and in asserting
rights solemnly guaranteed to him by the
Constitution. The Inws and popular tumults
against the master, to which I havit adverted,
clearly indicates the settled, deliberate purpose
of the Northern States to deprive ub of our rights
ill that species of property.
Northern sentiment on the subject of abolition
speaks trumpet-tongued in the political privileges
conferred on free negroes in some of the Northern
States. Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts,
Rhode Island, and New York, ail extend
the right of suffrage to the African. At the
lost State election in New York the free negroes
held the balance of power between the two political
parties. Representatives upon tliis floor receive
the votes or this degraded class; and the success
of republican institutions is made to depend
upon the judgment ami intelligtnee qf ihtfrtt negro
sovereigns. The aim of the Abolitionists looks first
to the emancipation of our slaves throughout the
South, and then is to follow their elevation to all
the social and political privileges of the white man.
The thick-lipped Africa:: is to march up to the
same ballot-box, eat at the same table., and sit in
the same parlor with the white man. This, the
Abolitionists would say, " is a consummation devoutly
to be wished for."
Another evidence, sir, of the progress and intolerance
of this sentiment is to be found in the
leparation of two of the most numerous und respectable
christian denominations in this country,
[the Baptist and the Methodist.) They assembled
n convention and conference, vear after vear. to
idvance that holy cause in which they find mutually
embarked. But, air, the demon of fanatical
discord stalked into their as ociations; Chrisjail
charity und brotherly love were impotent in
resisting its encroachment upon their peace and
anion; Northern members demanded that their
Southern brethren should surrender and eschew
the institutions of the country in which they lived
?that they should become traitors to the State to
which their allegiance was due, and prove recreant
:o their obligations to the community in which
they resided. They were too holy to commune
it the same altar with their Southern brethren, until
the latter should pronounce slavery a stn, and
lgree to enlist in an effort for its extinction. The
erms were too ignominious for Christians or patriots.
Willi a manly independence, the Southern
wing of both denominations rejected the offer, and
the separation of their churches ensued. These
two, sir,were heavy blows aguinst our political
union, from the shocks of which we have not yet
recovered.
Another evidence of the extent of this sentiment
is exhibited in the popularity, the universal popllarity,
of the doctrine of free soil?the legitimate
?eion. as 1 before remarked, ofthe abolition stock.
rhe popularity of that doctrine is not to be judged
ny the independent free-soil party organization.
Those who candidly avow the opinion ure few in
number; they reftise to co-operate with either of
the other parties, nnd hence a separate organization
; but the mass of the Northern people comprising
the two great political parties sympathize in
sentiment and feeling with the free-soilers. It is
idle to disguise the ract. The speeches delivered
by Northern Representatives since the commencement
of this discussion is a thorough vindication
>f the truth of this assertion. They may be well
irranged in two classes, one of which brondly asjerta
that the North has been guilty of no aggros
lion upon the South?that the South has no just
cause of complaint against them?that our demand
to share equally in the common property of all
the States is an aggesssion upon the North?that
our fugitive slaves are always promptly surrendered
upon the demand of the owner. This is the
language addressed by them to Northern constituencies
; they do not appeal to them to quiet this
infamous agitation?-they do not remind them of
their constitutional obligations ; and thus their
course can have no other elTect than to fan the
flames of fanaticism until they shall burn out the
vitals of the Constitution and Union.
The other class show equally, in their speeches,
their attachment to the doctrines of free soil.
Every Northern man of this class who has addressed
the committee on this subject, except my
friend from Indiana, [Mr. Gormak,] and my
friend from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Ross,] is in the
Bame category. Their speeches open, generally,
with a violent philippic against the South. They
charge us with arrogance, and some of them are
in hot haste in volunteering their servh es to march
troops into our midst to force us to continue in
the Union if we should choose to secede from it.
They tell us that they are in favor of non-intervention.
What does this non-intervention amount
Ia? If if urnrA n ho*i/> fu)* nnn.iiWni'furfinrn ti-ifh
our rights, it would be all that the South could
*sk?all that she has a right to demand under the
Constitution. But this much she does demand;
ind, depend upon it, she will be appeased by nothing
less. Some of the Northern non-interventionists
deny that Congress has the power to pass
the Wilmot Proviso; others maintain the position
that Congress has the power, but should not exercise
it, and straightway offer the excuse to their
constituents that it is not necessary to pass it?
that the Mexican laws are in force and they exclude
slavery. This is the opinion entertained by
General Caks and all the non-intervention Northern
Democrats in this House. Is not this a henvy
tribute which non-intervention pays to free-soil?
It is tantamount to saying, we are in favor of the
end which the proviso aims to accomplish, viz :
the exclusion of the slave States from all the territory
acquired from Mexico?we oppose its adoption
only because we regard it as unnecessary,
and because we believe the course we propose to
pursue will most effectually subserve the end
without giving offence nnd producing irritation in
the South. I repeat it, sir, such non-intervention
pays a henvy trioute to abolitionism.
Another, and perhaps, Mr. Chairman, the most
pregnant indication of the progress of abolition
sentiment, is the remarkuble condition of things
that now exists throughout the country in relation
to the admission of California into the Union. I
venture to say that never in the history of this
Government has any important question been predated
for the consideration of Congress where
party lines were all broken down as they have
jeen on this question. It is an Administration
measure?one which certainly reflects but little
:redit upon its wisdom or patriotism. Parties
lave b"1 recently emerged from the heat of a
presidential struggle, asid upon all other questions,
mve this alone, which have been introduced into
his House at the present session, partisan gladia.ors
have waged as fierce a contest as in days of
Vore. Irregular and objectionable as all the California
proceedings have been, but one solitary Re
>resentative CI refer nkainto mv friend Mr. Rnsat
rrom the free States lias avowed himself opposea
:o its admission into the Union; pnrties are broken
lown?the North is making it a sectional question.
Northern Whigs and Northern Democrats, Whig
Free-Soilers and Democratic Free-Soilera all rally
jpon this common platform, and the emulation
between them is great who shall be foremost in in.roducing
this embryo State into the Union. Some
if the oldections to Us admission into the Union, I
will briefly notice. No census had been taken either
;>y the authority of the pretended State or by
he authority of Congress. We have no official
nformation which would authorize us to determine
whether the population was ten thousand or
ine hundred thousand The number of votes
said to linve been polled in the ratification of the
-.onstitutiion was about thirteen thousand. This
lumber of voters, where the population is an
tverage one, would indicate a population of seventy
thousand souls. The proportion oflheadult
nale population in California is greater by far
ihan in the States, comparatively few women or
children having emigrated thither. If the number
of votes polled be adopted as the criterion by
which the population is to be adjudged, it could
not have exceeded, at the date of the ratification
Df the constitution, forty thousand; and, with
these facts, Congress is importuned to admit California
with two Representatives, with a less population
of American citizens than each member on ;
this floor represents.
Then as to its boundaries, they contain sufficient
territory to make five large States and embrace
a sea-coast of more than eight hundred
miles.
The Convention which framed the constitution
was not called by authority of Congress, but by
a military officer, who, by virtue of the commission
he held under the Qovermnent of the United
State*, exercised the functions of civil governor.
His ukase directed that the convention should consist
of thirty-seven members. After the convention
was elected, it assembled, and, by a vole
for which it had no authority, not even from the
military dictator, it increased the number of delegates
from thirty-seven to seventy-nine, and allowed
the additional number, without referring it
to the people, to take their seats, they being the
defeated candidates at the election. In my judgment
it was the duty of the President to have censured
the officer who thus exercised the high prerogative
of military dictator. If the President
had desired to carry out the will of Congress according
to his pledges, that officer could not have
escaped punishment, for Congress at its last session
positively refused to allow the people of California
to do that which th*e military governor, hy
a military order or proclamation, bearing striking
analogies to an order, instructed them to do.
Who are the people of California? A world in
miniature?the four quarters of the globe are retresented
there. No naturalization laws have
een passed, there was no legal impediment to
their exercising the right of suffrage. The whole
proceeding?not having the consent of Congress,
the rightful legislature of?the territory?was illegal
and revolutionary. 1 repeat, Mr. Chairman,
that with all these irregularities we find every party
in Congress IVom the Northern States in favor
of the admission of California into the Union?and
why? For no other reason than that slavery has
been excluded by her constitution. If her people
had assembled under lawftil authority, with an
ascertained population equal to the present ratio of
representation, they alone would have had the
power to determine the question whether slavery
should or should not exist within her limits.?
If that decision had been to exclude slavery, no
murmur of complaint would have been heard from
any Southern man ; but 1 undertake to say here, if
slavery had been tolerated, we should have found
just as unanimous a sentiment in the Northern
States against her admission into the Union as we
now finu in favor of that proposition ; and I do
not make this assertion without good foundation.
When Florida applied for admission into the
Union, u larae minority voted ap-ainst it. when
every initiatory step had been regular, on the isolated
ground that she was a slaveholding State.
There are other evidences, Mr. Chairmun, of
Northern sentiment upon the subject of slavery.
The speech recently delivered by the distinguished
Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Wemstisr,) and
the action of the House in laying upon the table
the resolution of the gentleman from Ohio, in the
early part of the session, has induced the belief in
the South that a sense of justice had returned to
their Northern brethren. These appearances are
deceptive. It is an illusion which I deeply deplore.
The Senator from Massachusetts made a
truly patriotic speech; but what did he propose?
All that he offered was, to give to the South her
clearly-defined constitutional rights. This gratified
us. It gratified us to know that a distinguished
Northern man would frankly and ingenuously concede
our rights, and enforce* their execution uy his
vote and voice. How has that speech been received
in the State of Massachusetts, of which he
is the proudest ornament? Her legislature was in
session; and fearing leBt that speech might contain
the balm to heal the division of the country,
straightway new poison was poured into the
wound. Resolutions were passed, taking the
strongest and moat offensive ground. They did
not inatmct him, it is true, for the dominant party
do not assume the right to instruct; but that Senator
has not been sustained by his immediate constituents.
A few have endorsed his sentiments,
but a large majority of the people and of the press
of Massachusetts nave condemned liirn. lie has
not been more fortunate here?one after another
of the Massachusetts delegation has addressed the
committee, all assuming positions adverse to those
taken by Mr. Webhteii. The only hope of aid
in this House took its departure to-day, when the
honorable gentleman who proceeded me (Mr.
Winthrop) announced himself in favor of General
Taylor's unstatesmanlike plan of settling the
existing difficulties. Daniel Webster once spoke
and could speak for New England. The waves
of fanaticism have broken over the land of the
Pilgrim Fathers, and are sweeping off the influence
und power of her best and brightest men.
When his genius has proved itself impotent to
stay this onward wave in the minds of those
whose Bervice he has so much honored, upon
what ground can the South rest her hopes of peace
and safety in this Government?
The action of the House in laying Root's res
olution upon the table promised fruits which will
never be gathered. If the proviso is not pressed
at the present session, it will not be because the
North have abated one tittle in their devotion to
it. The advocates of that measure are satisfied
they will accomplish their purpose quite as effectually,
and much more adroitly, in another way.
But, sir, there is still further evidenceof Northern
sentiment. We have been told by one gentleman,
in this debate, "that the only way in
which the abolition of slavery in the States can be
constitutionally effected, is to confine it within its
pressnt limits;" another said, "that no more
slave States or slave Territory should come into
this Union?sooner civil war," &.C.; another,
"the Wilmot Proviso was an abiding principle in
the hearts of the people of the free States;" and
still another, who is a moderate Northern man,
" that slavery was a National shame and a National
disgrace." I quote these sentiments that
they may be contrasted with the oft-reiterated assertion,
that it is not the purpose of the Northern
States to abolish slavery where it now exists.?
They tell us plainly they can effect abolition in
the States, through the legislation of this Government,
without violating the Constitution; and they
admit, further, that they will do it by indirect
means, but their constitutional scruples forbid direct
legislation in abolishing slavery.
Now, sir, I hnve a great contempt for the morality
or honesty of that sort of reasoning which
would make an act unconstitutional if executed directly,
but satisfies the conscience that it is constitutional
if done indirectly.
The institution of slavery being a " national
shame and a national diagruce" in the opinion of
the North, and having the power to abolish it by
indirect means, the legislation of this Government
(for the North have the majority) is to be hostile
to our institutions. We then present this anomaly,
that a Government established by wise and patriotic
men for the security and safety of the persons
and property of all ils parts?a Government
which derives its sustenance by taxation upon all
its parts, is to depart so far from the purposes of
its creation as to destroy, by its hostile legislation,
the property of one-half of the States composing
that Government; nnd that, too, when the States
thuk threatened are in such a hopeless minority in
Congress that they are unable to protect themselves
against that hostile, unconstitutional legislation.
The value of our slave property is some
sixteen hundred millions of dollais: this is to be
destroyed through a majority.
The rule for constructing the Constitution,
tttkiok la A.o? knincr oalnUliultoil la iKflt (Ka maior.
itjr have the right to rale, and what ever construction
they give is the true construction. Such Mr.
Chairman, is not our reading or construction of
that instrument. The Constitution is to protect
the rights of minorities; majorities have always
the ability to protect themselves. If they have
the absolute right of making and construing, then
there is no necessity for a written Constitution.?
If the will of the majority is absolute, it is the
strong against the weak?the law of force which
existed between two individuals before Governments
was instituted. If the power now claimed
for the Northern States is persevered in, it requires
no spirit of prophesy to forsee that it must end in
disunion. The institution of slavery is ro intimately
interwoven with society, and is so indissensable
to our social, political, and national prosperity,
that it will not be surrendered so
long ns there in a Southern hand to strike in its
defence. We intend to preserve and perpetuate it.
Wc have another demand, and that is, that we
shall be allowed to enjoy our property in peace,
3uiet, and security. I telf Northern gentlemen toay,
that five years will not elapse before they
will be required to make their choice between nonintervention
and non-agitation through Congress
on the one hand, and a dissolution of this Government
on the other; and I tell Southern people,
if this agitation is continued during that time,
their peace and personal security will require them
to choose between secession and negro emancipation.
Sir, I do not desire to be considered an alarmist;
but if gentlemen will recur to the history
of the country, they will learn that the anti-slavery
party was contemptible and insignificant, but it
has now grown to be a great colossul power, overahado
wing almost the entire North, and has enlisted
under its banner all the political parties there.
If its progress is as rapid in the next five yeurs as
for the last ten, you will find no Northern Representative
who will so far outrage the sentiment'of
his constituents as to oppose even the abolition of
slavery in the States.
I will here digress, Mr. Chairman, to reply to
a complaint which has begn urged by several
Northern gentlemen, charging that the South has
for a series of years occupied the Federal offices.
On reference to "the past, it will be found to be true
that the South has held a larger share of the prominent
offices of the Government than those or the
North. I am able to give a satisfactory reason for
this fact, and to show whence it arises. When
a Southern man enters into public life,he is brought
in by the party to which he is attached,and he is
continued in office,if he be a fhithful representative,
so long as his party continues in the ascendency,
or until he chooses voluntarily to retire. In the
North a different rule prevails?rotation in office
is the recognized system with all parties. The
rule may be a correct one in offices of profit
merely, but when applied to representatives,
either State or Federal, the constituent can never
be so well represented. Southern men remain
longer in Congress ; they have therefore better
opportunities for the developement of their genius
and talent, and their experience gives them die ad
vantage over abler men who are without experience
; their services become more conspicuous;
and when individuals are selected Tor prominent
stations in the Government, they are placed there
because they have more national reputation. But
Northern gentlemen, whilst they have observed
this fact, with some manifestations of jealousy,
forget that three-fourths of the public expenditures
of this Government fall into the Northern lap.?
The gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Harris] denied,
for the first time, as I believe, this statement, and
went into a minute examination for the purpose
of showing that the South had received more than
her pronortiate share of those expenditures. He
obtained the services of an experienced clerk in
making the calculation, and he reports that in the
period often years, out of nineteen millions for
lodd appropriations, nine millions have been given
to the Soutn, while only ten millions have gone to
the North. The clerk has committed a palpable
blunder, and I wonder that he has not been guilI-.il.:.
e-._ :
luuiicu C1C mm 11.11 incompetency or miiueiliy.?
Only nineteen millions of dollars expended on local
objects during a period of ten years! The
gentleman from Illinois hurries to the census of
1840, to learn that this appropriation gives to
every white person in the North $1 02, and at the
South $1 90.
I propose to advert to a few items only, which
I suppose the clerk did not embrace in his calculations.
They will show which section of
the Union has foraged most liberally from the
public treasury. The expenditure for pensions
up to 1838 amounted in the Northern States to
$28,000,00&;* in the Southern Stales to $7,000,000.
New York contributed to the support of the
revolutionary wur $7,179,983, and had received in
1838, in pensions, $7,850,054. The public lands
donated by CongVess to the Northern States hnve
been worth $7,584,899; the name in the South M,025,000.
Since the establishment of the Government,
the cost of collecting the customs bus been
$53,000,000; $43,000,000 expended in the North,
and $10,000,000 in the South. Bounties on piejrled
fish, dc., in the North, exclusively, $10,000,000.
The fortH on the northern coast have cost, on each
mile, $838; on the Southern coast $535 per mile.
In 1846 there was one light-house to every fifty
miles of Northern coast; whilst in the South there
was one for every two hun.'red and seventy six
miles. The expenditures for internal improvements
from 1824 to 1833, in the North, was $5,194,441;
in the South $957,000. From 1834 to
1845, for the same purpose, in the North, $7,231,639;
and in the South $1,171,500.
This much, sir, with reference to what the gentleman
said about appropriations. I propose now
to exnmine so much of the same gentleman's
speech as to the relative number of troops furnished
by the North and the South in the late war
with Mexico. I adopt his figures, and assume
then to be correct. The South furnished 47,649
volunteers; the North 24,712. The gentleman
says that this'is not the fair way of muking the
calculation?that the umount of service rendered
in months is " the fairest way of making the calculation."
His figures show that the South furnished
service in months 365,500 months; the
North 309,400. This still gives the South a preponderance.
Not contented, however, with this
result, he sets out upon a third series of figures,
that he innv ?rive the North the olinnrlni-iti/ Thie
calculation include** all the enlistments made during;
the war, as also for the ten new regiments;
and ofynimes that two-thirds of these enlistments
were from the North; and when his calculation is
footed up, the North furnished service equal to
813,f>48 months, and the South equal to 627,625
months. Well, I go back to the census of 1840,
and he, at lenst, can nrmke no objection to the
authority, having appealed to this source in the
first branch of his argument. 1 therefore take his
figures, and reply with his nulhority. If the
South furnished 47,649 volunteers, according to
population the North shoulJ have furnished
98,148. They furnished 24,712?deficit of their
just proportion 73,436.
The South furnished service of vol nteers in
months equal to 365,500 months. The North
should have furnished service in months equal to
754,020 months; they furnished 309,400?deficit
of their just proportion 444,620. But if the enlistments
are superadded to the above, it will be
seen that the North furnished in months equal to
813,648; the South 627,625. The North should
have fiirnished service in months 1,294,780 months
?deficit of her just proportion 481,132.
I enter into these calculations for the purpose of
vindicating the truth of the Southern Address?
for the purpose of vindicating the truth of the allegations
which have been made by Southern
members on this floor, that the South contributed
more than her just porportion of troops in making
the acquisitions from Mexico whicn the North
mean to exclude us from, either through the Wilmot
Proviso or the " non-intrrvtntion " policy, in
connection with the pretence that the Mexican
laws are in force. He went a little farther and introduced
an estimate of the service by the North
and the South in the Revolutionary war. He says,
for the continental line of the Revob ion, the
North furnished 172,436 men, and the South
59,335.
It is known. Mr. Chairman, to every one who
is familiar with the history of the Revolution, that
n very largeproportion of the troops that were engaged
int hat protratcd and perilous contest were not
connected with the continental army. Ifthegentleman
had made an accurate examination of the
number of troops furnished by each of the States,
he would have round that Virginia alone furnished
56,721. Pennsylvania, with a population equal
to Virginia, furnished 34,965 ; New York 29,836;
South Carolina 31,131. South Carolina sent thirty-seven
out of every forty-two of her citizens
capable of bearing arms, Massachusetts thirtvtwo,
Connecticut thirty, New Hampshire eighteen.
I will answer with statistical facts the delusion
existing in the minds of some who believe that
the pecuniary and social condition is more elevated
in the North than in the South. We have
heard that Virginin was sinking?was falling fast
into decay; that her sisters have advanced in prosperity
and wealth whilst she has been retrograding?all
of which is attributed to her system of
domestic servitude. Why, sir, this is but an assumption?a
most unwaraantable assumption?
because it has no foundation in fact. The Abolitionists
make their prosylitea believe that Virginia
is in a moat dilapitated state?that her forests
have all been destroyed?the face of her fields furrowed
with deep gullies, and that her low grounds
have been exhausted by unskillful husbandry,
than any one of the Northern States. The averVirginia
has more wealth according to population
I am indebted to the author of a pamphlet entided
" The Union, past and future?how it works j
and how to save it, ' for many of tbeee statistics.
i" "'r "fri i
" Til* Southern Fieu,"?Til-weekly
la published ooTuwdajl. Tbundtjri and Saturday*
ol each week.
" The Southern Preee,"?'Weekly,
la published every Saturday.
ADVERTISING RATES. ,
! For one ?<ptare of 10 lines, three insertions, )1 0>
" every subsequent insertion, - 25
Liberal deduetions made on yearly advertising.
O Individuals may forward the amount of their
subscriptions at our risk. Address, (post-paid)
ELL WOOD FISHER,
Washington City.
age wealth of each inhabitant, free and slave, in
#471 ; or tree alone #741. In Kentucky the aver- I
age wealth of each inhabitant, free and slave, is
#319 ; whilst that of Ohio is but #297 ; Pennsylvania
#219 ; New York #228. And, sir, the productions
of the slave-holding States will compare
favorably with the non-slavehoding. The advantages
will be found to be largely on the side of the
former in the value of those productions. The
South produces more indiun corn, and the North
more wheat; but the South 1ms a complete monopoly,
by soil and climate, in the production of cotton,
sugar, rice and tobacco. ,
The value of these four crops the last year exceeds
#125,000,000. But compare the productions
or individual States. Michigan and Arkansas
were admitted into the Union about the same
time; Michigan is one of the most flourishing of
the Northwestern States, washed on three sides
by navigable waters, and enjoying an extensive
* ft) tern of internal improvements; and her crops
last year yielded to each inhabitant $31 50. The
crop of Arkansas yielded to each white inhabitant
$101; and if tne slaves are counted as persons,
the value of the crop was $81 50 for each
inhabitant; so that the production of Arkansas,
with a fertile soil, though not a genial climate,
nearly trebles that of Michigan.
Mr. Chairman, I am admonished that my hour
is drawing rapidly to its close; I therefore return
to the subject from which 1 digressed longer than
1 intended. Whether slavery be a sin or not, is
a question with which this Government has nothing
to do. It is recognized by the Constitution,
and protected to the frillest extent. He who
believes it sinful, therefore, and feels a moral duty
devolving upon him to extirpate it, should candidly
avow himself a disunionist, and seek to dissolve
this supposed sinful alliance. If, on the
contrary, he is ready to abide by the Constitution,
in letter and spirit, then his warfhre against
slavery is ended?he must ground his arms, and
cease to agitate. It is a matter of indifference to
us whether you consider slavery right or wrong;
we alone must be the judges of its blessings and
its curses. We do not complain of your abstruct
opinions upon that subjec; but it becomes a question
of the profoundest interest to us, when you
nu\ke your abstract opinions on the morality of
friofihilinn iJia liaaiu vnnr nnlifirul nriinn
The abolition feeling in the North ia founded in
religious fanaticism?its votaries, like fanatics in
every age of the world, are guided neither by
religion, morality, nor justice. The Scripture
argument in favor of slavery is unanswerable; but
still argument never reaches the understanding or
conscience of the funatic. The history of the
Crusades, which involved Europe in blood and
carnage, well illustrates its folly and madness,
when kings and nations vied with each other in
their benevolent and Christian purpose of expelling
the InfidelB from the city of Jerusalem. The
masses may be sincere in their opposition to blavery;
but when they attempt to enforce, as they
are now doing, a supposed moral obligation
through political channels, without regard to the
rights of others, or the supreme law of the land,
cool-headed and discreet men must rise up in the
majesty of their strength and crush it, or consent
to give up our institutions, and be crushed by it.
Fanaticism is not often stated until it has gorged
itself with blood or ruin.
The dangers to the Republic every patriot
desires may be averted, ana the union or these
States preserved in its pristine purity. It is
endeared to us by a thousand ties hallowed by the
memories of the past, and excites in the mind
emotions little short of veneration. 1 desire it to
be preserved, but it must be preserved in its
purity, if it is worth preserving at all. That man
is the disunionist who will trample down the
Constitution and destroy the rights of the States.
1 have spoken plainly, sir, of the perils to which
we are exposed. I know that my section of the
Union is deceived and deluded as to the true situation
of this controversy. They have cherished
with abiding confidence the hope that their Northern
brethren would ceuse their aggressions and do
them justice.
The events which have transpired here, and to
which I have adverted, (Webster'? speech, and
the Invinrr of Root's resolution on the table. 1
have added to the delusion. I warn them to rise
from the lethargy into which they have been betrayed.
I tell them now, in nil candor, that 1 see
no returning sense of justice in the North. They
should appoint their delegates to the Nashville
Convention : let them assemble there, and delib->
eratn upon the grave issues which abolition has
presented?let them concentrate the sentiment of
the South, and lay such plans as will defeat the
ends of abolitionists. Every Southern State
should be fhlly represented there by her ablest
Constitution-loving sons. That convention, sir,
will meet, although it is probable that the confident
expectation of a compromise will prevent ita
being us numerously attended as it would have
been some months back, the people believing that
the necessity of its convening has passed away.
I fear, sir, they have been deluded into the hope
of compromise, so industriously instilled into their
minds for the purpose of defeating the Nashville
Convention. That effort has been partially successful;
but the convention will nevertheless assemble,
and the South will not readily forget those
by whom they have been deceived. Sir, it has
been fashionable to denounce that convention, and
to disparage the purposes of those who called it.
r or one, 1 am not aanameu 01 inai convention?
nothing could make me ashamed of it, but the
failure of the South, or of those with whom my
honor is more immediately bound up, to attend it.
The ends of that convention were high and holy;
it was called to protect the Constitution, to save
the Union, by taking such steps as might prevent,
if possible, the consummation of measures which
would probably lead to the destruction of both.
Had the purpose been disunion, those who called
that convention would have waited until the irretrievable
step had been taken, and nothing left to
theSouth but submission or secession. The present
is a critical conjunction of political affairs;
there is a propriety, nay, almost a necessity, for
Southern men to commune with each other. I,
for one, wish that harmony may mark their de
liberations, and that the result of those delibera
lions may be worthy of the occasion and of the
cause for which they will convene.
The Will of Sir Robert Peel.?After detailing
Drayton Park, and the other large estates
in Staffordshire and Warwickshire, it proceeds
to recite sums, to the amount of nearly a quarter
of a million, previously advanced to, or settled
upon his several children, (not including ?9,000
per annum settled on his eldest son,) and then
Bequeaths about ?000,000 more, making the
portions of his live younger sons ?l 06.000 each,
and those of his daughters ?53,000 each. He
leaves to chapel erected by himvat Fazelev, In
Staffordshire, ?1,000, (afterwards revoked" because
he had endowed it with lands,) and ?6,000
to a school established by him in the said
village; to the Infirmary and Lunatic Asylum in
Manchester, and the Lying in Hospital in 8a 1vord,
one hundred pounds each. The will is
dated July 27, 1830. By a codicil of February
i 1 1 tkn rwtrisivne af kin itanttmau! qaao om
v,,v nuua ui ma JVUll^c^V t5Ull?"? ?i?*
increased to ?135,000; and of the residue which
is Hftid to have exceeded half a million, fourninths
were bequeathed to the late baronet, amf
one ninth to each of his five younger sons. The
persona) property was sworn at what is technically
called a upper value," which means that it
exceded ?900,000, and was the first instance of
the scale of duties extending to such a sum.
?3TGen. B. M Rdney, of N. C. has been
appointed Consul to Palermo in Sicily, an Island
in the Kingdom of Naples, 180 miles long, 160
wide, and containing 1,500,000 inhabitants.
Palermo is the Capital, has 168,000, and is a
delightful climate. The office is said to vield by
its fees, from 6 to #10,000 a year. The ap
point men t has been confirmed and accepted, as
a last chance. If the General applies tne same
, untiring industry to the execution of the duties
of his office that he has ^procuring it, he will
1 certainly make a fortune of his consulship. He
1 had better get out of the new President s way,
if he knows what's good for himself?as wears
satisfied that the General can be best appreciated
at a distance. ?Ejc. Paper,