The southern press. [volume], July 30, 1850, Image 2

About The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852

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F
jlfLY 80, F850.
DAILY PAPER, Ten DoMtfl per annum.
TKI-WKEKX.Y, Five Dollars.
WEEKLY, Two Dollars )>Cr annum.
JGr* All Advertisements appear in the Daily and
^Tri-weekly, without extra charge.
The Bounty Lxnp Bile.?The following in
the copy of an Act granting bounty land to certain
otficere and soldiers who have been engaged
in the military service of tho United State a, us
ii passed the House of Representatives :
Be it enacted by the Semite ami House of
Representatives of the United States of America
iu Congress assembled, That each of the
surviving commissioned and non-commissioned
officers, musicians, or privates, whether of regulars,
volunteers, rangers, or miJitiu, who performed
military service in any regiment, coiitpuny,
or detachment, in tho service of the United
States, in the war with Grout Brituin, declared
by tile United States on the eigbteeutb day of
J unts eigliteen hundred mid twelve, or in any of
the Indian wars since seventeen hundred and
ninety, and each of the commissioned officers
who were engaged in the military service of the
United States in the late war with Mexico, shall
he entitled, for twelve months! service, to one
nunureu aim sixty acres <u uinu ; lor six mourns
service, to eighty acres of lund; mid for three
months service, to forty acres of land: Provided,
The person so having been in service shall not
receive said land, or any part thereof, if it shall
appear by the muster rolls of his regiment, or
corps, that lie deserted, or was dishonorably
discharged from service, or if he has received
or is entitled to any land bounty under any act
of Congress heretofore passed.
Section 2d. And be it further enacted, That
each commissioned and non-commissioncd officer,
musician, or private, for whom provision is made
by the first section hereof, shall receive a certificate
or warrant from the Department of the Interior,for
the quantity of land to which lie may
be entitled, and which may be located by the
warrantee, or his heirs at law, at any land office
of the United States, iti one body, and in conformity
to the legal HnbdiviHioiiH of the public
lands, u|ion any of the public liulds in such district
then subject to private entry: and upon the
return of such certificate or warrant, with evU
I. deuce of the location thereof having been le
gaily made, to the General Land Office, a patent
ahull be issued therefor. In the event of the
death of any commisaioued or non-commissioned
officer, musician, or private, prior or subsequent
to the passage of this act, who ahull have
served as aforesaid, and who ahnll not have received
bounty land for said services, a like certificate
or warrant shall be issued in fnvor and
inure to the benefit ot his widow: Provided,
She was married to such officer or soldier before
the conclusion of his service, and is unmarried
at the date of her application: Provided further,
That no land warrant issued under the provisions
of this act, shall be laid upon any land of
the United States to which there shall be a preeminent
right, Or upon which there shall be an
actual settlement and cultivation, except with
the consent of such settler, to be satisfactorily
proven to the proper land officer.
Section 3. Ana be it further enacted, That all
sales, mortgages, letters of attorney, or other
instruments of writing, going to utl'eet the title
or claim to any warrant or certificate hereinbefore
provided for, made or executed prior to the
issue of sueh warrant or eertilicate, shall be null
and void, to all intents and purposes whatsoever,
nor shall such certificate or warrant or laud obtained
thereby, be in any wise alloc ted by, or
charged with, or subject to the payment of any
debt or claim incurred by such officer or soldier
prior to the issuing of the patent: Provided,
That the benefits of this act shall not accrue to
to any pereon who is a member of the present
Congress.
Sentiment of Mississippi.
The following is extracted from u letter from
a leading Whig in Mississippi, just received and
dated July 20:
"The question now before Congress is causing
much excitement among us. Some are in ftivor
of the Compromise as reported by the Committee
of Tiiirteen ; but I think, and indeed 1 am sure,
that the greater portion of us are opposed to its
passage and adoption. And many or those who
have been in favor of the measure, upon a close
examination of it, have changed their opinions,
and now oppose it. Our court is now in session,
and during the week we have had Nome little disaion
of the matter, and I am happy to say that
the discussion is doing much good towards uniting
the South. The odious plan will not bear a strict
examination, and all who try to inform themselves
upon the subject, find it to be a compromise only
in name.
We have just received the news that Congress
will compromise upon the line of 34?. From tho
little expression or public opinion which I have
beard, 1 do not think that it will be satisfactory to
the .South. To me it seems very far from just,
and is a settlement of the question in a way which
would operate much to the injury of the South.
In my hutnble opinion, the South should, inasmuch !
as it has taken a stand upon the question, be satisfied
with nothing short of an equal division of
the territory. But this of course I leave to wiser
heads than mine to adjust."
rC]r*We take the following sad intelligence
from the Montgomery .5</rrr/itrr of the 23d instant
:
"The 'insatiate archer1 seems to have been
busy in Greene county, Alabama, lately, carrying
off some of her most esteemed citizens. We learn
from the Beacon, tltut Col. II. M. Judge, died
suddenly in Eutaw, on the evening of the 16th
inst., aged 35 years. Col. Judge was a native of
South Carolina, and for the last ten years a citizen
of Greene county. He was a high toned gentle
man, * public, spirited and useful citizen, a warmhearted
friend and a devoted husband.'
"Also, in the atone place, on the 18lh instant,
Col. Alexander Graham, aged about 48 years.
Col. Graham removed from Cheraw, S. C., in
1839, to Kutaw, where he resided to the time of
his death. He enjoyed in a high degree the confidence
nnd reaped of the county; in fact of all
who had the pleasure of his aci|uaintance. *'
How to Light all the G-as Lamps is- a
Tons at Once.?The Paris correspondent of the
London Times says that a rapid and scientific
mode, of lighting and extinguishing public gas
burners has been invented by a person named NiIntte.
The opening of the burner of each lamp is
covered with a piece of soft iron, mounted upon
a hinge. In connection with this is a wire extending
from a galvanic battery the entire length of
the surface of the gas lamps, and close to the orifice
of each burner is a small slip of platinn. The
ift iron, becoming a magnet wnen acted upon by
ihc electric fluid, open or closes the orifice, according
to the motion imparted to it; the rlatina
ignites when it is necessary to light the lamps,
and thus eveiy lamp in a large town may be
licrlafrrl simuliadonor.'.. ? ?*: M 1 *c ? -
"""'WUOIy , Ul CAlKl^lllNIIUUlll UIC nttJUC
way by a different art inn on this magnetized iron.
We suspect thoaeconjurers, Herr Alexander and
Mr. McAlister, who light two hundred candles by
firing a pistol, must use some such process.
Srspiciors Death or \ Lapt.?A young lady
named Thornton, said to be highly respectably
connected, was found dead in Delaware llouse at
Albany, July *26- She arrived there last Wednesday,
and to-day her bed-room door remaining beyond
the usual time, it was broken open, and she
was found dead, havingdied it is supposed from an
overdose of chloroform. She is a native of Mississippi,
and in her possession were found letters
to Ex-Senator Ailierton, Gen. Pierce, and others
of New Hampshire.
APPOINTMENTS BY THE PRESIDENT.
By and with the adrift and consent c/ the Senate
Jon* C. Clark, of the State of New York.'tr
be Solicitor of the Treasury of the United States
Thomas L. Smith, of the State of New ^ ork
to be Firm Auditor of the Treasury of the Unitet
States.
Ignatius Mudd, of the District of Columbia
to be Commissioner of the Public Buildings.
Hon. Thomas C. Hacertt, Representative it
Congress from Georgia, who left Washingtor
some time since on account of ill health, is now ai
the Rowland Springs, and is recovering.??V?tieaa
JnltUiftnctr.
foisLrWrn? IfcW ml 1 vntoO mit J"
; 4j ------
CAMU& Wf aJUy?ia'.-*Tluj following uu-,
i ecdole to told in the Editor's Table of the bust
Graham's Magazine, strongly -illustrative of the I
nature of the rough shod estfcyijf, Th&wp
Carlyle: It appeals tliit ai> Americ.ui fatly
travelling in England paid l?ow a visit under the
impression that Tie was a/great philanthropist,"
and immediately opened the conversation with
some remarks in favor of abolition of slnWerfL
" He growled out a bitter rejoinder, in which he
took strong grounds in favor of tliat institution,
and denounced all abolitionists as sentimental
fools and flunkies. The lady, irritated and surprised,
hit instantly on the true woman's method,
the argumenlum ad hominem, and put the startling
question, u IIow, Mr. Cnrlyle, should you
like to be a slave ?" He dilated bis person to
its fult dimensions, and in bis broad Scotch
brogue exclaimed, ?k Well* 1 should like to be a
great bull-neeked nigger,und have some body to
take care of me !" The philanthropic lady incontinently
vanished.
WASHINGTON CITIr:
TUESDAY, JULY 30. 10 50.
rpi,? XTT^-ki a TT..J
jkuo waautugiuu U uiiuii.
The Editor of t!ie Union had a column of the
most extraordinary, extravagant and outrageous
character for the devotional exercises i f his
renders on Sunday morning lust.
We make the following extracts :
Tint Democracy or tiik Union.?Strange to
say, there are gentlemen in the South who wish
to destroy the nationality of the two great parlies
which have hitherto struggled for the ascendency;
and still more strange, they are striving to verify
the words of John Van Buren, when he announced
to his Free-soil and Abolition friends,
that the Democratic party wasdissolved.
The politicians in the South who are becoming
indifferent tojparty lines, and are nothing loath to
break them up, and who prefer mere sectional
cliques, which would threaten the Union of the
country, insteud of the great national parties
which would preserve it, are pursuing a strange
but yet a nutura! course of reasoning to effect
their object. They strain every nerve in order to
convince the people of the South that the whole
North and Northwest are united and handed together
in one fell crusade against their constitutional
rights. With criminal forgetfulness, they
overlook the fact that, in every time of tribulation
and trial, the South has found firm and faithful
men in the North, who have breasted the storm
1 of aggression, anil who have stood up, and who
1 now stand up manfully in defence of the Constitution.
They forget these things, because it is
their purpose to sow the seeds of alienation and
distrust, and to foment a feeling of hostility between
the two sections of the Union which may
lead to a dissolution of the confederacy. They
forget, too, that whilst a Southern man runs no
risk in standing by the institutions of the South,
their allies in the 'North are met by fanaticism in
the fellest form, and are encountering prejudices
and responsibilities which it requires some moral
courage to look boldly in the face.
But wlule some Southern politicians are pursuing
this course, and declaiming against the power
of a majority, and asservating that the North insists
upon taking jurisdiction over the sulyect of
slavery, they are met by the singular fact that
there is a proposition pending before Congress
wh.ch, if adopted, will be a final adjustment of
the slavery question-, and then they are forced to
admit that the proposition did not spring from that
direction to which they had been pointing as the
source of danger, but that it had its origin in
unother quarter, and that its most bitter and violent
enemies are the fiercest and most itnplucalile
enemies of the South?we mean many of the
Whigs, the Abolitionists, and the Free-Soilers of
the North and the Northwest. To honest men
and to sane statesmen this difficulty would seem
insurmountable; but dishonesty and insanity scorn
the ordinary rules of logic. The first believes
that any obstacle niuy be avaded?the I atter that
any obstacle may be surmounted. Dishonesty
cheats one into the hope that he may conceal a
murder, though it speaks " with n most miraculous
organ;" insanity makes one believe that the creation
of a new would not overtask his powers. Do
the isoTkflhern allieH and the colaborers of John
Van Bureu and Wendell Philips, who wish to
break up?Hnd destroy the nationality of parties as
a nc-aessury preliminary to breaking up and destroying
the Union, forget the fact that the Adjustment
now pending in the Senate is opposed
with rancor and bitterness by the worst enemies
of the South ? Can they see in this fact anything
to justify the opposition to this measure? Is it
any argument against the proposition which is
presented to the South that it does not emanate i
from its foes, or that it is not supported by the (
Abolitionists ?
| Now, we would ask our Southern brethren ?r?
! tliry in earnest? Do they believe what they sny
to Southern people? Are they honest in proclaiming
to the slaveholder that the whole North
is banded against his rights, and united by a fell
determination to trample on the Constitution, and
to use the majority power to force the Federal
Government to take jurisdiction over the subject
of slavery? If they are so, how comes it to pass
that they are bitter opponents to a scheme which
does not emanate from the Northern majority?
How comes it that they are bitter foes to a scheme i
which is reprobated and abhorred by tiie worst
enemies of the South ? How comes it that they
are found working side by side with those worst <
tntmits whom they denounce? How comes ,
it that day by day they are found sustaining by
their rotes Messrs. Benton, Seward, Horace *
Mann, Giddings, Wentworth, Preston King, and I
Root? Have they not joined themselves to the j
very men who, they tell the South, are the very
leaders of the forces which are pressing down on <
the South, and bent on the destruction of South- ,
ern rights as guaranteed by the Constitution ? ,
?
The South is to look to the Democratic party of t
the North and Northwest mainly for the adjust- ^
ment of these difficulties. She cannot carry the
question alone hy her own efforts. It would be 1
fortunate, indeed, if her own democracy were so j
united as to contribute their utmost to assert her
rights, and to protect her from aggression. But '
her whole democracy cannot do it alone. They <
must look for other votes, and where will they
principally find them ? In the manly votes of the
stalwart democracy of the North, who will risk
everything for their country, the Constitution, and
the tJnion.
Two years ago the editor of the Union applauded
Mr. Venable, Mr. Bayly and others for
taking the line of 36.30, and declared the South
1 would accept that " and nothing less.'' lie has
repeatedly declared his desire, and within a few
days his anxiety that this line should he adopted.
Within a few days every Southern senator
1 present, except Messrs. Bknton, Clay, Struarce,
and Walks, voted for making 36.30, the
Southern line of California. Did they believe)
that vote right ! Does any one of them, or the
editor of the Union believe, that by thnt vote it
was attempted to secure for the South more than
her rights ? Not one. Yet every Northern
senntor, Whig and Democratic, without a single
exception voted against it. Arc any of these those
whom " the South has found firm and faithful
men in the North, who have breasted the storm of
aggression, and who hare stood up and who now
stand vp mnnfuUy in defence of the Constitution."1
If they are, then all the Southern senators who
voted for 3fi 30, and the editor of the Union who is
anxious for it. are perilling tl?e Union by standing !
up unmanfully for unconstitutional demands.
But the manfulnees, firmness, fidelity and con- j
stitutinutility of certain gentlemen of the North
are evinced, it its contended by the Union, "by the
s.ngular fact that there is a proposition pending
before Congress which, if adopted, will be a final
adjustment of the slavery qvetlion?thst u this
, proposition did not Rpring from thnt direction
' to which they (some Southern politicians) had |
t boon pointing as the source of danger, but that
it had its origin In another quarter, and that its
j most bitter and violent enemies, are the fiercest
' and most implacable enemies of the South" that
lf is many of the Whigs, the Abolitionists and the
Free sorters of the North and the Northwest!"
t Ts> honeB! men aii+l iaH MUmmm this diilkuiij
would seem to be insurmountable; but dishonesty
' and insanity scorn the ordinary rules of logic."
Well now, this " proposition pending hetoff
Congress" undertakes, according to the views of
!Mr. ("lav, its trainer and expounder, to surrender
tlio right of the South to all California,
tho principal subject controversy, and
it sells out also the right of tho South to ail
Texas north of the line of 32 decrees, and in&keq
the South pay her sliare of the largo suru of say
ten millions, the price of her own dismemberment
und mutilation!
And this is the scheme so constitutional and
so just, for which the South ought not ouly to
be satisfied, but grateful to the few Northern
gentlemen who are so tirtu, so manly, and so
magnanimous as to support it. Why, if there
be any reason, justice or honesty in it, the men
of the South who have contended for 36.30,
have attempted a fraud, an aggression, an outrage
on their modest, unpretending and patriotic
brethren of the North.
But tho scheme of Mr. Clay, monstrous as it
is, is not monstrous enough for Messrs. Hewahd,
Hale, Giddings, and Mann. And therefore,
because they oppose it, the South must
support it, or at least applaud the manliness*
firmness, and .magnanimity of those Northern
gentlemen who do. We must oppose the man
who attempts to wrest from us a hundred dollars,
but admire him who insists only on
ninety-nine?or be accounted dishonest or insane.
if we are compelled to admire, we shall
admire those who demand the boldest, and demand
the most?those who commit the deed
and describe it in plain and proper terms?the
exclusion of slavery?rather than those, who,
professing and pretending non-intervention, get
the votes of the North by arguing that such nonintervention
would get the territory for the
North, and finding now that it may fail, attempt
to jkiss a law to buy out the South with her
own money, and to ratify the usurpation of territory
by California, and still pretend that this is
non-intervention, and they are consistent. The
Abolitionists invade our rights, and insult our
honor?the pending proposition does both, and
insults our understanding besides, by calling aggression
a compromise, and dismemberment
non-intervention. The Abolitionist avows himself
to be an enemy. The advocate of the proposition,
a friend.
But it seems that Southern men are not to
oppose anything, except what tiie Abolitionists
support, nor withhold their confidence from any
man North, who is not yet an Abolitionist. And
if they do, they incur the imputation of insanity
or dishonesty from the editor of the Union. The
measure of Southern right or Southern defence,
is to be determined by Abolitionists?
some Whigs and Free-soilors at the North. The
great body of Democrats and other Whigs of the
North, located in that vast intermediate region
of politics between the South and the extreme
North, are sound:
" Placed on that isthmus of a middle .State,
Beings darkly wise and rudely great."
All those States and both parties have passed
the Wilmot Proviso?but some of tlieui have
been persuaded to renounce it, on being shown
that they could get the territory in dispute by a
trick that should be called non-intervention.
Tiie editor of the Union gives his article the
caption of "The Democracy of the Union." He
makes it an invective against {Southern Democrats
who will not unite with Northern in support
of the pending proposition. One would
suppose that in an article deprecating division
in a party, courtesy and kindness would be employed
towards botb wings. This editor, however,
has a peculiar method of conciliation. lie
applies the terms " criminal," " dishonesty," " insanity,"
&c., to the Southern men who refuse to
be governed by party on this question. The
Union assumes to be the organ of the Democratic
party?and its editor is a Southern man?
by birth. lie knows that a large majority of
the Democratic delegation in Congress from the I
Southern States is opposed to this proposition.
He knows that in Virginia there are not half a
dozen Democratic papers in favor of it?that in
North Carolina the whole party is committed in
convention against it?that South Carolina is
mnnirnous in opposition to it?that the Demo'rocy
of Georgia is opposed to it?so of Alajama?so
of Florida?that in Mississippi almost
ho entire Democratic press is opposed?so ol
Yrkansas?so of Texas. And that where the
inrty in the South is divided, it is chiefly in the
Whiff States of Maryland, Kentucky and Tenlessee.
Yet the editor of the Umtm attempts
to make the support of the pending proposition
\ party policy, and to dragoon by tbc coarsest
invective, a vast majority of the Southern Democracy
into a union with " some" Northern Demo- ]
erats, and some Northern Whigs, on this measure.
He, a professed Southern Democrat, may
unite with Mr. Clay, a Southern Whig, and
Mr. Webster, a Northern one, without distinction
of party, in support of this measure, but if
other Southern Democrats unite with Southern
Whigs in opposition to it, why, criminality,
scderralism, dishonesty, and insanity, are the
terms he has the presumption and temerity to
apply to them. The editor of the Union may
i. ?L~ \r~_4i?... TV._ v.?
ue "rjj.iu in mi- mriwin n i/rimn iiu v nc ip
no longer of Southern.
If the pending proposition in Congress should
pnss, or if no settlement be effected, and disunion
ensue, the three men who above all others
will be responsible for that disaster, are Mr.
Ci.av, Mr. Benton, and the editor of the Union.
They are all men of Southern locality?and all
have renounced the equality of the South with
the North. They nuty talk of ultruism, insanity,
treason, as much as they please, but their defection
from the South prostrated all her Northern
friends, and we know there were many and true.
As for the division of the Democracy, Northern
and Southern, and its consequences, the Editor
of the Union i9 responsible.
We know there were Northern meml>ers ol
Congress, and Northern Editors of lending
papois in the largest States, who were ready to
stand by the Missouri Compromise, and were in
favor of the Nashville Convention, and desired it
to take decisive ground. But when tiie Unior
abandoned 3R.30 and went for the "pending
proposition," those men asked how was it posdsiblefor
them to sustain themselves in the North
on that line, when the'organ of the party, conducted
by a Southern man, deserted it.
Mr. Bf.nton wanted, we suppose, to succeed
Mr. Van Bvrkn in free-soil support and to prostrate
Mr. Cai.hoi n, and for that, purpose risked
and achieved his own fall. Mr. Clay wanted to
secure the Northern Whigs, and the Editor of
U liu! liuitfajiadwrtouk to ciutoia At tint expum
i of the South, the Northern Democrats in a competition
agau&t the Northern Whigs, In aggro*
i sion oNjlhe South.
r ThcT^it or of the Union has a peculiar and
pecuniary invest in the succea* of the Democratic
yarty in the next Presidential election u
In the last. He haJ taken a large printing contract
at a ruinous bid?a bid made to prevent
others from getting it, and with an expectation
probably tbat if the Democrats succeeded,
he would obtain an extra allowance. In
this he was not successful, and now he has
applied fpr it to the present Congeesbut aa
the North has a large majority, he saw that if
he identilied himself with the minority South,
his application might be refused. Hence he
joined a combination for the pending proposition,
composed of Messrs. Clay*, Cass, Webstek,
&o., and was very confident of success, and in
thnt event would hnvo bad the gratitude of the
spoilers and might have pressed his personal
claims.
But now when the Compromise?the Adjustment?the
pending proposition looks desperate,
he becomes desperate, and inadly undertakes to
villify Southern Democrats into bis plans.
We have seen nothing in the course but superlative
iiiiHuj.itv nt' Mr Rr.KTrtN?nothing in the
intrepid abuse of terms by which Jlr.CuT calls
on the South for capitulation in the name of
Compromise?-nothing in the hypocrisy of Seward?nothing
in the bigotry of Giddings?nothing
in the fanaticism of Mam, more trnnscendnntly
hyperbolical than is tins last spasmodic
scurillity of the Union.
Mr. Clay and Mr. Barnwell.*
We referred, some days since, to the manly and
dignified retort made by Mr. Baunwell, of
South Carolina, in reply to the intemperate sallies
of Mr. Clav.
The contrast between the tone and temper of
the two Senators must strike every unprejudiced
re.'ider, and prove on which side the ultraism, as
well as the real patriotism, is to be found.
Tn the course of his speech Mr. Clav used the
following language:
I atn not going to magnify the power of Texas.
I nm not going to magnify the power of any single
State. It is with infinite regret, with profound
sorrow and surprise, that I hear individuals in
Slutes talking as they occasionally do. Why, it
was only the other day that a member, returned
from the Nashville Convention, addressed, we are
told, the people of Charleston, South Carolina.?
I do not know which most to admire, the gravity
and possible consequences which may ensue from
carrying out the views of the delegate to the Nashville
Convention, or the ridiculous scenes which
occurred during the course of the public meeting.
He was applauded most enthusiastically?as 1
learn from the public papers, and as I learn also
from a credible gentleman who was present at the
meeting?when ne declared that, if the South did
not join herself to this standard of rebellion, South
Carolina would herself raise it, and fight this Union
singly and alone! "Yes," said a gentleman in
the audience, in a fit of most patriotic enthusiasm,
" and if South Carolina does not do it, I, with mtj
strong arm and mi/long purse, will fight the Union
m yself!"
Mr. President, I have no patience for hearing
this bravado, come from what source it may. At
the same time 1 am not disposed to undervalue its
importance as one of many cotemporaneous
events.
Mr. Barnwell did not interrupt Mr. Clay,
but after he had concluded rose to reply, when
the following debate ensued.
Any comments of ours would only tnar the
force of Mr. Barnwell's retort to the "Great
Pacificator."
Mr. BARNWELL. It is not my intention to
reply to the argument of the Senator from Kentucky,
but there were expressions used by him not
a little disrepectful to a friend whom I hold very
dear, and to the State which I in part represent,
which seem to me to require some notice. I believe
sir, that character does not depend upon words ;
it does not live in eulogy ; it is not to be dec roved
I _ _ 1.1 I* * ? L* L ? 1 . *
i>y umaquy. it rest upon a ni^iicr tuiu more
stable foundation. Uj?on intelligence, honesty,
disinierestedness; accompauied with the manifested
determination to exercise these high qualities in
the best mode, for the best ends. I'o this test 1
am willing to bring the character of my friend ;
one with whom my friendship, commencing almost
with the cradle, and strengthening through life,
will, I doubt not, terminate only with the grave.
I do not intend to pronounce his eulogy. It is
well for us both that he is no unknown man ; nor
is he, in this assembly or in the other bouse, without
many who Know and appreciate him. I am
very willing to entrust the defence of his character
to the judgment of all who know him. It is
true that his political opinions differ very widely
from those of the Senator's from Kentucky. It
may be true that lie, with manv great statesmen,
may believe that the Wilmot Proviso is a grievance
to be resisted "to the utmost extremity" by
those whose rights it destroys and whose honor it
degrades. It is true that he may believe, and he
will not be very singular in the opinion, especially
among those who have heard and may read the able
ami triumphant argument of the distinguished
Senator from Georgia, that the admission of California
will be the passing of the Wilmot Proviso,
when we here in Congress give vitality to an act
otherwise totally dead, and by our legislation exclude
slaveholders (Voni that whole broad territory
on the Pacific ; and entertaining this opinion, he
may have declared that the contingency will then
have occurred, which will, in the judgement of
most of the slaveholding States, us expressed by
their resolutions, justify resistance as to an intolerable
aggression. If lie does entertain and has expressed
such sentiments, he is not to beheld up;?s
peculiarly a disunionist. Allow me to say, in reference
to this matter, I regret that you ha\e
brought it about; but it is true that this epithet
"disunipnist" is likely soon to have very little
terror in it in the South. Words do not make
things. Rebel was designed as a very odious term
when applied by those who would have trampled
upon the rightsofour ancestors, but I believe that the
expression became riot an ungrnteftil one to the ears
of those who resisted them. It was not the lowest
term of abuse to to call those who were conscious
that they were struggling against oppression ; and
let me assure gentlemrn that the disunionist is
rapidly assuming at the South the meaning which
renel took when it was baptized in the blood of
Warren at Hunker's Hill, and illustrated by the
gallantry of Jaspar at Fort Moultrie.
As to the State of South Carolina, I do not, as
I nerd not. defend her bvwords. I have said
that the character of an individual does not live
in words or die from obloquy. Much more
strongly may this be said of a State. South Carolina
has a history for the past and a character
for the present. To that history and that character,
I am perfectly willing to leave her, to repel
any reproach which may l>e attempted to be cast
upon Iter. Allow me to say, in this connexion,
that whilst f listened, a few days since, with n
high admiration to the eloquent elogium which the
Senator lYom Massachusetts, now no longer in
this place, pronounced upon his own State; whilst
1 freely accorded to her the honor which he attributed,
it did not seem to me, sir, that lie hnd se'
lected the highest attribute of her character as the
subject of his eulogium. He spoke of her attachment
to this Union as the highest subject of
I his condemnation, but he hnd previously and very
. pointedly alluded to motives, not addressed to the
most honorable sentiments of mnnkind, which
' might justly render this Union very dear to her.?
i Sir, I prefer to honor Massachusetts for the devo?
tion which in times past she has exhibited for
freedom, and which I doubt not still animates her,
I because I believe that, as in former days, she
> justified the proud motto with which she emblazoned
her escutcheon. So should any, in future
time invade her rights or disturb her penreftd
i liberty, she would again with the sword maintain
the heritage sought and gained by it. To this criterion
1 willingly commit my native State; by this
standard do I desire that she may be ever judged.
II Small she may be, and weak in numbers, but it is
I not by the extent of territory, or the number of
| inhabitants, that a State is to he measured.?
[ Rather by the spirits of its people?a spirit which
prepares them in the maintenance of their liberty
I to live with her or die for her. I will not speak of
' my devotion to South Carolina ;
^?
V 1 would Miliar 1m hatorai on inwlW vh?t 1
feel,
VjThiwi prove it in her griefs, which might riot
yield to sny tat en of mine."
But this L may claim, in common Villi all her
sons?in th* hour of peril to befotffid ut her side,
[ to sustain or perish with her,
Mr. CLA.Y. Mr. President, I spid nothing
with reepcc( to the character of Mr, Rhett, for T
might as well name nim. I know him* personally,
and have some respect for him. But if he pronounced
the sentiment attributed to him of rawing
the standard of disunion and of resistance to the
common Government, whatever he has been, if
he follows up that declaration by corresponding
overt acts, he wi'l be a traitor, xinil I hope he will
meet the late of a traitor. [Great applause in the
galleries, with difficulty suppressed by the Chair.]
The PRESIDENT. The Chair will be under
the necessity of ordering the gallery to be cleared,
if there is again the slightest interruption. He
has once already given warning that he is under
the necessity of keeping order. The Senate chamber
is not a theatre.
Mr. CLAY resumed. Mr. President, I lytve
heard'with pain and regret a confirmation of
the remark 1 made that the sentiment of disunion
is becoming familiar. 1 hope it is confined
... C.....I. r> i:_? i j? i j..,?
w wuui vuiuiuia. a uu itui rcguiu <ia my uui/
what the houorable Senator seems to regard a*
his. If Kentucky to-morrow unfurls the banner
of resistance unjustly, I never will fight under
that bunner. 1 owe a paramount alleginnce to
the whole Union?a subordinate one to my own
State. When my State is right?when it has
cause for resistance?when tyranny, and wrong,
and oppression insufferable arise?i then will
share her fortunes ; but if she summons me to
the battle-field, or to support her in uny cause
which is unjust against the Union, never, never,
will I engage with her in such a cause.
With regard to South Carolina, and the spir
of her people, I have snid nothing. I have a re
spectforher; bull must say, with entire truth,
that my respect for her is that inspired by her ancient
and revolutionary character, and not so much
for her modern character. But, spirited as she is,
spirited as she may suppose herself to be, competent
as she may tlunk nerself to wield her separate
power against the power of this Union, I will
tell her, und I will tell the senator himself, that
there are as brave, as dauntless, as gallant men,
and as devoted patriots, in my opinion, in every
other State in the Union, as are to be found in
South Carolina herself; and if, in any unjust cause,
South Carolina or any other State should hoist
the flag of disunion and rebellion, thousands, tens
of thousands, of Kenluckians would llock to the
standard of their country to dissipate and repress
their rebellion. These are my sentiments?make
ihe most of them.
Mr. BARNWELL. I do not know that I have
any thing to say exactly in reply to the senator
IVom Kentucky, except that, when he uses such
language as "traitors" anil "their doom," he
compels me to remind him of the old adage "lhat
there are two ends to a rope;" and when the senator
conies to the condemrmtion of "traitors," it
may prove that they are the true men. With respect
to the threats of the senator from Kentucky,
it history speaks true, there was a certain British
officer once who promised, with a regiment of soldiers,
to drive the rebels from one end of the continent
to the other. I need not say the performance
hardly equalled the promise. But I made, I
make no threats; I institute no comparisons. Far
be it from me to detract from the fidelity or the
gallantry of the people of any of the States of this
Union. I should do great injustice to my own
convictions were 1 to do so. With respect to the
justice of the cause upheld by South Carolina, the
senator has not now to learn that she is sustained
* i .1 , * i ai i _J : .i
in i??r juu^incni uy uic rtfljcirueu opinions ui me
numerous States, who made common cause with
the State of Virginia in our assertion of their rights.
And shall any State, however feeble, subject herself
to ruinous and unjust domination from apprehension
that tyranny might prove too strong for
her, that the armed heel of the oppressor might
trample out the life which he only designed to
make degraded and miserable? 1 trust not, sir;
and 1 contend only for the duty and the right of
asserting justice, even at the hazard of safety.
The Omnibus still lumbers heavily along*
lightened of its load considerably however,
sonic of the passengers who jumped in last and
sat nearest the door having stepped out again.
From the Senate reports it will be seen that
two baulks were made yesterday, and the adjournment
found the vehicle still more distant
from its destination than before.
The most confident of its passengers begin to
despair, of its holding together long enough for
a through passage. As we announced some
time since it will fail.
In the House an attempt was made to force
the California bill through, but the Clingmanizing
process baffled the calculations of the majority.
Upon tlie whole wo had a warm day of
it, in and out of Congress.
Mississrrrr.?A large and enthusiastic meeting
was held at Jackson, Miss., on tiie 8th inst.,
at which resolutions were unanimously adopted,
approving the proceedings of the Nashville Con- (
vention; unqualifiedly condemning the Senate ,
Compromise and the admission of California, |
and recommending the formation of Southern '
Clubs or Associations throughout the South.? i
Gen. Quitman, Governor of the State, offered 1
the resolutions..
We will publish the proceedings to-morrow. 1
Mississippi will " take no step backwards."
fy The Southern and Western mail came
to us last night freighted with the proceedings ot .
public meetings in favor of the Missouri line.?
Wo will re-publish them as fast as wc can lind
space.
Hon. Robert C. Wintiirop has been
appointed by Gov. I3riggs to fill the seat in the
Senate vacated by Mr. Webster.
?? ?
Tits Plagur Spot in Louisvii.lk, Kt.?It lias
been briefly stated by telegraph that the cholera
broke out suddenly on the 23d, in a certain highly
offensive locality in Louisville, and raged most violently,
while all the rest of the city was comparatively
healthy. The Louisville Courier of the
24th, thus describes the work of death and the
plague spot itself: '
We were startled yesterday by the sudden outbreak
of malignant cholera in the lower end of the ,
city, on Market street, between Tenth and Eleventh.
Up to 6 o'clock yesterday afternoon there
had been forty-eight cases of cholera, and twentyeight
deaths, on the north and south sides of Market
street, in the space already alluded to.
We went down to the locality, and examined it
carefully, in order to ascertain why such unusual
mortality should display itself at that jwirticular
point, and a careful analysis of the facts that presented
themselves, made the cause manifest. The
space alluded to above is what is called "made
earth." The infected houses stand upon the sites
of old ponds. On the northwest side of Market
and Eleventh streets, theground extending towards
Main was made of street scrapings and filth of various
kinds, and has been accumulating for six or
seven years.
ti.. c.i.i - .i. _ t ?e
| x lie nun waa uiruwii imu ? pvnu, n |iwiuuu wi
which remains yet, and runs up near by, to the
aide of a ropewalk. The hemp shives have been
thrown into this pond for a long time, and various
hack-yards emptied their otfal there. The heavy
rains of the spring, and the beating rains of this
summer, combined with excessive heat, have
found in this spot all the elements for a pestilence.
The debris of tne city filth, now lying between the
rope walk and the west side of Eleventh street, has
long been saturated with water. A western wind
inclining towards the southeast, blows across the
pond, and the decaying fillings on the west ifide
of Eleventh street, and its track marked the (tatli
of cholera perfectly. The wind blows across
Tenth street, and makes a slight inclination southward
towards Jefferson. litis was exactly the
path of the cholera yesterday in the infected district.
West of the pond there is general good
health, because the wind blows/mm the houses on
that side of the pond.
On the south side of Market street the ground
is made, and in wet weather the privies fill with
water, so that their contents rise annual to the surface
of the ground. In addition to this, the deputy
marshal! found pools of water under the house 1
in which the first case occurred night before last.
An immediate cure for drunkenness has been
discovered by a French Chemist. It is acetate of 1
ammonia, dissolved in sugar and water.
J 1 '' 1 1 {"'gg
Em Ik* Buiikm* Pom*
The editor of the Union wages war upon all
Soufjke rn Democrats, #ho ?pp<*e the ao-c&Iled |
4,A<y^atmet|t" of tfceSenatf'p Committee of Thirteen,
Not contented with loading them with
oidioua nick-names, such as 'ultraists," "extremiau,"'4,fuctjotii8ta,'*
4c., &-C-, he seeks by insinuations
and ih minima to brand them as disunionids.
For what? Why? Wherefore? In plain
truth, it is because they stand fust, without flinching,
upon principles and rights of which the editor
of the Union has been a leading advocate for half
a century. It is because they will not sanction
and endorse unwarranted assumptions of power
by the Federal Government, against which, more
than a thousand limes, this veteran editor has
protested,and which, more than a thousand times,
he has asserted would inevitably lead to disunion.
No candid reader of hie paper?no man who was
a reader of the Richmond Enquirer, while he was
its editor?will deny that, up to the beginning of
the present session of Congress, he had always con->
tended that disunion would result from theaesumn
lion of jurisdiction by the Federal Government
over the institution of slavery. Can he deny that
the "Adjustment" assumes that jurisdiction ? If he
denies it, every body knows, and its leading friends
vow, that one of the main purposes which it
professes to accomplish is, " to settle the slavery
question." Settle it how? Why, by admitting
California; thereby ratifying a tissue of usurpations?branded
over and over again by the Union
aj such?usurpations by which California is
attempted to be thrust into the Union as an Abolition
State, and the people of the South nre to be
divested of their equal rights in thut golden region
?rights which the Union has over and over again
admitted and contended for. And it is because
Southern Senators and Representatives will not
follow the editor of the Union with spaniel-like
servility; in this abandonment of admitted rights,
and this ratification of admitted usurpations, that
they nre thus branded alul denounced. To awe
them into submission, or hunt them down, he invokes
the spirit of party. lie charges Southern
Democrats with meditating the division and
destruction of the national Democratic party, and
with acting in concert with Abolitionists and Free
Soilers. Now I tuke it upon myself to prove, that
he, more than any other man, has fomented strife,
and sowed the seeds of discord in that party. The
Southern Democrats who oppose the Adjustment
are honestly maintaining the doctrines of the
Democratic party, as this editor has hitherto expounded
them, nnd as the great mass of that party
have hitherto understood them. The equal rights
of the States, and non-interference by the Federal
Government with the institution of slavery, have,
until recently, been contended for by Democrats
everywhere. The Southern opponents of this
scheme of Adjustment continue so to contend?
while the editor of the Union has faltered and
backed out, and is striving to induce or force
others to do so; and in this way he seeks to preserve
the union "nnd integrity of the Democratic
rr 1 i -** *? * "" 1
puny, ne inuy uepenu upon ir, inai even II lie
could succeed in coaxing or coercing Southern
Congressmen into his scheme, he would not ihereby
prevent dissension in the ranks of Democratic
voters at home. For, if he will look beyond his
own columns, and read aright the developments
of popular sentiment in the South, he will hud the
current running overwhelmingly urgatnrf the Adjustment
; that the opposition to it is gaining
strength daily; and that in entire districts?yea,
States?scarcely a Democrat can be found who
will sanction it without such alterations and
amendments, as would so radically change its character,
that its very fathers would scarcely own it.
Talk about dividing the Democratic party, and
charge Southern Senators and Representatives
with producing the division ! Whence come the
available votes of the national Democratic party ?
Let all true Democrats consider and answer.
And let all such be assured, that the National
Democratic organization is broken up?the National
Democratic party annihilated, the moment
the Democrats of the South (the majority of the
party) are given to understand, that acquiescence
in the principles of this adjustment bill, submission
to its practical effects?and a virtual ratification
of the usurpations which have begotten it,
arc tlie terms upon which alone they are to be received
and acknowledged as members of the National
Democratic party. Rather than submit to
such terms, thousands who huve stood fust by the
National Democratic flag, (yea, when even theedi:or
of the Union balked himself, and bothered
jthers as he is now doing,)?thousands who never
Doited from a National Democratic nomination?
who have ever sustained National Democratic nominees
through good and through evil report, will
itterly repudiate an affiliation with those who
seek to impose such terms upon them. In attempting
to impose such terms, the editor of the Union
is distracting and dividing his party here, and
throughout the country.
But Southern Democrats opposed to the "Adjustment,
" are charged with forming a coalition
with the ultra Abolitionists and Free-Soilers; and
is it by giving countenance to this slanderous
charge, that the editor of the Union expects to
promote harmony'in the National Democratic
party? To what extent have the Southern opponents
of the adjustment coalesced with the ultra
Abolitionists and Free-Soilers ? They vote together |
against the Adjustment?and for reasons diametrically
opposite, as the editor of the Udion knows
full well?and so knowing, he is playing a most
unjustnnd disingenuous game, in endeavoring to
create the impression that a coalition between them
exists for unpatriotic purposes. He dare not
charge Southern Democrats with uniting with
Hale, Giddings, Wilmot, Horace Mann, Seward,
and others of their stamp, in any affirmative mea- i
sure, to bind the people : but I charge, and the
records prove, that the editor of the Union, and
all who follow his lead in support of the Adjustment,
are in coalition with Mr. Clay, an avowed
emancipationist, and the master spirit of the
Federal Whig party?and with others, who have
always been Federalists and Free-Soilers. They
contend, as Mr. Clay contends, that slaveholders
are already excluded from the whole
of our newly acquired territory by Mexican 1
laws, and that they will be so excluded by the
Adjustment. So declaring and believing, they (
peremptorily reftise to declare those laws re- ,
pealed. Instead of that, they vow, that if they
did not so believe, they would vote directly
to exclude slave-holders. And it is while inclose '
coalition and active co-operation with men holding
these sentiments, and acting upon them in l
support of thiR vaunted "Adjustment," that the i
editor of the Union would have the Democracy of ]
the country to brand its Southern opponents with ,
trcnson to nnrtv and to countrv. I snv. mil u-itli
such democracy as that which this editor now advocates?while
in spirit and in truth?in deeds as
well as words, I claim to be, what 1 ever have '
been, A DEMOCRAT.
How. Thf.oiwrk fremngmrrssb wis, on
Wednesday hut, inaugurated President of Rutper'*
College, nt new Brunswick. The Cover- |
nor of New Jersey was present, and in presenting
him to the Trustees of tlie College, deliv- i
ered an address highly complimentary to the 1
worthy President. The inaugural of the latter (
was characterized by the sound sense and ^eminent
worth of its distinguished author.?A. Y.
Paper. 1
I
I eONGttMSfOIf AX.
| IN SlyN^TE, Mpap^y, July 39, 1950.
THE 9MITIIS03U5 IXSTSTITUTE.
The PRESIDENT pro. tern, laid before the
Senate the annual report of the Board of Regent*
of the Smithsonian Institute.
After soioe unimportant morning business, the
Semite resumed the consideration of the
ADJnSTMEST BILL,
The question pending was on the following
amendment moved by 31 r. Ruxubury, in lieu of
the 39th section?which section contains the proposals
to Texas relative to her boundary:
" That the President of the United States be
and he is hereby authorised, by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate, to appoint three
commissioners, who shall have power to agree
with such commissioners as may be appointed
under the legislative authority of the State of
Texas, upon a line of boundary between thfc
territory of the United States and the said State
of Texas, commencing at the point where the
Red river is intersected by the 100th degree of
west longitude, being the southwest angle of
the Indian territory, and running to a point on
the Rio Grande, to be agreed upon by "the said
commissioners, and also to agree upon tho
terms, conditions, and consideration upon which
such line shall be established; and the proceedings
and agreements of the said commissioners
shall be, as soon as passible, transmitted to tho
President of the United States, to be by him
submitted to Congress, with such recommendations
as the circuuistnices, in his opinion, may
require for the approval nnd action of Congress
thereupon; and the said agreement, when approved
by the Congress of the United States and
the legislature of the State of Texas, shall bo
obligatory upon the parties."
Mr. DAYTON offered an amendment to tho
amendment. It was to strike out all of tho
amendment after the first word "that," and
insert a proposition providing that the State o f
Texas should be authorized to institute a suit
against the United States in the Supremo Court,
for the purpose of ascertaining whether Texa?
or the United States owned the territory in dispute
on the Rio Grande. It provided also, th^ t
if Texas did not bring a suit within tweiv 5
months, the President of the United shoul I
bring the suit
Mr. D- said he offered the amendment for ,tho
purpose of ascertaining who would and who
would not be willing to let the question bo
decided bv the constitutional arbiter?the Supreme
Court.
Mr. RUSK denied the jurisdiction of tho
*!.:? n... ty.. ?:.i .l.
wuj'iTiiuc v/uuib 121 LI 110 umm'r. nu ?uiu 1119
amendment had been introduced for the purpose
of throwing the onus upon Texas, for tho
purpose of injuring her. He did not think tho
proposition a lair one, for it would leave tho
government in Santa Fe created by Col. Monroe
in operation, lie had no doubt but that tho
decision of tho Court would be in favor of
Texas, but by tlie time she had a decision, probably
five or six years honce, New Mexico
would be udmittcd as a State. This fact wou'd
show the unfairness of the proposition.
Alter some further remarks betwocn Sir.
Dayton and Mr. Rusk,
Mr. BENTON spoke in favor of tho amendment
of Mr. Dayton, and against tho amendment
of Mr. Bradbury.
Mr. CLAY replied to Mr. Dayton. He waa
in favor of the original amendment of the Sen.w
tor from Maine, (Mr. Bradbury,) but he cotfd
not sanction the amendment now proposed.
\f r 1 T \ nV.R VV^OOn tnnl: tin* uninn nrpAm /I
.... - S.VU.U
ns his colleague, (Mr. Clay.)
Mr. BENTON-replied. In the course of his
remarks, he said that all the measures in the
4 Omnibus" could and would pass, if they were
n separate bills.
Mr. CASS replied to Mr. Benton with some
warmth.
Mr. HALE was not inclined to favor the
amendment very much, considering the complexion
of the Supremo Court. That Court
was composed of five Southern men to four
Northern, and it was not the best tribunal to go
before, though he thought it better than appointing
commissioners.
Mr. DAYTON, Mr Butler, and Jlr. Ewino,
defended the Supreme Court against the charge
urged by the senator from Maine. They thought
it would act impartially in the case.
Mr. FOOTE, and Mr. Ewtng had some dispute
about the policy of the late President in
regard to this matter.
The question being taken on Mr. Dayton's
amendment, it was rejected by* the following
vote: |
ysas.*-Messrs. Baldwin, Benton, Chase, Clarke,
Davis, of Massachusetts, D.iyton, Dodge, of Wisconsin,
Ewing, Greene, Male, Hamlin, Miller.
Phelps, Seward, Smith, Turney, Upliam, Walker,
?18.
Nays.?Messrs. Atchison, Badger, Barnwell,
Boll, Berrien, Borland, Bradbury, Bright, Butler,
Cass, Clay, Clemens, Cooper, Davis, of Mississippi,
Dawson, Dickinson, Dodge, of Iowa, !
Douglass, Downs,fetch, roote, Houston, Hunter,
Jones, King, Manguin, Mason, Morton,
Morris, Pcarce, Pratt, Rusk, Sebastian, Shields,
Soule, Spruance, Sturgeon, Underwood, Wales, "
Whitcomb, Winthrop, Yulee.?39.
Mr. BENTON then offered an amendment I
providing that tlie Commissioners to be appointed
should not have expressed any opinion on the
subject; which was rejected.?Ayes 12, Noes
33. i
Tho question being taken on the amendment
of Mr. Bradbury, it was rejected by a tie vote
as follows :
Yeas.?Messrs. Atchison, Badger, Bell, Berrien,
Bradbury, Bright, Cass, Clarke, Clay, Cooper,
Dawson, Dickinson, Dodge, of Iowa, Downs,
Fclch, Footc, Jones, King, Manguni, Norris,
Pearee, Pratt, Shields, Spruance, Sturgeon, Underwood.
Wales, Whitcomb.?28.
Nays.?Messrs. Baldwin, Barnwell, Bentoo, i
Borland, Butler, Chase, Clemens, Davis, of Mas*
sachusetts, Davis, of Mississippi, Dayton, Dodge *
of Wisconsin, Douglass, Ewing, Greene, Ilale,
Hamlin, Houston, Huntex, Mason, Miller, Moi^
ton, Phelps, Rusk, Sebastian. Seward, Smith, i.
Soule, Tnrnev, Upliam, Walker. Yulee?28.
Mr. BRADBURY then submitted his amen I.
mem in a mouthed lonn, making u me uuiy oi
Hie Commissioners to Ascertain what rightfully
belonged to and was properly included within
the limits of Texas when she was annexed ai d t
it any t ime since that debate. j
Mr. Hale, Mr. Mason, and Mr. Tuhxet,
offered amendments to the amendment, which !
were rejected. I
And then the Senate adjourned.
HoCtK OK ReFRKSKXTATlVEI.
After prayer, the journal of the previous day ' j
proceedings were read, when
Mr. OLDS moved ihe suspension of the rule i,
to permit hun to offer a resolution, providing tl
Senate consenting, that Congress would take a re
iess from Monday, August 26th next, until tha 1
1st of November.
On this motion the yeas and nays wore calhtj . 1
and onlered. When '
i
I j
... x_J