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The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, August 31, 1850, Image 4

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H* dONSiONMFNT.?Onk Trmrudku^lt
1/ DK0GJiw\7>.-?l ,(XK) pair Oak Tanned Ruasett
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FV?r sale hy R. A. PR1NGLE,
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THE orapro industrial exi1ib1 ]
tiom of mi.
MBK*fnn> or mr (i:\tiui, committmc run ihb uniixo
Pursuant to the notice given, the Cenhral Committee
mete at the room* of tne National Institute, in the
Patent Oikce, o? Thursday etening, the 13th lueUnt,
at 0 o'clock.
The meeting was called to order by Profi wor Walter
K. Johnson, on whone motion Col. Perer Force
wa? called to the Cliaii, and Charles F. Staubury
chosen Secretary of the meeting.
This temporary organization having hcen effoetod,
th? couinuUec proceeded to organize permanently by
the appointmens of the Hon. Millard Fillmore, Vice
President of the United States, Chairman, and Prof.
Walter H. Johnson Secretary.
At I In- tlm remiest of the Chairman. fCol. Force A
the following paper* were read by Prof. Johnson, in
explanation ol the appointment and duties of the
committee :
Stati; Department,
Washington, May 17, 1850.
To the Prenidcnt qf the National InUilutc
for the Promotion qf' Science.
Sir; I have the honor herewith to transmit copies
of a correspondence which has taken place between
the Minister Plenipotentiary of her Majesty
the (Jucen of Great Britain and this Department relative
to the proposed Industrial (Exhibition to be held
in Condon in the year 1851.
From the circular of the Royal Commissioners of
Great Britain, hereto annexed, it will be observed that
all objects intended to lie introduced from foreign
countries and entered for that (Exhibition are required
to have been first submitted to and approved by a central
authority or commission of the country from
which they shall be brrought, and that no other will
be recognized as a central authority except such as
shall have been so certified by the Government of the
country in which it exists.
That American industry and arts may be enabled to
appear in lite place allotted tothi-m, it will be indis V...U-.KL.
tl*tat ft rs?/urnivMi nositral autKnritv fihfllllH Im?
? ? '? ? ?? J I
constituted ; and I ant under the impression that the
National Institute, having been regularly incorporated
by act ol1 Congress, and being habitually engaged in
matters pertaining to the arts and sciences, is the
proper body for taking tlie initiative in constituting
such a central authority.
I therefore beg leave to submit to its consideration
the interesting and important subject which has been
brought to the attention of this Department by the
distinguished Envoy of her Majesty's Government,
and to request such action or suggestions as may seem
necessary in order that the natural productions, the
ingenuity, industry, and arts of the United 3tates
may be fully and suitably represented on the interesting
occasion herein referred to.
1 have the honor to be, very respectfully, yours,
This communication was laid before the National
Institute, and by it referred to n select committee,
which brought forward the following report:
Report qf the Committee of the National Institute:
The special committee, to which was referred
the communication from the Hon. John M. Clayton,
Secretary of State, relative to the formation
of a centra) authority for transmitting articles to
the Industrial Exhibition to be held in London in
1851, oflersthe following report:
The committee, impressed wi'h the importance
of (he subject commended to the Institute, have
given to it their earnest and careful attentionThe
resources, the ingenuity, the industry, and
arts of the United States are conceived to merit
he best eddeavors to prooure for them the opporunitics
of being adequately represented iu the
.Trent Industrial Exhibition at London.
Aggreeably to the programme adopted by the Royal
Commission, no articles are to b? received from
Foreign Exhibitors except those which shall have
been approved by a central authority, recognized as
such by the Government of the country from which
they ate sent.
This Institute being the only Society for the Prootion
of Sclftnce and the Arts, directly incorporated
by the Government, the Secretary of State has deemed
k the appropriate body td take action or make suggestions
relative to the fulfilment of the wishes of the
TtOyal Commissioners, by the establishment of such a
central authority as the case seems to require.
To this Voluntary proposal on the part of the Secretary
of State, U>e committee consider tiie National
Institute in duty hound to respond.
In accordance with this view, the committee respectfully
recommend the following resolution :
1. Resolved. That the Imiitute will take action
on the subject submitted to it by the Department of
Resolved, That the lustitute do now proceed
to constitute a committee suitable to be recognised by
the Government as a central body to hold correspondence
with the British Commissioners, and to secure
the reception of American pioductions at the proposed
Industrial Exhibition in London.
WALTER R JOHNSON, ^ Committee.
National Institutk,
Washington, May 27, 1850.
Sir i I have the honor to make known to the Department
of State the action which this Institute his
taken on the subject of your communication of the
17th instant. That action is comprised in the following
resolutions, unanimously adopted jitter full discussion
at the meeting held litis cveni^.
"lit solved, That the In titute will take action on
the subject submitted to it by the Department ot
"Resolved That the Institute do now proceed to
constitute a committee suitable to be recognised by
the Government to hold correspondence with the
British Commissioners, and to seoure the reception of
American productions at the proposed Industrial Exhibition
in London.
[ "Resolved, That a committee of not less than nineteen
be appointed to constitute a Central Committee
on the Industrial Exhibition, and to correspond with
societies and local committees throughout' the United
"Resolved, That the President of this Instituto he
a member of the Central Committee.
"Resolved, That the Corresponding Secretary communicate
to the Secretary of State a copy of the foregoing
resolutions, together with the names of the
Central Committee."
The following are the names of the members or
the Central Conunktec appointed in accordance with
the foregoing resolutions :
Hon. Millara Fillmore, Vice President of the United
States, and ex officio Chancellor of the Regents of
the Smithsonian Institution.
Col. Peter Force, President of the National Institute.
Hon. James A Pearce, U. S. Senate, member of the
Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution.
Hon. Levi Woodbury, M. N I., Associate Justice of
the Supreme Court of the United States.
Commodore Lewis Warrington, U. S. N., M. N. I.,
Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance and Hydrography.
Prof. Joseph Henrys Vice President of the N. I., Sec
rctary of the SmitlMonian Institute.
Prof. Yv alter R. Johnson, Corresponding Secretary of
the National Institute.
Prof. Alexander D. Bache, M. N. I.? member of the
Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institute, and
Superintendent of the Coast Survey.
Commander Charles Wilkes, U. S. N., M. N. I., late
Commander 8. S. Exploring Expedition.
Hon. William W. Seaton, M. N.I., Mayor of Washington.
Hon. Jefferson Davis, U. S. Senate, member of the
Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institute.
Lieut. Matthew F. Maury, IJ. S. N ., Vice President
of the National Institute, and Superintendent of the
National Obsservatory.
J. James Greenough, Esq., M. N. 1.
Charles P. Stansbury, Esq., Recording Secretary of
the National Institute.
Col. J. J. Abcrt, M. N. I., Chief of the Topographical
Gen. Joseph G. Tottcn, Vice President N. I , Chief
Engineer, U. S. Armv.
Thomas Ewbank, Esq , Commissioner of Patents.
William Kasby, Esq., Treasurer National Institute.
Leonard 13. Gale, M. D., M. N. I., Examiner of
Joseph C. G. Kennedy, Esq., M. N. I., Superintendent
of Census.
*ra C. Seaman, Esq., M. N.I.
1 have the honor to be
Very respectfully, your obt erv't,
Cor. Secretary of the National Institute.
Hon. John M. Clayton, Secretary of State.
Department or State,
Washington, ,hme 8, 1850.
Sit : I have duly received your letter of the 27tli
ultimo, commuuicating to th'w Department the proceedings
of the National Institute on the subject of my
note of the 17th of the saine month. Those" proceedings
appear to me to he pcrftctiy satisfactory ; and I
have accordingly transmitted them to the British Minister
in this city, with the communication, a copy of
which is enclosed for your informati.m.
I am, sir, respectfully, your obt Sbrv't,
Wai.ter N. Joiinson, Esq., Corresponding
Secretary of the National Institute.
Department or State,
U aahingtrm, .hme 1, 1850.
Sir : I hare the lienor to transmit to you herewith
a copy of th? correspondence which has passed between
this Department and the National Institute for
the Promotion of Science, respecting the organisation
of a committee to constitute the central authority required
by the regulations of the Royal Commission on
' I i i i i limn 11 11 i 111 ilia
the pn|M9ed Industrial Kiliibitiun, to correspond with
them in L<ii)doft, a nil with societies, local committees,
and individuals lu (his coon try, and to sanction the
forwarding of articles applicable to the exhibit ion.
I wed hardly say to you, sir, that the prooeodiags
>t tlie National Institute, as set forth la this correspoudense,
meet the approbation of the Impertinent, which
has full confidence in the committee named by that
1 avail myself of this opportunity to renew to you
the assurance of my high and distinguished conode
rat ion. JOHN M. CLAYTON.
Hight Honorable Sir H. L. Bolwbr, tec.
Extract from the Circular <\f the Royal Commissioners.
"The Commissioners have felt Unit U would be
desirable, as far tut possible, to prevent any persons
from sending hither articles which cannot be
admitted, rather than to reject the articles after
their arrival in London. They feel also that the
delicate and res|s?nsible task of deciding on the
admission or rejection of articles rdestined for ex
lulntion by foreign comnuuiors ougnc noi 10 oe imposed
upon any English tribunal, but should be
referred tu one iving the confidence of the exhibitor*
then<*? .vcs, and standing entirely free from
pnsaibl* .uputations of national partiality. They
accc rngiy propone to admit to exhilrition such
foreign urtteles only as may be forwarded to them
by the Central Authority ^whatever may be it*
nnturel in each country. They will communicate,
to audi Central Authority the amount of ounce
which can be allowed to the prnductiono of the
country for which it acta, and will alao otate the
conditiono and limitations which may firom time
to time-be decided on with reaped to the admiaoion
of articleo. All articleo forwarded by auch Central
Authority will then be admitted, provided they
do not require u greater aggregate amount of
apace than that assigned to tlie productions of the
country from which they come; and, provided,
| alao, that they do not violate the conditions and
limitation!* of which due notice shall have been
given. It will real with the Centrul Authority in
euch country to decide upon the merits of the
several articles presented"for exhibition, and to
take care that those which are sent are such as
fairly represent the industry of their fellow-countrymen.
" Her Majesty's Commissioners will consider
that to be the Central Authority in each case which
is stated to be so by the Government of Us country.
Having once been put in communication with a
Central Authority in any country, they must decline,
absolutely and entirely, any communication
with private and unauthorized individuals ; and,
should uny such be addressed to them, they can
only refer to h central body. This decision is
essentially necessary, in order to prevent concision.
" No articles of foreign manufacture, to whomsoever
they may belong, or wheresoever they may
be, can be admitted tor exhibition unless they
come with the sanction of the Central Authority
01 me country 01 wrucn iney are me prouuce.
The Commissioners do not insist upon such articles
being; in all cases actually forwarded by the
Central Authority, though they consider that this
would generally be the most satisfactory arrangement
; but it is indispensable that the sanction of
such authority should in all cases lie expressly
given, and that it he held responsible for the fitness
of such articles for exhibition, and for not
authorizing the exhibition of n greater quantity
than can be accommodated in the space assigned
to the productions of the country in question."
A full discussion was then had of the subject
thus laid before the committee, and, on motion of
the Hon, W. W. Seaton, it was?
Resolved, That the Committee of five first charged
with this subject by the Institute (substituting
Mr. Kennedy for Mr. Greenougli, who is absent)
be an Executive Committee to take all necessary
steps to carry out the views of the general com
The following gentlemen constitute the Execu
tive Committee : Col. Peter Force, Prof. Walter
R. Johnson, Prof. Joseph Henry, J. C. G. Kennedy,
Esq., Capt. Charles Wilkes.
On motion?
Resolved, That the Secretary be requested to
prepare the proceedings of this meeting for publication.
And the Committee adjourned.
Secretary of the Meeting.
N. B.?Associations,committees, or individuals
desirous to make propositions or to receive information,
are requested to address their communications
to J..C. G. Kennedy, Esq.
Was commenced on Saturday, the 4th of May,
1850, under its original name?instead of Riclutrds'
Weekly Gazette?as more significant of its peculiar
character, it being the only weekly organ of Literature
in the entire South! It is
Greatly Enlarged and Improved,
Containing weekly Thirty-two Columns of
matter. It is, moreover, in an
Entirely JV'eto Dress
'from bend to foot," and upon beautiAif wnrtr
paper, so that, in mechanical excellence, it is not
surpassed by any paper whatever in the United
States! It continues under the same Editorial
direction as heretofore, and no pains or expense
will be snared to make it
A Choice Fitmily Nhcejutpcr,
"as cheap as the cheapest, and as good as the j
best!" Utterly discarding the notion that a
Southern journal cannot compete with the Northern
weeklies, in cheapness and interest,
The Southern Literary Gazette
rivals the best of them In all the characteristics of
a truly valuable fireside Journal. Its aim is the
diffusion of* cultivated and refined taste throughout
die community?and it embraces in its ample
folds ever species of intelligence that can tend to
this result. ,
Original Contributions,
from many of the ablest writers in the Souths
chiefly occupy its columns, hut not to the exclusion
of choice miscellany, selected from the best
American and European sources.
The tone of the "Gazette" is independent >r
criticism and in the discussion of every legitimate
topic, but it is strictly
Mutral fn Politics and Religion !
Its columns are occasionally embellished with
Southern Portraits ami Landscapes,
engraved expressly for the work, and accompanied
by biographical and topographical sketches.
Its General Information
is copious, but carefully condensed from the
leading journals of all parts of the world.
Notwithstanding the great increase in the size
and attractions of the paper, it is still published at
7Hro Dollars Per Annum, in Advance !
it will be furnished to persons becoming responsible
for the whole number of copies, and having
them sent to one address, on the following terms :
Three copies, $5
Five copies, 8
Ten copies, 15
Fifteen copies, 20
Twenty copies, 25
Fifty copies, 60
rcr-Aif o rders must be accompanied with die
money, and addressed, post pai, to
^nanesion, Vy.
Formerly Solicitor of the General Land Office.
Attorney and Cocnsem.or at Law,
Continues to practice in the Supreme Court ot
the United States, in the Courts of the District or
Columbia, Maryland ?nd Virginia, to prosecute
claims of nil kinds against the United States, either
before Congress or any of the Executive Departments,
and to procure letters patent for inventions.
Business confided to Ins care, will be
promptly attended to.
N. B. Particular attention pnid to the prosecution
of claims before the Brazilian Commission
now sitting in Washington.
Washington Citv, D. C. July 11, 1850
RA. riUNGLE, No. 30, East Bay -street,.
Charleston, South Carolina.?Importer ol
French CALF SKINS; Manufacturer's Agent
and Denier in BROGJ.\"S, BOOTS and SHOES-,
Advances made on consignment of Brogans or
Southern Manufacture. Parties wishing to consign,
will send samples of their make, und on receipt
of their consignment, a liberal cash advance
will be made. Information promptly imparted,
as to the style, but adapted to the trade.
Charleston, S. C., July 16, 1850.?dly
To Southern Gentlemen or Literary institutions.
A young man, a graduate of St. Mary's College,
Baltimore, wishes to obtain as ituatiou
as AssiHtant in an Academy, or Private Tutor.?
He is qualified to tench the highest branches ot
Greek,Latin, French, Natural Philosophy, Chemistry,
Mathematics and English Literature.?
The highest testimonials aa to character and qualifications
can be produced. Address, post-paid.
C X. V. Post Omra, Baltimore, Md.
Addrcn t? the regie ef the Setftheni
At i< large meeting ol Soother* member*
of both Houses o< Congress, held at the Capitol
ou the evening of the 7th ultimo, the
Hon. Hopkins I*. Turn ey, of Tennessee,
having been appointed Chairman at a previous
meeting, took the Chair; and, on motion
of the Hon. David Hubbard, of Alabama,
the Hon. William J. Alston, of Alabama,
vruo 0|J|?uiuic:u v.ioiiciaij*
Whereupon, the Hon. A. P. BtrrujR, of
Smith Carolina, from the committee appointed
at a preliminary meeting, reported an Address
to the Southern people, recommending
the establishment, at Washington City, ol a
newspaper, to be devoted to the support and
defence of Southern interests; winch wag
read, and with some slight modifications,
The following resolution was offered bv
the Hort. Thomas L. Clinuman, of North
Carolina, and unanimously adopted by the
JUaolvtd, unanttiunu/ly, That the committee, in
publishing tiie Address, be instructed tu give with it
the names of tip: Senators aud Representatives in
Congress who concur in the proposition, to establish
the Southern Organ, as manifested by their subscriptions,
to the several copies of the plan in circulation,
or who may hereafter authorise said committee to include
their names.
Maryland.?Senator: Thomas G. Pratt.
Virginia.?Senators: R. M. T. Hunter,
J. M. Mason. Representatives: J. ASeddon,
Thos. II. Averett, Paulus Powell,
R. K. Meade, Alex. R. Holladav, Thos
S. Bocock, H. A. Kdmundson, Jeremiah
North Carolina.?Senator: WHlie P.
Mangum. Representatives: T. L. Clingman,
A. W. Venable, W. S. Ashe.
South Carolina.?-Senators: A. P Butler,
F. H. Elmore. Representatives: John
McQueen, Joseph A. Woodward, Daniel
Wallace, Wm. F. Colcock, James L. Orr,
Armistead Burt, Isaac E. Holmes.
Georgia.?Senators: John McP. Berrien,
William C. Dawson. Representatives: Jo
seph W. Jackson, Alex. H. Stephens, Robert
Toombs, H. A. Haralson, Allen T.
Alabama\?Senator: Jeremiah Clemens.
Representatives: David Hubbard, F. W.
Bowdon, S. W. Inge, W. J. Alston, S.
W. Harris.
Mississippi.?Senator. Jefferson Davis.
Representatives: W. S Featherston, Jacob
Thompson, A. G. Brown, W. W. McWillie.
Louisiana.?Senators: S. U. Downs,
Pierre Soule. Representatives: J. H. Harmanson,
Emile La Sere, Isaac E. Morse.
Arkansas.?Senators: Solon Borland, W.
Sebastian. Representative: R. W. Johnson.
Texas.?Representatives: Vol. E. Howard,
D. S. Kaufman.
Missouri.?Senator: D. R. Atchison.
Representative: James S. Green.
Kentucky.?Representatives: R. H. Stanton,
James L. Johnson.
Tennessee.'?Senator: Hopkins L. Turney.
Representatives: James H. Thomas,
L Frederick P. Stanton, John H. Savage.
Florida.?Senators: Jackson Morton, D.
L. Yulee. Representative: E. Carrington
And upon motion, the meeting adjourned.
Attest :
Wm J. Aliton, Secretary.
The committee to which teas rejerred the
*duty of preparing an Address to the people
of the slaveholding Stales upon the
subject of a Southern Organ, to be established
in the Ci'.y of Washington, put
forth the following:
Fellow-citizens: A number of Senators
and Representatives in Congress from
the Southern States of the Confederacy deeply
impressed with a sense of the dangers
which beset those States, have considered
carefully our means of self-defence within
the Union and the Constitution, and have
come to the conclusion that it is highly important
to establish in this city a paper, which,
without reference to political party, shall be
devoted to the rights and interests of the
South, so far as they are involved in the questions
growing out of African slavery. To
establish and maintain such a paper, your
support is necessary, and accordingly we
address you on the subject.
In the contest now going on, the constitutional
equality of fifteen States is put in
question. Some sixteen hundred millions
worth of neero property is involved directly,
and indirectly, though not less surely, an incalculable
amount of property in other forms.
But to say this is to state less than half the
doom that hangs over you. Your social
forms and institutions?which separate the
European and the African races into distinct
classes, and assign to each a different sphere
in society?are threatened with overthrow
Whether the negro is to occupy the same
social rank with the white man, and enjoy
equally the rights, privileges, and immunities
of citizenship?in short, all the honors
and dignities of society?is a question or
greater moment than any mere question of
property can be.
Such is the contest now going on?a contest
iu which public opinion, if not the prevailing,
is destined to be a most prominent
force ; and yet, no organ of the united inter
ests of those assailed has as yet been established,
nor does there exist any paper
which can be the common medium for an
interchange of opinions amongst the Southern
States. Public opinion, as it has been
formed and directed by the combined influence
of interest and prejudice, is the force
which has been most potent against us in
the war now going on against the institution
of negro slavery; and yet \va have taken
no ctlectual means to mak* and maintain
that issue with it upon which our safety
and perhaps our social existence depends.
Whoever will look to the history of this
question, and to the circumstances un- ,
der which we are now placed, must see i
Mini nnr rw>?ilinn is one of imminent danger. I ,
j- n ; ami
one to he defended by all the means, |
moral and political, of which we can avail .
ourselves in the present emergency. '1 he (
warfare against African slavery commenced, i
as is known, with Great Britain, who, after |
having contributed mainly to its establish- i
ment in the New World, devoted her most |
earnest efforts, for purposes not yet fully ex-i r
plained, to its abolition in America. How }
wisely this was done, so far as her own col- t
onies were concerned, time has determined; a
and all comment upon this subject on our j
part would he entirely superfluous. II, l:
however, her purpose was to reach and env v
barrass us on this subject, her efforts have *
not been without success. A common origin a
a common language, have made the. English c
literature ours to a great extent, and the \
? i -rfriri ' ' i ii
efforts of the British Government end people
to mould the public opinion of elf who
speak the English language, hare apt been
vain or fruitless. On the contrary, they
bare been deeply felt wherever the Eng
lish language is spoken; aud the more
efficient and dangerous, because, as yet,
the South has taken no steps to appear and
plead at the bar of the world, before which
she has been summoned, and which she
has been tried already without a hearing.
Secured by constitutional guaran'.ies, and
independent of all the world, so far as jts
domestic institutions were concerned, the
South has reoosed under the conciousness
of right and independence, and ioreborne to
plead at a bar which she knew had no jurisdiction
over this particular subject. In this
we have been theoretically right, but practically
we have made a great mistake. All
means, political, diplomatic, and literary,
have been used to concentrate the public
opinion, not only of the world at )at^ge,*but
of our own country, against us; and resting
upon the undoubted truth that our domestic'
institutions were the subjects of no Govern
ment but our own local Governments, and
concerned no one but ourselves, we have
been passive under these assaults, until
danger menaces us from fcvery quarter. A
great party has grown up, and is increasing
in the United States, which seems to thiiiK
it a duty they owe to earth and heaven to
make war on a domestic institution upon
which are staked our property, our social
organization, and our. peace and safety.
Sectional feelings have been invoked, and
those who wield the power of this Government
have been tempted almost, if not quite,
beyond their power of resistance, to wage a
war against our property, our rights, and
our social system, which, if successfully
prosecuted, must end in our destruction.
Every inducement?the )ove of power, the
desire to accomplish what are, with less
truth than plausibility, called "reforms"?
all are offered to tempt them to press upou
those who are represented, and, in fact,
seem to be an easy prdy to the spoiler. Our
eqality under the Constitution is, in effect,
denied; our social institutions are derided
and contemned, and ourselves treated with
contumely and scorn through all the avennes
I ? I. I . . . 4. L I A. _ A. I 1.
wmcn nave as yei Deen openeu 10 me puulic
opinion of the world. That these
assaults should have had their effect is not
surprising, when we remember that, as yet,
we have offered no organized resistance to
them, and opposed hut little, except the isolated
efforts of members of Congress, who
have occasionally raised their voices against i
what they believe to be wrongs and injustice.
It is time that we should meet and maintain
an issue, in which we find ourselves involved
by those who make war upon us in
regard to every interest that is peculiar to
us, and which is not enjoyed in common with
them, however guarantied by solemn compact,
and no matter how vitally involving our
prosperity, happiness, and safety. It is time
that we should take measures to defend ourselves
against assaults which can end in
nothing short of our destruction, if we oppose
no resistance to them. Owing to accidental
circumstances, and a want of knowledge of
the true condition of things in the Southern
States, the larger portion of the press and of
the po'itical literature of the wotld has been
directed against us. The moral power of
public opinion carries political strength along
with it, and if against us, we must wrestle
with it or fall. If, as we firmly believe, truth
is with us, there is nothing to discourage us
in such an effort.
The eventual strength of an opinion is to
be measured, not by tne number who may
chance to entertain it, but by the truth which
sustains it We believe?nay, we know, that
truth is with us, and therefore wa should not*
shrink from the contest. We have too much
staked uDon it to shrink or to tremhie?a
property interest, in all its forms, c? incalculable
amount and value ; the social organization,
the equality, the liberty, nay, the existence
of fourteen or fifteen States of the Confederacy?all
rest upon the result of the
struggle in which we are engaged. We
must maintain the equality of our political
position in the Union ; we must maintain the
digi.ity and respectabil.ty cf our social position
before the worldj and must maintain
and secure our liberty and rights, so far as
our united efforts can protect them ; and, if
possible, we must effect all this within the
pale of the Union, and by means known to
the Constitution. The union of the South
upon these vital interests is necessary, not
only for the sake of the South, but perhaps
for the sake of the Union. We have great
interests exposed to the assaults, not only of
the world at large, but of those who, constituting
a majority, wield the power of our
own confederated States. We mUst defend
those interests by all legitimate means, or
else perish either in or without the effort. To
make successful deience, we must unite with
each other upon one vital question, and make
the most of our political strength. We must
do more?we must go beyond our entrenchments,
and meet even the more distant and
indirect, but by no means harmless assaults,
which are directed against us. We, too,
can appeal to public opinion. Our assailant;
act upon theory, to their theory we can op
pose experience. They reason upon an
imaginary state of things to, this we may
oppose truth and actual knowledge. To do
this, however, we too must open up avenues
to the public mind ; we, too, must have an
organ through which we.can appeal to the
world, and commune with each other. The
wai.t of such an orpan. heretofore, has been
perhaps one of the leading causes of our present
There is no paper at the Seat of Government
through which we can hear or be heard
fairly and truly by the country. There is a
paper here which makes the abolition of slavery
its main and paramount end. There
are other papers here which make the maintenance
ol political parties their supreme and
controlling object, but none which consider
the preservation of sixteen hundred millions
of property, the equality and libertv ot lourteen
or fifteen States, the protection of the
white man against African equality, as paramount
over, or even equal to, the maintenriance
of some political organization which is
to secure a President, who is an object of
nterest not because he will rertainly rule, or
icrhaps ruin the South, hut chiefly lor the
eason tliat he will possess and bestow office
mil spoils. The South has a peculiar posiion,
and her important rights and interests
ire objects of continual assault from the maority;
and the party press, dependent as it
s upon that majority tor its means ol living,
vill always be found laboring to excuse the
ssailants, and to paralyze all eHorts at resist- c
nee. How is it now? The abolition party
an always be beard through its press at
he Sear of Government, but through what
1 " 1 ','.BBgS5ggg*gg*ggaMMi
organ or preaa at Washington can Soutl.ei
inep cooimuokato with Uj? world, or wil
each other, upon their own peculiar intei
eata? So far froari writing, or permittin
anything to be written, which i? calculate
to defend the rights of the South, or state i
case, the papers here are engaged in lullin
the South into a false security, and in mar
ufaeturingthere an artificial public sentiment
suitable for some Presidential platform
though at the expense of any and every in!
tcrest VOQ fnar noeaess. no matter how deai
or how vital and momentous.
This state of things results from party ob
ligations and a regard to party suceess. An?
they but subserve the ends of their estab
lishment in consulting their own interests
and the advancement of the party to whicl
they are pledged. You capnot look to then
as sentinels over interests that are repugnan
to the feelings of the majority of the self
sustaining party.
In the Federal Legislature the South ha;
some voice and some votes; but over the public
press, as it now stands at the Seat o
Government, the North has a controlling influence.
The presa of this city takes its
tone from that oi the North. Even out
Southern press is subjected, more or less, to
the same influence. Our public men, yes
our southern rren, owe their public standing
and reputation tpo often to the commendation
and praise of the Northern press. Southern
newspapers republish from their respective
party organs in this city, and in so do*
ing, reproduce?unconscious, doubtless, in
most instances, of the wrong they do?the
northern opinion in regard to public men
and measures. How dangerous such a state
?f k. 4L_ ?J.ia_ -4
ui viuu^f iiiuqi uc iv me iiuciivj ui yuur 1 cpresentatives
it is needless to say! They
are but men, and it would be unwise to suppose
that they are beyond the reach of temptations
wnich influence the rest of mankind.
Fellow-citizens, it rests with ourselves to
alter this stat?of things, so far as the South
is concerned. We have vast interests, which
we arc bound, by many considerations, to
defend with all the moral and political means
in our power. One of the first steps to this
Sreat end is to establish a Southern Organ
here, a paper through which we may commune
with one another and the world at
, large. We do not propose to meddle with
political parties as they now exist; we wish
to enlist every southern man in a southern
cause, and in defence of southern rights, be
he Whig or be he Democrat. We do no t
propose to disturb him, or to shake him in
his party relations. All that we ask is, that
he shrll consider the constitutional rights of
the' South, which are involved in the great
abolition movement, as paramount to all
party and all other political'considerations.
And surely the time has come when ail
southern men should unite for the purpose of
self-defence. Our relative ix>wer in the
r \ A / i I IT * -*|
legislature 01 tne union is aiminismng witn
every census; the dangers which menace us
are dajly becoming greater; and, the chief instrument
in the assaults upon us is tlie public
press, over which*,owing to oursupineness,the
North exercises a controlling influence. So
far as the South is concerned, we can change
and reverse this state of things. It is hot
to be borne, that public sentiment at the South
should be stifled or controlled by the party
Let us have a press of our own, a* Hie
North has, both here and at home?a press
which shall be devoted to Southern rights,
and animated by Southern feeling; which
shall look not to the No,rth but the South for
the tone which is to pervade it. Claiming
our share of power in Federal Legislation, let
us also claim our share of influence in the
press of the country. Let us organize in
every Southern town and county, so as to
send this paper into every house in the land.
Let us take, too, all the means necessary to
maintain the paper by subscription; so as to
increase its . circulation, and promte the
spread of knowledge and truth. Let every
portion of the South furnish its full quota of
talent and money to sustain a paper which
ought to be supported by all, because it will
be devoted to the interest of every Southern
man. It will be the earnest effort of the
committee who are charged "wllft these arrangements,
to procure editors of high talent
and standing; and they will also see that the
paper is conducted without opposition, and
without rejerence to the political parties of
the day. With these assurances, we feel
justified in calling upon you, the people of
the Southern States?to make the necessary
efforts to establish and maintain the proposed
The Southern Quarterly Review.
Wamcf.r & Richards, Proprietors &c Piiblsshrrs.
TERMS?<15.00 per annum, payable in advance.
? ?
The publishers of the Soothf.rn Qharteri-t
Review beg leave to entreat the attention of the
public to that W6rk, to return thanks for the invariable
indulgence which has smiled upon its
progress hitherto, and to express the hope that
this countenance will not be withdrawn, now that
the publication, passing from the hands of the
former publisher into their own, makes, iui it
were, a fresh start in the pursuit of a well known
progess. They cannot allow themselves to doubt,
that?with all their former contributors, with the
addition of many new ones, not less valuable and
distinguished?under the conduct still of Mr. W.
Gilmore Simms, its sole Editor during the past
year?and with the assurance which tne subscribers
now beg leave to give, that the work will be
henceforward issued in a style very superior to
that of the past, on better paper, with a fine new
type, and with a regard to neatness and finish,
which will leave it second to none in thecountry?
they will continue to receive that patronage which
thai'r own endeavor and the claims of such an organ
seem reasonably to demand.
The writers for the Review include the greater
number of the best and ablest names of the
country. They represent the highest literary
talent of the South, and reflect truly, with a native
earnestness, force, and fidelity, the real policy
and the peculiar institutions or our section.
We entreat the people of the South, whd feel
the importance of such & periodical as the Review,
to czc.use its deficiencies, and generously lend
themselves to its assistance. With their counte
nance nnd concurrence, it can become the established
organ of domestic opinion?the champion
>f our rights and character abroad?the guide and
:oumtel to intellectual progress and proper taste
it home'?the arena in which the better minds of
Jie country may always distinguish themselves,
ind find the proper provocation to execution nnd
>erft>rmance-?the wholesome authority to which
\<e may always turn for the correction and reitraint
of mule and undigested speculation. These
ire all objects of the last necessity to a civilized
>eople, wuo have anything to gain by enterprise,
>r any thing to lose by remissness and inaiftermce.
Once more, we ask from the patrons of the
leview, indulgence for the past, and such symj
>athy and support for the fnture, as ore due to the
ital interests which it faithAilly serves, and the
haracter which it seeks to establish.
All communications should be addressed
ruhlinhns Southrm QvirrUrly Rrrirv,

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