The southern press. [volume], August 01, 1850, Image 1

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MECHANICAL ARTS tc SCIENCES.
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A Dictionary of Mnohlate, Mcnlmdw,
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Designed for Practical Working-Men. and those
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Edited by Ouvlk Btbnk, formerly Pressor qf
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Vol. 1. Washington, Thursday, August 1, 1850. No. 39.
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11 that U useful in more than one thousand dollars'
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6. Treatise on Mechanics. (Poisson.)
7. Allgemine Bauzeitung mit Abbildungen.
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8. Organ fur die Fortschri'te des Eisenbahnwescns
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10. Byrne's Logarithms.
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12 Silliman's Journal.
13. Algemeine Maschinen-Encyclopedia. (Hula*
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23. Origin and Progress of Steam Navigation.
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24. Essai sur 1'Induatrie des Ma tie res Textiles.
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26. Criers' Mechanic's Pocket Dictionary.
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60. Engineers' and Mechanics' Encycl jpedia.
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Artificers in Brass, Copper, and Tin.
Cutlers, and Workers ol Steel in general.
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THE SOUTHERN TRESS.
AUGUST 1.
THE TERRITORIAL QUESTION.
SPEECH OF
Hon. DAVID HUBBARD, of Alabama,
In the House of Representatives, Thursday, June
6, 1850.
In Committee of the Whole on the. state of the
Union, on the President's Message transmitting'
the Constitution of California.
Mr. HUBBARD said:
Mr. Chaihman: It has become my duty to
tell this House what my constituents expect at
your hands. They have paid their part in
money, and done their share of fighting l'or this
Mexican country, and expect me to get for them,
as partners, part of the land upon which they
may go, carry their property with them, own
and enjoy it, and remain part of this Union, undisturbed
in their rights. Tiiis is what they expect
of you ; and if you deny them this right,
no special pledding, no learned s]>eeches about
M non-intervention," or " non-action policy," no
proviso, or platforms for making Presidents, by
whomsoever made, or for whichever party, which,
in effect, takes all of the land from them, will
satisfy them.
You have to give them their share, or you
will repent it; and you had better set about it
at once. It will not require half the sense to
give them their due, that will be needed to cheat
tnem out of it; and if you want to keep them
quiet, robbing them is not the way to do it, and
the rules of this House and my o n self-respect
will not permit ine to say here what I think of
you. You make your pretended love of the
negroes ol tlie souin n pretext iur cueauug uiu
whites. Or rather, you pretend that your hatred
for slavery-extcntion justifies your disregard of
constitutional obligations.
It is my purpose, therefore, to examine this
matter, and compare abolition faith with abolition
practice, as well in Europe, v here it commenced,
as in this country, where it is to be accomplished,
(if at all,) with such destructive effects upon the
white races. And in doing so, I sliall jus if/
slavery in the Southern States, and defend their
people. I feel, sir, a contempt for the spirit, as
well as the intellect, of that Representative who
makes apologies for the institution which he has
undertaken faithfully to represent, and advises
Southern people to dismiss from their employ
every man who is ashamed of them. I, therefore,
assert, that the negro race is no where
upon the globe doing so well as among Southern
masters; and he is not of himself capable
?* - au/> for na liis i>nnncitv luia
VI a III^IICl ucnwu ? y ov 1 J
yet been developed, and is now in tlio happiest
condition of which he is cnpnble. But,
sir, I po further and assert, that he gets
more of 44 his own labor " for 44 his own use." than
any other people engaged in like pursuits under
any other Government known to me, where, a
different system of labor is established, not excepting
those sections of our own country where
population is numerous, and, the country old.
Should I succeed in making proois ui un?, u
will become apparent, tlmt this pretended love
for the negro race, both in Europe and here, is
alike hyi>ocriticnl and hollow-hearted; having
for its object the subjecting the greet body of
the white race to the most degrading and servile
obedience to Governments of unlimited power,
under pretence of giving liberty to the black.
I am willing to admit, that at an early day.
when there were constantly landed upon our
shores and sold, cargoes of Africans, ignorant
of our language and the labor they had to pursue,
who were but littlo nbovc the monkey or
baboon, and whom, in their wild state, it was
very difficult to make do any work?I am willing,
I say, to admit, that in this state of things
most of our eminent men thought African slaver)
an evil; and many of those (Mr. Jefferson
among the number, at one period of his life) so
expressed themselves.
But, sir, thev knew but little about it then
compared with what we now know. The negro
has improved tenfold since then. Ho is now a
kind, useful, domestic servant, and is the only
laborer that can bear the Southern climate, and
be employed to advantage in the cultivation of
those valuable productions of the South which
have enriched the whole Union, built up your
manufactures, extended your commerce, and
given the country an amount of prosperity and
power unequalled in the growth of nations.
And, sir, well knowing that African slavery has
produced so many benefits to all?even to the
negro himself?it is proper that I should tell
you plainly, that we ao not ourselves intend to
abolish slavery, or permit you to do it. Nor do
we intend to permit you to place us in shackles,
with a view to force us to abolish it in the
future, or to increase your sec ional power for
such objects. Nor do we intend to put our.
selves in jeopardy, to provide for the erection of
Presidential platforms to secure abolition votes
in making Presidents.
I have recently, Mr. Chairman, got hold of
proofs, taken in England, to show the condition
of farm laborers in that country, wherein the
amount of wages paid in the greater part of
Europe to this class of laborers, (white men,) is
set down iu money, and then a table showing
the amount of the different kinds of food a
week's wages would purehnse in each country
referred to; and I find tliat in England, France,
Germany, and Prussia, these wages will not buy
as much food as our liardest Southern masters,
who weigh and measure, allow to their negroes.
The negroes are housed, clothed, and waited on
in sickness; in addition to this, abundance of
good food; while the hired white European
laborers must deduct these items out of their
wages, and feed upon the residue. Which of
these is most a slave? And what is slavery '
An English tailor thought that the worst possible
form of slavery " where the laws were so
made, that an honest, capable, and industrious
man obtained the least amount of his own labor
for his own use." And if you will consult
Dickens, an English author of celebrity, you
will discover that a much greater amount of the
juices of life, health, and strength, can be pressed
out of a hired servant, tlian ever was, or could
be squeezed out of one that is owned; for the
very reason that a hired horse is harder used and
less fed, and does not live so long as one that is
owned.
These things are so well understood among
the lordlings of over-taxed and under-fed Europe,
that they, to divert the attention of their
own people from wrongs and oppression at
home, have raised this howl about the enormity
of negro slavery in America. And our Northern
people, some for one object, some for another,
liave taken up the same cry here, and brought
this crisis upon our country.
This, sir, has made it my duty to examine into
their claims to "superior wisdom, honesty, morality,
and humanity," for their institutions over
ours.
We will begin with the older Northern States.
These all did have black slaves once; but finding
them not profitable in their climate, they sold
them to the South and converted the money inA"
?/V,?a o . infai*not_l\Auvinir uf/wlrw
tu cupiuu Ul numc O 'IM % ill w^i vnv-?/v??i wv v?v,
lands, houses, &.c. And now, sir, thev have
nearly made slaves of the white hired laborers,
to pay the interests, rents, and profits upon the
same capital. It would be easy to prove, sir,
that the interest upon the price of a negro si 've,
sold ut any time, would forever muko a white
an impoverished dependent who afterwards hud
to pay it. I shall appund a short list of capitalists
in England and Massachusetts, which fully
illustrates my proposition, and may excite the
philanthropy of all honest men to investigate
now the masses in those countries are to escape
the bondage to capital to which they are now
subject.* Let us, therefore, proceed with New
York, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts, where
commerce has had its sway in tempting the
heart to knavery, and manufactures to despotism
over the hired laborer?the one in bargaining
for interest and profits, the other in reducing
wages. Let us see how matters stand in reference
to poverty, crime, and immorality, in these
great marts of commerce, civilization, and refinement.
The New York papers tell us, " thnt in the
last twelve months nearly eleven thousand persons
have been arrested for crime, and of these
arrests seven hundred and fifty-three were for
personal violence upon helpless females"?a
greater amount of depravity, immorality and
crime in a single city in one year, than has heen
charged in all of the Southern States together
against black and white for ten years. Crimes,
iwu, arc ciwi^cu a^nmov vnv ichmvu ?iu.?>/i?*...vs,
of cities which would make a cornfield negro
blush to hear named, and the nature thereof explained.
There is a gentleman over the way, sir, [Mr.
J. G. Kino] who attributes this grent amount of
crime in New York to the large foreign pauper
immigration from Europe, [Mr. K. assented.]
This, however, will not explain it, for the crime
and immorality charged against "New York,'"
and other eastern cities, are committed amon t a
slavehating and not a slaveholding people. The
criminals themselves, even by his showing, come
from slave-hating Europe, and commit their
crimes among you ; and there, as with you, the
system of hired labor has first made them paupers
and th^n criminals, r?.duoing them so low
in morals that they regard neither right nor
wrong?starvation, crime, and suffering being
more abundant where they come from, than in
the Northern cities to which they go. But, sir,
this thing never has happened, never will or
could happen where the laborer in domestic
service, is owned. No man, sir, owning negroes,
would be allowed to live in a Southern State,
who sutTcrcd his slaves to perish for food, clothing,
or shelter, while he had a cent's worth of
the slave's or even his own labor to live upon
himself. Can you say as much for the cities
! where you have the profits of hired labor in
I plenty ? You know you cannot. Look at the
| reports sent here by the sew ing women of I'hilai
delphia. They state that these poor women toil
from daylight until long after dark, making
clothes for market; and the merchants or dealers
give from eighteen to twenty cents a day,
out of which food and clothing for themselves
and helpless children must he had. and also the
nrineelv landlord takes his house-rent. Thev
! state further, air, that thev are often compelled
j to put out their little children to work, to assist
: in earning support at that tender age, when
1 Southern negro children plr.y mid gambol in
1 shade or sunshine, as best sluts them, in which
manner of life, (lie boys from neglect frequently
j become rogues and the girls do wiwae.
j Follow this subject a little further, and see
j the fruits of this system of demoralization in the
present conduct of the tire companies in the
j *Tne negro laborer in the Southern Slates,
when allowanced, has one bushel of meal and fifteen
pounds of bacon per month, with a good supI
ply of vegetables, should he use them. This gives
i the negro two pounds of bread per day, and one
; half pound of bacon.
i The " London Murk hint Exprtst,'' from which
, I quote, presents us n table showing the amount
| of wages paid to agricultural laborers in most
i of the European States by the week, and also
, shows how much bread, meat, potatoes, butter,
j and cheese the weekly wages will purchase,
i From this it is seen, that in Germany, Prussia,
France, and England, the average is forty-one
Itounds of bread, or fourteen pounds of meat.
)ut as there are at least three to feed on the average
for each laliorer, the weekly allowance is thirteen
and a half pounds of bread and no meat, or four
and two-thirda pounds of meat and no bread; and
if divided among all, gives about one |>ound of
bread and one-third of a pound of meat. But
houae, fuel, clothes, and medicine is to come out
of this, so that the negro geta more bread, and his
fuel, house, clothes, and meat, over and nhove
what the European hireling gete. Further comment
U useless.
same city, as reported by the public press. The
city is set on fire almost every night by the firei
men themselves, at remote points from the reai'
deuce of other fire companies, against members
of which they have a grudge. So that, when
those living at a distance come to put out a fire, 1
they can get the advantage, and whip them in
the absence of friends. And thus do the layvless 1
hold sway in this city of u Brotherly Love," at 1
the risk of life and property, and all thnt may be
sacrificed to the unbridled passions.
, Here, too, the labor is hired, and those pious 1
pretending philanthropists, instead of feeding, 1
clothing, and rearing the children of those poor '
sewing women, as they should be, and preventing,
or suppressing riot and disorder among '
their youth, are taking the profits made out of '
the daily task of the mothers, and paying it out 1
to support hypocrites, to agitate the people by 1
lectures, and annoy Congress with petitions for ;
abolition; and, strange to say, politicians north 1
and south, rather than lose their votes and sup- 1
port, either encourage them, or are silenL ' '
So much for the charity and humanity of fanaticism
as practiced in our principal freo soil
cities. Let us now inquire into its Christianity, 1
according to the best tests given us by its Divine 1
author. <
When the African was brought to this coun- 1
try he knew nothing of Cod, or a Saviour, as 1
worshipped by christians. He was then a can- 1
nibal and heathen. His descendants are now 1
immunized christians, few if any infidels being ]
ninatnir them. 1 will venture tnv life thnt T ran <
find a greater number of scoffers and infidels
and unbelievers in the Divinity of the Saviour '
within sight of the highest church-steeple in '
Boh to n, than can be counted among the three 1
million** of slaves in the Southern States, and 1
their owners, put together. And if northern
people think Christ worth preaching about, or
praying to, then all of these pretended abolitionists,
on Christ's account, are nothing but hypocrites
and blasphemers.
What would be thought of the tenderness of
that mother who seeing her child fall and bruise
itself, instead of picking it up and soothing its
sufferings, would leave her own in its gore, and
run gadding some half-mile to see if a neighbor
woman's child was not doing worse than hers 1
Who would like to be husband to suoh a woman
? Out of your own mouths are ye condemned.
You neither feed as well, clothe as
well, nor treat as kindly your hired laborer, as
we do the one we own, nor have you sis yet
proved yourselves better christians than we.
But there is a class of members who aspire to
tho distinction of statesmen, who take another
view of this question. They allege u that the
war against Mexico was brought about by slaveholding
Slates that the war was immoral, and
iuulhty, ui at iwim a piunucnii^ ui nu iuuuii
Mexican territory without cause, and if they let
slavery go upon it, we will be encouraged to involve
them in other wars for the acquisition of
more slave territory ; and therefore, to bind us
' to keep the issnee'1 in the future, they will not
allow any more new territory to be made slave
territory.
I have examined this view of the case, Hinco
it has been so extensively used, and neither I
nor my constituents can comprehend its morality
or justice. Let us put it in plain English, so
that we may understand it, by supposing that
one of two partners in business were to rob or
cheat a stranger out of his money or goods, and
that the hon"M partner, to prove his own abhorrence
of fraud and robbery, were to size upon the
whole and apply it to his own use, to keep the
Other partner from robbingand cheating again?
that is the substance of tho proposition. It
means neither more nor less. I am of opinion
that all of my constituents will not understand
this kind of morality. They have an idea that
property not honestly got, cannot bo honestly
held. They cannot, therefore, understand the
system of morals by which you seize upon all
of the Mexican territory, under pretence of your
being the honest members of the Confederacy ;
nrwl h.t mil nnvv In vnn thnt. an fur frnm
having morality or honesty enough in such arguments
to keep this Union together, there is not
honor enough in the p oposition "to hold a hand
of thieves together."
Having examined somewhat into your claims
for superior morality in relation to negroes, we
will inquire into your pretensions and practices
respecting the Indian tribes who inhabited this
continent. We had four powerful tribes residing
among us of the South : Cherokees, Creeks,
Choctaws,and Chiekasaws ; each of which have
doubled their population and more than trebled
their wealth within the Inst twenty years. They
are becoming christians; have built churches,
established printing presses, and regular forms
of government, and now exhibit to the traveler
every evidence of comfort and abundance. One
can be lodged, fed, and waited upon as he journeys
among them.
J3ut while this state of improvement was making
among these Southern Indians,the Northern
newspapers were filled, and the pulpits and
legislative halls were made to resound with
lamentations and waitings for the cruelties "which
the 8lavcholding South were inflicting upon
their poor, persecuted red brethren." A stranger
to Northern character would have supposed
ybu in fear of instant perdition and evenasting
torments, for even permitting such cruelties to
exist in the land.
You, however, had Indians among you during
all this time ; but where are they now? Blasted,
dried up, eaten out, or driven off; scarcely a
remnant has been left of each of those once
powerful tribes, so completely have they been
consumed by these Indian-negro-loving-philanthropists.
These arc about the recorded evidences
of the condition of the Indians residing
in the different sections of the Union, as furnished
by the Indian Bureau; and if you had
the same chance at the negro, he would fare no
better with you than the Indian, your superior
morality to the contrary notwithstanding.
You sometimes console yourselves, however,
with the idea, that you have used the Indians
up in " a peaceable way." That is, you have
trculed him out of his country ana nie; ana some
of you have gone so far as to erect "statues" to
the memory of the man who bought the great
an<l wealthy State of Pennsylvania with a few
strands of beads and a little red ribbon. Upon
this subject, however, I wish to submit, for the
consideration of my friend who represents part
of the "city of brotherly love," [Mr. Robbins,]
a question : " Whose chance he would prefer
to take in the next world, old Daniel Boon's,
who obtained Kentucky in fair, manly fight,
with rifle and tomahawk, or that of the "man of
peace," who bought Pennsylvania with a few
beads and a little red ribbon ? So far as I
know, both may be in Heaven, but [ would
rather risk thp chance of the Kentuckian.
Since our Northern brethren have sold us the
Africans as ,laves, they would make the present
generation believe that they were afflicted with
very tender consciences;' but I can assure
you all that it is "no new thing" with them,
i'hey had it vested in use for profit before this;
yes, sir, they even made money by it before our
Revolution; not, indeed, so much as ut present,
but still quite a thriving business was carried on
for the time, according to the account of " Benedict,"
an English Baptist, who visited this conntry
to look up his persecuted brethren throughout
the Old Thirteen. After recording the
hardships, sufferings, and persecutions to which
his sect were subjected oy the Puritan estab
lishinents North, and the Catholic and Episcopalian
South, the author gives this account of
the traits of character peculiar to the people of
each section, who were peraecutora of his denomination,
which will answer pretty well aa a
descriptive picture now : The poor persecuted
Baptists * aid not conform" (that was their
crime) to tlie creeds of the established churches,
and were everywhere punished for w non-conformity."
Roger Williams, the illustrious
founder of Rhode Island, was not good enough
to live " outside of a prison " in Massachusetts
or Connecticut, without luiving a fine set upou
liim.
The historian, however, states that " there was
ti marked difference in the mode of punishment,
to which the Baptists were subject in the different
colonies. In the South, the inhabitants
rented their malice by trving to disgrace the pertons
of the preachers, 'rhcy were sometimes
taken out of the pulpit and ducked in ponds, or
tarred and feathered, to make them desist; at
rttKnra ilniims nmnn lutafnn aiwi itn_nawa
to prevent their being heard. ,Rut in the North,
the Puritans used wholly different means?
they charged high for license to preach, and upon
retusal to pay, arrests were made, magistrates
and constables were employed, jail fees, court
wets, tines and forfiturvs, were rendered against
them. Nothing short of money couldqniot their
tender consciences toward those who disagreed
with them in opinion. But, says Benedict, if
you would only pay the price, you might nonjonform
to all eternity!
ThiH, sir, is the account given, nearly one hundred
years ago, by an impartial witness, without
motive to choose between sections: and now, as
then, our Northern brethren have 44 tender consciences,"
and do not like for others to do uny
thing which offends their 44 moral sense? unless
you 44 pay the price of the license," which at present
amounts to the whole country obtained from
Mexico, whether by treaty, purcliasu, or conquest.
A fair money account will show that it is a sum
almost beyond credibility, if you suppose it ever
will be submitted to. The California accounts
Btate that an able-bodied negro man is worth in
the mines Ave thousand dollars, and hires readily
for one thousand dollars a year. Now, it is clear,
that, had our people been allowed freely to carry
their negroes to that country without hinderance,
at this day negroes throughout the Southern
States would have been worth three hundred
dollars more each than t.hev Are?at h>?nt one
thousand millions of dollars beyond tlu< present
value of tlie whole?a sum suflicient to raise and
pay an army ten times the size of the army of
the Uuitcd States; to construct all of the canals
and build all of the ruilrouds needed in each of
the Southern States. All of which we are required
to lose, give up, and part with, to quiet
your pretended conscientious objections to the
extension of African slavery, which you assisted
in bringing to this country, and the price ol
which hid is now in your pockets. I am not willing
to make such sacrifices, nor do I think my
constituents will disagree with me upon this
subject
It is not true, Mr. Chairman, us alleged upon
this floor, that white people in the South without
slaves " are n despised and worthless race,"
"despised by owner and negro;" not one wort!
of it is true; so fur from it the greater number
of our public officers are elected from this class
of people. The reason is a very plain one
With us, none but u black man will be a waiter
a servant, and obey orders; a white man wil
not do it; he fuels above it; and therefore al
upright white citizens arc placed upon an equu
footing as freemen?all black men, bond or free
are equals as servants. With us it is color unc
race which gives distinction; with you it
wealth?with you it is the pursuit, the service
which degrades, and wealth that exalts, in public
estimation; and it is this which makes you so
love money and shift so to get it.
The relations, therefore, between our people
make permanent and lasting fricndsliips between
rich and poor, and there is no portion of the
globe where so few suffer from poverty. All
enjoy political equality who are white and upright
citizens, and no act that you could psss woulc
be permitted to change these relations, by put
ting black and white on an equal footing. Tin
ver / threat and attempt to do so, hns nirend]
nearly torn asunder every ligament which bindi
us together, and you need not wonder if ever)
white man among us, except a few traitors, (anc
as many of them will be found among the rich
as the poor,) will feel it his duty to resist any
law intended to deurade him to an eouulitv with
the black.
You eould not pay the expense of separating
the races; and the negroes made free eould not
live together as equals with the whites. One
race would destroy the' other. The whites will
not agree to be made slaves of, to pay the expense
of sending oft* the blacks. It would be
far cheaper, and more agreeable to ull parties, to
keep the negro as he is ; make him work to feed
and support such armies as will be able to thritsh
soundly all intermedlers, from whatever country
they may come. You will be apt to find this
out if you press this question upon us. I know
that we have been threatened with thirty 01
forty regiments, if we resist abolition insolence
under the pretence of executing the laws of tht
Union.
I have an old Whig constituent, who says
that to the North, this would be like a " woll
hunt"?most other gnme rewards the hunter
either in the pleasures of the chase, or in the fui
or flesh afforded ; but the wolf runs hard, fights
hard, kills or hurts the dogs with which he u
pursued, and when caught and killed, has ncithei
" fur to w rm" nor "flesh to feed his pursuer."
Instead of getting pay for killing him, it requires
pay for each scalp, to get him hunted and
killed.
So will it be with your Abolition regiments
you must march ham, fight hard, and when you
get a negro from us in that way, according tc
your notions and professions, you can ncithei
eat his meat, nor wear his fur, and no otic will
pav "for the scalps you take."
1 know you well, nnd know that upon these
terms you will not fight much. A few of those
" hunts" will satisfy your militia colonels, and
convince all, that your people who want our negroes,
had better follow their old trade of enticing
thein away from their owners, and afterwards
"hire them" on their own terms, by
threatening to carry them back to their offended
masters, if they should want better wages.
It has been said here, sir, that the defeat ol
our army at Bladensburg, and the burning ot
this city, by the British in 1814, is evidence that
slavery unfits the population, where it exists,
for self-defence. The same might be alleged
against Northern institutions, for Hull's surrender,
and other disgraces which attended our armies
on the Canadian frontier. Those members,
however, who alluded to the affair at Bladensburg,
have forgotten to state, that this same
British army was defeated, aye, demolished, by
a much inferior force of Southern men at New
Orleans.
I believe that men from either section of the
Union will fight when oxcited by what they
deem sufficient causes. The North, during the
last wnr, may not have supposed that it would
pay expenses, and on that account be unwilling
to 44 take risks;" but I am thoroughly convinced
they will usually fight if anything is to be made
by it; but 1 have shewn that she has no chance
o make a cent by a negro abolition war.
I suppose some notice must be taken of the
proposed measures as political platforms for
making President*. A* to the first, " the Wilmot,"
it is a plain, direct proposition to exclude
the Southern people, by law, from carrying
their property and enjoying its use upon territory
to which they have an equal right with th*
people of the North. The Southern States
have considered this so insulting, that they liave
many of them resolved "to resist it." I believe
it is uow deemed a littla dangerous to attempt
to rear another platform on this plan, without
giving it another name.
The Wilraot, therefore, by name, has been for
the present abandoned. One, however, for "Democracy,"
has been roach talked of, to be called
"non-intervention," the broadest plank of which
is to be tuken from the north side of the "Nicholson
letter," and fitted up with a few Southern
materials, which can eusily be obtained. But
this, also, 1 believe, 1ms been abandoned. Another
platform for Whiggery, to be oalled "nonaction,"
was also spoken of. This was so much
like "non-intervention," that' it has been laid
aside, and a third plan proposed, likely to nnite
as much of each of the others as will accomplish
the same object as the "proviso," and yet get us
clear of the name.
Thirteen skilful workmen, taken promiscuously
from both of the great parties, have been
months engaged upon this last platform, but the
mime first selected, ("compromise,") as well as
most of the materials to be used, having been
previously condemned by Southern people, it was
thought ratiier hard upon them not to take a
name they fancied, as they were to get nothing
else. An old popular political priest of the
South was therefore called upon to select a new
name, and he christened the bantling " adjustment
but whether it will answer the purpose
of making a coalition President, or even pay the
fees of the christening, remains yet to be Heen.
We are all certain, however, that it will do the
same injustice to the South as the "Wilinot,"
besides the ten millions we are to be taxed for
the payment of Texan bonds, which my constituents
may think is paying rather deur for only
getting clear of an ugly name.
In these States the citizen is not " a subject,"
or owned by the General Government, as men
arc under most other countries; but on the contrary,
uach citizen is a partner with all others,
for whose use the Government was formed. He
owes obedience to the laws made in pursuance
of the compact of partnership; and so do all
other citizens through Congress and the other
public offices, owe like obedience?the officers
themselves, for the time they hold their offices
being trustees to execute this compact between
the i>eople of the several States, as sovereign
communities or States ; this Congress and the
other departments of the General Government,
constituting the Government, not being sovereign,
there is no allegiance due it as to sovereigns
in other Governments; but obedience is
due its lawful enactments. Congress can as
' much commit treason against this compact, and
the liberty it was intended to secure, by violating
the Constitution in muking laws, as the citizen
in breaking laws constitutionally nuido. There
is no difference in principle. The obligations of
good faith are mutual?as binding upon Government
as upon people.
If, therefore Congress pass a law to deprive a
' citizen of hi* right to property; or any other
> right secured to him by the Constitution, it is no
offence to break such law, and may become one
, of the highest duties which a citizen owes tc
himself or country not to submit towuch an en1
croaclimcnt upon his rights.
1 1 know that the worshippers of tyrants anc
. despots in every age and country, never like tc
I hear the duties of kings, governments, and pubi
lie officers oven so much as named. Such inei
, are always ready, and have their mouths filled
: with words and threats to scare people with, and
> prevent the utterance of unpleasant truths.
In monarchies and despotisms these wordf
are " treason," " disloyalty" to the king, and
i such like expressions. In our country, when
s any great outrage is intended, 44 Disunion" is the
I word used for the purpose of alarming weak and
t timid men into submission, and frightening into
1 silence such ns may be disposed to make public
- complaint against Government fur its crimes.
J 1 must, therefore, offer a few remarks upoi;
f the Bubjeet of "Union" and " Secession."
* Good men, who understand what is going on
r are "disunionists" under bad governments?bac
I men under good ones.
i Washington, Frunklin, Jefferson, Adams, anc
' all that tribe of patriots, were disunionists, whei
George the Third disregarded the rights of thirteen
American colonies; and they broke up siu-i
Union and formed u new one. The Tories whe
profited by that bad government, were all 44 unior
men," and cried out " treason, treason," ns loudly
n<1 uomo nt tltn nrnuiaiif /!?>%' tl'lwin tlw> tumnln nl
the Southern States talk of not submitting to
your wrongs.
The reason for such conduct is as easily understood
now us then. That class in the United
States, North as well as South, who want advantages
over their fellow-men secured to them, desire
now, and have always desired, a strong, pow
! erful, and arbitrary government?one too strong
for the people?"a bad government," to secure tc
them such advantages as they seek. This canno
> be had through any one of tne States alone, anc
> hence they desire constantly to enlarge the pow
ers of the General Government, that through ill
i vast powers money may be collected from th<
f many, and divided out to the favored few, bj
means of "enactments," constitutional or uncon
I stitutionul. For Government enactments are the
only robberies that public opinion as yet, in this
1 country, will allow one citizen to practice upon
1 another with impunity, slave stealing by a Northern
from a Southern man only excepted.
^iWhen, therefore, these robberies become exteni
sive, and the citizens who sutTcr try to shake off
[ the plunderers, by denouncing the act under which
they cluim the right to oppress, who so ready to
. cry out "disunion! disunion! and treason!" ae
' these very legalized robbers and plunderers? The
very men, or class of men, therefore, who de1
spised and maligned the Government when it was
just between man and man, and between section
' and section, whether they lived North or South,
are all at once converted into lovers of "union,"
s and only respect the Government when it is con
verted into a machine for plunder.
| Thus it is seen why good men are disunionists
under bad governments, and bad men under good
ones.
Our constitution was formed, therefore, to protect
the citizen against crimes committed by government,?for
the benefit of bad men?seeking spoils
1 through the aid or corrupt men, wno migiit De
| called together to administer public affairs.
> Tyrants and despots in both Eurone and Amer
rica, who have become alarmed at tne danger to
; which " their cry/l" has been exposed by constit
tutional government, have sought to break down
| our Constitution, by attacking slavery in the
Southern States, knowing that when the Constitution
was destroyed, it could not again be rebuilt
without great sacrifices. All, therefore, who aid
them, (and those who propose to submit, do but
aid them,) instead of destroying the slavery of
i the black man, destroy in fact tne liberty of the
white man. The armies and navies, now threatened
ogninst the South, to compel submission to
the Abolition movements of government, will be
kept up and quartered upon the labor of both
black and while; not for the defence of freedom,
but to support such armies of office-holders and
privileged interests, as a government unrestrained
in power may suppose to be needed for its perpetuity
and security.
There will then be union, indeed, but no such
thing as liberty regulated by law. There will be
two classes still; but, inste?ul of white and black
constituting separate classes, it will be wealth,
office, power, and a privileged few on one side,
and labor, toil, subjection, and degradation of
. . w
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Is published oo Tuesdays, Tknkji add Salankys
of aaohweak.
' Tho Southern Pi?*,"?Weekly,
la published every Saturday.
...
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ELL WOOD FIHfUEK,
Washington City.
?I?m??s??
multitudes on the other. I am for noeuch union;
1 am for the Union left by Washington and our
revolutionary fathers?a government securing the
rights of the weaker aection or humblest citizen,
aa faithfully aa those of the strong, wealthy and
powerful. For such Union you had the blood of
my fhlher and his kindred in the Revolution, of
myself and kindred in the lost war, and you shall
have that of our children for the continuance of
such a Union; but a Union formed of bad men,
to break up the righta secured to the South, to
put black and white racea upon a fopting of equality,
and to degrade the Southern State* from their
poaition in the Confederacy, to forge the white
man'a chains, and fasten him to " a government of
unlimited powers," under pretence of setting the
bla< k man free?I am for no suqH Union.*
Before I conclude, I wish to speak a word to
Southern members, and through them to the Southern
people, upon the subject of our own miscon
UUClf arising 1IUIII UUJT inuuuaiva aim i ivaiau*|^?
among one another. It is our own division*
which hat enabled the Northern section of the
Union to encroach upon the rights of our constituents.
And our conduct here for. the Uet ten
years reminds me of an incident reported in history,
where England was trying to reduce Scotlend
to submission by arms, sir William Wallace
was the patriotic leader of the Scots, end
England, like our Northern opposers, had seduced
many of the Scottish leaders into her armies,
Robert Bruce among others. In these contests, it
is related that one day, after a bard-fought battle,
Bruce sat down to his meal with the English nobles,
with his hands all besmeared with the blood of
his own countrymen slain in the battle;upon seeing
which, a haughty English earl could not conceal
his digust. " Look, said he, " at that Scot; see
how he eats his own blood." This insulting taunt,
although true, cut Bruce to the heart. He could
not ent another morsel, but quietly rose from the
! table without uttering a word. That night Bruce
joined the standard of his countrymen, and never
rested or slept quietly until every hostile foot had
been driven ftir beyond the M Scotish border." J
I, sir, never hear a Southern man speak against
(118 necuuil ui uuuimjr, VI icnu a uvuvhvi it
opposed to us, but 1 think that soraesool, calculating
Northerner, but the English noblemen, is expressing
his disgust " for the fellow who eats his
own blood."
When will every true-hearted Southern, like
Bruce, leave the cainp of the oppressor, and join
the standard of his own country? Until then, the
North will neither regard our rights, nor respect our
feelings.
APPENDIX.
The earl of Buccleugh is reputed to have a
yearly income of one hundred millions of dollars.
The principal, according to the rate of interest in
England, must be about thirty-three millions. Lord
Durham is poorer; his annual income amounts
only to three hnndred and thirty-three thousand
dollars. To create the wealth of the first, required
the incessant labor of above sixteen thousand
white men for forty years; and it will require the
constant labor of twenty thousand more white
men as long as the British Government lasts to
pay the annual interest.
Lord Durham's estate did not require the labor
of above six thousand while men, (giving up all
but food and clothing,) for forty years to make it,
and will not require more than the labor of seven
or eight thousand forever afterwards to pay the
interest.
In Boston, we are told that one hundred and
seventy-nine men own together tw?nty-seven millions
of dollars. Their estates required the whole
labor of fifteen thousand white men nearly forty
years, to create the capital, and allowing interest
at the rate of eight per cent, per annum, (which,
according to their own account, they divide out,)
' it will require twenty-one thousand six hundred
" white laborers to part with one hundred dollars
each annually, out of the proceeds of his own
I wages, to pay the interest.
1 Verily these men do not want black slaves
among them when they are so much better served
i by white.
I But, sir, this is only the commencement of the
I evil in this country. For, when money or capital
increases at the rate of eight per cent., and popu,
Iation, only at the rate of three per cent., the first
I doubles in twelve and one-half years, is quadrupled
in twenty-live, and goes on increasing in this
ratio of progression, so that one hundred years
1 hence, our once nlain cod-fish eating gentry of
Boston, getting their eight per cent, dividends,
1 will so far outstrip these English dukes, earls and
! lords, in every thing but the titles as will entirely
put them in the shade. It is no wonder, therefore
i that these pretended saints (if our workiea will
benr it) should desire to get clear of pur simple
republican Constitution of eoq/V derated States, to
| fasten upon the backs of the American people a
consolidated National Government of unlimited
powers, which, as in Europe, can add the coveted
1 titles, as well as secure tne wealth, and where
l people dare not even ao much as speak of the
. crimes of Government.
i Were I now to exhibit the enormities of ner>
milling; Government to go in debt at a rat? of in,
terest greatly exceeding the rate of increase of
? population or labor, it would open a new chapter
P in political economy to the view of the laboring
population of the codntry, startling to them, and
' which would fill with dismay the oppressors themselves,
from apprehension that certuin and immediate
retribution awaited them.
In making complaints against Northern Representatives
on this door, I wish to make an ex'
ception in favor of the gentleman from the Bucks
' district, Pennsylvania, [Mr. Ross,] who, not'
withstanding the objections of his constituents to
the institution of slavery, will not give any vote
which he believes will violate the Constitution,
even to gratify their wishes. He, properly in my
' judgment, places the question upon the true and
' proper ground, the only one which can hold us
' together as one people?the Union as our fathers
| leA it?the terms of which connection are found
in the Constitution in the sense in which our
1 fathers intended whtn it was made, and not in
the sense in which aboltion desires would interpret
it.
53" Jenny Lind is the heading to a very
amusing parody on Campbell's famous ode on the
i battle of Hohenlinden, which we find in a Boston
newspaper :
" On Lind, when Barnum's sun was low,
And bootless was the Mermaid's show,
The lessee counted for a flow
Of rhino to his treasury.
11 And Jenny Lind whose ready sight
Saw Barnum in his golden light,
Said, for a "thousand" every night,
She'd sing to all Amerika."
Gold-Mining in Virginia.?Mr. Williams,
the manager of the Culpepper Gold Mine, on the
Rapid Ann river, seventeen miles from Fredriokaburg,
has given the New York Tribune, by request,
the following statement of the results of
his operations during the last seven weeks:
" He is working twelve stamp-heads and two
Chillian mills with twenty-four men, mostly
blacks, at a weekly expense of #120, to which
#30 may be nded for wear and tear of machinery
and other incidentals, so that the entire outlay is
#160 per week, making #1,050 in all the cost
of Beven weeks' working. The product has
been 3,400 dwts. of gold, worth at least #3,300.
or over three dollars return for every dollar of
current expenses. At a cost of not more than
#10,000, the extent of operations and profits
might easily be quadrupled. And this be it observed,
include* no lucky windfalls, but is the
product of simple, straightfordward, every-day
mining. The advantages of this mine over
others are breadth of vein, height of back or
elevation above the point where the vein is now
opened, and an sbundasne of available waterCwer;
but even these may be rivaled by other
Cities, while the ores of several arc richer in
gold."