Newspaper Page Text
L * *'-41- . <?M?u>*fcr-4?
iL^-.- . - -. *-?.>. , ' -?-- ... 'riia!..^ *> '' > For tie Southern Prtst. v j Th* present situation of public affair* ia auch aa to arrest the attention of he moat indifferent. Aa the prosperity of every citizen depends upon that of his country, an enlarged srlfi-Jineas, if no higher motive, should induce a consideration of j public affairs at this time. It is the duty of every citizen at this season of danger, to lend nia aid, to work the ship of State through the perils by which she is surrounded. Politicians have brought her amid the breakers, the people only, can safely conduct her through. I hold it to be proper then, that every citizen, who has arvopinion, upon the subject, should give it to the public ; that in the suggestions of various minds the truth may be elicited, and the wisest policy pursued. Under this impression, I propose to submit a few considerations on the present condition .of things. I am no politician ; I abhor the scramble for the spoils which is dignified with the name of politics. I am a neither a democrat, nor a whig. I have no offtee ; I am seeking none. I am merely an observer of public affairs. I have no bias in any direction. I shall treat the subject in its general relations, in the abstract, as a whole. I shall speak the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. If I err, it shall be unintentional. I solicit from my countrymen at the South, a dispassionate consideration .of my views. I propose to consider the object far which the Federal Government was established ; how that object has been attained; ifit has not been attained, the causes of this failure; the remedy, if it there be a remedy within uie union, ana u 1101, the remedy beyond the Union. The object of the Federal Government, as of every other government, is two-fold. Protection without and protection within. Let any one turn thin mailer over in hie own mind, and reflect carefully upon it, and he will see that the whole object of the Federal Qoverument ia, aa I have stated, protection. Protection without, from external aggression, and protection within, from internal aggression. There are certain fundamental rights, which require the protection of Government ; they may be resolved into the three following : The right of property, personal security, and personal liberty, if tneee receive protection, Government attains the end of its creation ; if not, it fails to do so. Let us see how the Federal Government has attained its end. As 1 have said, the object of the Federal Government is protection, external and internal. As regards the former, protection from external aggression, I admit that the Federal Government has been entirely successful. 1 shall therefore not lose an v time on this Doint.but proceed at once to consider how the Federal Government has discharged its o,ffice of affording internal protection. First, as regards the right of property. A large portion, perhaps the largest portion of the property of the Southern Slates, consists in slaves; and ulI other property at the South is intimately connected with,and dependant upon the value and stability of the slave property. The slave property cannot be impaired in value, without impairing in value all other property at the South ; it cannot be destroyed,without destroying all other property. What has been the aetioir of the Federal Government in regard to this pecitlar property at the South ? Let history answer. In 1830, this species of property was prohibited from being introduced iiortn or a certain line. This was a direct attack by the Fedft-al Government on slave property, and a protestation against it. All other property might go into the territories, but slave property, ir it meant these, it became forfeited ; thus did the Government at that early day, express its sense of the-walidity and legality of this kind of property,?thus did it discriminate between this and all other property. Furthermore, there has been formally years, a constant, und increasing agitation in Congress, upon the subject of slave property. The title and legality of no other kind of property is questioned,but slave property, this is constantly questioned'.questioned by the very Government instituted for its protection. The journnlsof Congress show that there is more time spent upon this subject, than all other subjects put together. The Government instituted to protect our property, occupies itself to the exclusion of all other matters in evincing its hostility to our property. T*> read the debates in Congress, one would imagine that he was reading the proceedings ofan Abolition convention,and this by the Government, instituted, sustained and paid by us to protect our property. Besides this agitation, constant and disturbing, the most hostile propositions against our property, a^p entertained with favor by Congress ; as the abolition of slavery in the Distriot of Columbia,?exclusion of slave property from the conquered territories,?submitting to the vote of the people of the District of Columbia, including sluves and free negroes as voters, whether slavery should be abolished there,?nboi;.'"" "InvBru ill the furls nnd arsenals of the United States. And to crown the cutalogueof! enormities, it has even been proposed to enroll I the slaves in the militia. Besides, what the Federal Government has it self done hostile to slave property. The free States, portions of the confederacy, have proceeded to the most violent and hostile extremities against our slave property. They have carried on ugilation systematically in every shape to the utmost extent, for the direct and avowed purpose ofdepriving us of our property in slavies. They invited our slaves to run away, and when' this has been done, they have refused to deliver them up, and prevented by violence their recapture in utter disregard of the Constitution. From the best information that can be obtained, our actual monied loss in fugitive slaves has been at the lowest calculation at the rate of $200,000 per annum for the last ten years. Take one fact: A gentleman in Mnryland stated to a friend of mine a few weeks since, that in the last twenty years hisfather hnd lost thirty two negroes, fugitives to Pennsylvania. Look at the amount of rewards offered at rttis time in the Maryland papers, for the recovery of fugitive slaves; the rewards alone, amount to over ?30,000. These facts speak for themselves. Besides,encouraging our slaves to run away, the people of the free States, some of them at least, have used every effort to excite our slaves to rebellion. And this, by the citizens of our sister States, a part of the confederacy formed to protect the very properly, the object of their attack. But it may be said that the Federal Government is not responsible for the action of the free States, or their citizens,,?but when we are considering whether the Government, the confederacy, ttie political partnership has answered its purposes, it is perfectly competent to show as I have Hone, mill me memoers 01 me comeuerncy uisregard the obligations they have undertaken to perform, and act in violation of the ends of the association. The Federal Government is the corporation of which the free States are members; if the members violate the objects ol the corporation,? and the corporation can afford no remedy, as is the case with the Federal Government in this regard, .then the corporation has failed of its object, and the bad conduct of the members at variance with the purposes of the corporation, may be properly brought up in judgment against it.? Therefore the hostile action of the people of the free States to the slave property of the South, is a just cause of complaint against the Federal Government. I think it cannot be denied that the action of the Federal Government and the free States is hostile to slave property; that the Government has done and is doing very much to impair and destroy slave property? Anil therefore it follows necessarily, that the Federal Government has failed to afford protection to the property of the South ; that so far from protecting the property of the South, it has declared war against it. Now what is the effect of this hostile position of the Federal Government to slave property? Can anyone who knows how sensitive capital is, that it shrinks from dnnger instinctively, doubt that the agitation of the slavery question has lessened the value of slave property ? If so, he is blind to experience. The puolic funds are the true political thermometers. A change of ministry, a birth, or a death, a victory or a defeat, are visible in the rising or falling of the funds. From the moment Napoleon landed from Elba until the battle of Waterloo, the funds fell steadily. The history of a country may be read in the books of her public stocks. Property is proverbially timid , uie oversetting of a cart caused a run upon tliA Uiinlr r\f l^nrrlnrwl If miltlir AinHs lire ?o ftPIl silive, so sympathetic with the slightest events, j how is it possible that slave property can do otherwise than full in value tVom the attacks made upon it by the Federal Government. It has so fallen. Compare the price of Rfaves with their price in 1838, when the great staple, cotton, was but very little higher than at the present time. Then negro fellows were worth from twelve to fourteen hun-1 dred dollars ; now they are worth but about seven hundred dollars. In 1838, the Abolitionists were j insignificant; no one feared them : now they have become powerful; prudent men are alarmed. Twelve years of agitation has reduced the value ; of slave property much more than any one im- ! agines. I think it may be safely assumed, that i the slave property of tne South has been dimin-1 ished in value by the agitation on the subject, to the extent of at least fifty dollars a heed. This may seem high, but I am satisfied, as an average, thnt it is under the mark. I invite u<vention to this point. 1 beg thai persons who have the fticij^ * - * ** if "WPIMP w".'1*1 fipp \m ' ''*:JSP ' itieeof making the inquirjTinlay ascertain the price of slaves at previous period#, when the price of cotton was at or about what it now is, and that they will compare the price then, with the present price, and if the depreciation in the value of slave property can be accounted for on any other ground than the anti-alavery agitation, I hone it will be done. In the meaiiume I insist that the slave property of the South has depreciated in value filly dollars on each slave, on account of the anti-slavery agitation. The total number of slaves is say 4,000,000 ; the total loss, then, at $50 a piece, is $200,000,000, (two hundred millions,) which I submit is a moderate statement of the actual monied loss which the South sustains at this moment from the anti-slavery agitation of the Federal Government. Having seen how the Federal Government has fulfilled its mission in regard to the protection of the property of the 8outh, let us see what guarantees it extends to personal security and personal liberty, those other great rights for the protection of which it was established. These are very easily disposed ofj they both, at the South, depend upon the stability of the slave property. If the property in slaves is essentially weakened or destroyed, the security and liberty of the South are gone; for if history has inculcated any one lesson beyond another, it is thut the two races cannot live together in equality. War, the war of races and castes, with its most horrid enormities, is the inevitable lot of the South, if her property in slaves is abrogated. We have the picture before us in the fate of St. Donrfingo?the shock of armies, the torch of the incendiary, tlie knife of the assassin, labor abandoned, the sanctuary of domestic life violated, a struggle for altars nnd firesides, a land delivered to rapine, brutality, blood and barbarism. So far, then, as the Federal Government has weakened the tenure of slave property, or may hereafter weaken it, to the same extent la and will tYie security and liberty of the Southern people be endangered, impaired and destroyed. I think, then, it may he assumed that the Federal Government has failed to afford that internal protection to the great rights of property, security and liberty, for which it was instituted. The Federal Government has then only accomplished one part, and that the least important of its mission, protection front external aggression; it has entirely failed to afford protection from internal aggression; on the contrary, it has weakened the tenure, diminished the value, and threatens ultimately to destroy the slave property of the South, and as the security and liberty of iheSouth depend on the inviolability of slave property, they too have been wounded by the assaults on the slave property. Assuming then that the Federal Government has failed to accomplish its mission, so far as domestic protection is concerned, which is its most important object; as we are naturally protected from foreign aggression, by the great ocean which laves our shores, and rolls between us and the passions of other systems and other societies. I propose to examing into the causes of this. Why is it, that the Federal Government, estabtablished to protect the property, security, and liberty of the South, has not only failed to accomplish this great office, but has actually attacked these great rights? A consideration of these causes may be instructive, if from the lessons of the past we may learn wisdom for the fbture. There are two great classes of causes, those existing at the North, and those at the South. Of the first class, the great peculiar and active cause has been the existence of n party, known as the ultra-Abolitionists. Like fanatics in all ages, they are men of one idea, they have sacrificed every thing else for that, and though not a very numerous party, they have been compact, active, and violent, and in the close divisions of the two great political parties at the North, they have been able by their weight to turn the scales, and thus by compelling both parties to seek their aid, they have caused both parties to assume their principles. Thus the fanatics of the North have given the direction to the public policy of the North, and turned the Federal Government into an anti-slavery propaarandism. Furthermore, the North arc actuated to a <rrent extent, in the favor yielded by them to the Abolition doctrines, by hatred for the South, crimination and recrimination have taken place, until the North have become alienated from the South. If 1 had time to make extracts from Northern papers and speeches, I could show the existence of this feeling to such un extent, as would make Southern hearta beat with indignation. Well, those whom we don't love, we don't make gifts to. It is pleasant to strike those whom we hate, especially if it can be done with impunity, The North have the means, u ith safety to themselves, of annoying us with abolition, they do it. ltis amusing to throw firebrands into your enemies magazines, nnd witness his zeal in extinguishing them. Besides, the slavery of the Smith is remilaive in the Northern people, it jars upon their theories of equality and democracy?it is their ideal personification of oppression and arrogance. Democracy can tolerate no superior. In France, in the revolution, theeryof un aristocrat was answered by the shout of the guillotine. The slaveholders are the aristocrats of American Democracy, they are odious to Northern equality, which has coined a new word to express its feelings, slaveocracy, a veritable cry to hatred. Again, the North are possessed with the idea of political supremacy. By circumscribing the slave Stutes, and opening the Territories only to a free population, tnc ascendency of the North iu the Confederacy is secured, it is a work of time only. Look upon the map at the immense territory from which the South arc excluded. Out of which, thirty States as large as Ohio, may be carved, and we may understand what the North mean by the cry of " no more slave States." By this policy of exclusion, in thirty years, llie influence of the South in the confederacy will he annihilated: the North will he supreme, and it is by the simplest of all operations, marriages and births. The patronage of the Government amounting now to millions, and increasing constantly, will belong to the North as a property. Further, the North, besides the thirst for the spoils, has a great monied interest to control the Government. Their prosperity depends upon their manufactures; if they can get possession of the Government nnd establish fully the tariff policy their interests are secured, their bleak hills will glitter with untold wealth, and they will realize the riches of eastern tales. Again, the North, are impelled in their aggressions upon us by the energy of their climate, from the remotest history to the present time, from the conquests of Alaric tofthose of Clive, the tide of aggression has been steadily from the North, the gulph stream of the ocean does not more surely flow in a certain and fixed course, than does the tide of aggression of the moral world. It has nlwavs been, and is so now: open any page of history, and you will find this great truth illustrated. I have thus run through the leading causes ofthe anti-slavery agitation at the North. We see that this great crusade at the North against slave property, of which the Federal Government has exhibited the impulsion, is urged on by various causes, some of winch are the strongest motives of human action. Fanaticism, a madness and a faith ; sectional hatred, adverse theories of social policy, the Inst of powers, the thirst of gain, the aggressions of climate. These strong motives to action, can alone account for the rapid progress of the abolition policy ; they are portentious of evil for the future, they herald the storni and the crash. We have seen what causes at the North have [troduced the abolition policy ofthe Government; et us now see what cause at the South have aided to produce the same result. First and foremostyt the spirit of party. The Whig and Democratic purties at the South have been so embittered against each other, that they have not been able to unite against the aggression of the North. This Npirit of faction which has destroyed more countries than the sword, has been the prolific cause of our weakness, and our misfortunes. In our dissensions our enemies have advanced with impunity. Thus it has always been, oppression nas always found its best ally in domestic dissensions. It was thus that the Macedonian triumphed over the liberties of Greece. Athens had her compromisers, and the eloquence of Demosthenes was counteracted by the spirit of faction. It was the settled policy of Rome to pursue her march of empire amid the dissensions of her neighbors, and she herself fell less from the shock of the Sortherti hordes, than from her own feuds. The disssension of Poland were more fatal to her than hostile armies. It is this hateful spirit of faction which has prostrated the South. Instead of uniting together with onespirit to make head against a common enemy, wc have dissipated our strength upon the contests of ignoble factions. We havd been unable to forget the names and emblems of party ; we have not been able to raise ourselves from the low depths of partisan politics to the clevatioi) of our country's cause. We have sacrificed our country, its present, and perhaps its future to the triumphs of party. Like the Greeks of the lower empire, we have wasted our time in idle discussions, while the barbarians were thundering at the gates. To the miserable dissensions of party at the South, is it owing per-1 -Tr^upp" if vip ' ".'' ii'.ww' ,:"?i hap* * much a* to any other cause, that we are in our present condition. If the South had been united and actuated by a grand unanimity, worthy of the danger and the occasion, the great parties at the North would have keen obliged to repudiate the fanatics, to conciliate tne South. We would have dictated our own terms, and the influence and power and patronage of the Government would not have been as they now are for fanaticism, but for the South. Truly, we have been our own worst enemies. We have made the welkin ring with shouts for the triumphs of party, forgetful that we had a country over which great dangers impended. In the madness of faction, we nave not heard the fury of the coming tempest, we have done everything for our party, we have done nothing for our country. M What thrice mocked fools we are." Another great cause of the supine indifference of the South, which has enabled fanaticism to advance without opposition, is the treachery of the leaders of the South. The ambitious men of the South ran only attain their desires by conciliating the North. Treachery is always from the weak; the strong are never betrayed. The North has the control of the Government; Southern ambition can only be gratified by courting the North. Ambition hath ruined angels; it is not strange that politicians should yield to it. When we know that Southern ambition can only reach high Federal honors, by subserviency to the North, and we see such subserviency by men in search of these honors, what conclusion can we come to but that we are betrayed, that those whom we trusted have sold our trust as merchandize to conciliate our enemies. Why should Mr. Clay, a slaveholder, pledge himself against the further extension of slavery? Why should many others, who are now figuring upon the stage, truckle to the North; we cannot be so dull as not to see their motives and purposes. Southern traitors recommend measures to the Soujh, acceptable to the North, and thudftve are ttiirTIip pyIpiiI nf Smitlivrn tr*?nrhpi#v and the injury done thereby, is inculuable. -^Another great cause of the divisions at the South, is the press of the South. The press is the natural guardian of the institutions of a country; it can best and widest diffuse knowledge, excite ulurrn, produce enthusiasm and unity of action. No government could stand against the press, no revolution could succeed against it. The [tress is the fourth estate, it is the embodied intellect of a eountry, it is the Jupiter tonans of the moral world. This great power is to a considerable degree lost to the South, only a portion of the press of the South is Southern. This arises from reverul causes. The political division of the South give character to the press to a great extent. The partisan press, absorbed by the presidential contests, is compelled, in order to gain a national triumph, to advocate temporising measures, it has to be nalionul, which is naif Southern and half Northern. This partisan press passes its existence in suppressing the true and suggesting the false. The Union and the Intelligencer are types of this class. And further, which is a most important fuel, the leading journals of the South, the city journals, are under Northern influence, they are edited, patronized or sustained by Northern men. Hence we see an influential part, of the Southern press in Baltimore, Charleston, Agnsta, Savannah, Mobile, and New Orleans, entirely Northern in their tone, as much so, as they can possibly be with safety. The commercial classes are Northern in those cities, and these presses are their organs. From these different causes the press of the South is not Southern, it does not internret truly the feelings and policy of the South. There are some noble exceptions to this general rule; some presses which are an echo of the sentiments of the South, but their voices have been unheeeded in the voice of so many other false counsellors. This falsification by the press of its high mission is one of the saddest signs of the times, it has nurtured our divisions, lulled us to sleep, enouraged our enemies and cooled our friends. It has much to answer for. 1 have thus gotten through with the consideration of thecauses, both at the North and the South, which lias produced the present abolition tendency of the Federal Government, and m.ide it fail in its mission of internal protection. It is proper now that we should consider the remedy, if remedy there be. How can the Federal Government be restored to its natural condition, and be made to uiford domestic protection to the South? If the thing be possible, it is in this wise: First and la-it, before all things, and after all tiling union, union, union; union ot tne South; union of the weak and the oppressed; union, not for the sake of party, but for the sake of country; union for firesides and altars; for the charities of social, and the purities of domestic life; union, not for conquest, but for defence; union, not to advance bloody standards in foreign triumphs, but to retain our homes; union to stem the tide of barbarism, which threatens to overrun our country, and reduce it to Cimmerian darkness; union to withstand Northern fanaticism, hatred, ambition, avarice and aggression; union that we may hand down to our children unimpaired?the inheritance we have received; union for property, for security, for liberty; union for all that is dear and valuable in life; union for the present and the future of our country; union for her existence, her independence, her greatness and her glory; union for civilization, for religion, for history; union that we 1 may continue the abode of intelligence, refinej menl and virtue; union for our wives and our i children; union for the graves of our fathers; | union that knowledge, genius, poetry, oratory : and glory, may not be supplanted by African barbarism; union that our children, and our children's children, may gather around our graves, ! and be able to say, these are the graves of our tinicestors, they have slept in ponce; the institutions j they transmitted to us, are unimpaired; the frenzy of fanaticism, the lust of power, the hatred of nr.an, have not prevailed against them. ! From this union of the Soutji, the specific and I appropriate measures of safety would arise, j As intimately connected with, and dependent j upon the idea of union, we mustcease our party j dissensions. Let us tear from our hearts and our !?.. ?t_ _ . .!: _i i* rx . ? f memories, ine oukmis wo ruts o.i uemocraitf una j Whig's, und trample them under foot. Let us break these hateful chains which have hith< bound and enfeebled us. Let us rise abov the petty contests of party. Let us elevate out 'ves to the magnitude of our country's danger- Let us offer up, upon the altar ot our cout v, the distinctions ana the emblems of party. L. us I one people?no narty. Let us rise as a mi >1. and forgetting all minor matters, make common head against the aggressors of our rights. Furthermore, we must hold our public men to strict accountability'. We must abolish man-worship. Upon the first symptoms of weakness or desertion, let us discard our lenderr. Let our great men know that they can no longer, with impunity, sell our safety for their own preferment. We must also observe the press of the South closely. Let the political hacks, and the Northern journals at the South, be abandoned, that they may no longer disseminate their poison through the land. Thus, by union at the South; by getting rid of j the corrupt leaders who barter away our security | for their own preferment; by destroying the ini finance of the unsound portion of the Souihern press, and by adopting the great measures of safety which the emergency would suggest, we will have accomplished everything that could be done, within the Constitution, for our preserve. \ lion. This course :ta nothing. It is the plain, j peaceable, mid consti"iiotml course. Who can i object toil: None hip corrupt politicians, who j prefer themselves to I'ltir ronairy. If we could ! get the South uniud, to art within the Const itu- j | lion, through the ballot-box, much might be ac-j I complisliHl?perhaps the security of the South I I insured for an indefinite period. A' miv rnte, we | would hove done all tint tin i could do; and if, J contrary to our just cxnecbifhi'??, i-,* march ofi fanaticism nil! continued, end ill our exertions' within the Union were hope'ess to give us seen.) rity*, then there would be hut one alternative left? t to form a new Confederacy. Why did our ftrth- j era form this Union: Not for anv abstract love they had for it, hut purely )u>a question of utility.! It inn partnership of Statrx, formed like a |nirt-i ' rjeraljip of in livioualfi for niitiu.il it< 1 > intake. It; ' was formed fur external and interne! protection, j i If ouf ancestor* had been certain that it would not | | aftor** internal protection, would they have formed ; >this Union? Certainly not. Therefore,to helogi| cal, if the Union does not answer its end of afford -1 dingtjnternnl protection, it should he dissolved, j ' peaceably and regularly. Suppose, far the. sake of i argument, that w e have reached that point in our j | history, when it is ascertained and conceded, that the Federal Qorernment has failed to afford do| mpstic. protection, and therefore, that one great object of its formation has failed, and the ques| lion is then put between the present Confederacy j and a Southern Confederacy, the present Confederation affording external, but not internal protection, the inquiry then would be, how is it with the-Southern Confederacy ? Could it afford external and internal protection ? As regards internal protection, there would be but one answer. Of course it would, to the utmost extent. The1 # ; sty . . . _ /?" ' remaining question then would be, whether it would afford external protection? To determine this, let ua consider where would danger come from? From Europe and the North. It can come from no other quafter. We are protected from Europe, by our geographical position anil their interests, so that there could be no danger whatever in that quarter. The only remaining question then is, whether we would be protected from the North? Upon this point, I apprehend there would be no difficulty; for, first, the North would not attack us: they would no more uttack us, than we would atack them. Every possiide motive to action, would require the North.to keep the peace. The Abolition party of the North? the cancer of the present social system?would die with the Union, as a parly. In the Union, they have strong incentives to action, emancipation and power. Out of the Union, they would have no motive to action; they could accomplish nothing; they would stand towards us like the Abolitionists of Canada or Europe; they would have no voice in our Government; they would be foreigners interfering with what did not concern them; they would have no Congress to agitate in; they would have no place to put their lever on; they would burn out for want of fuel. The peculiar nature of our Confederacy?a union of distinct communities?is the most favorable organization that the wit of man could devise, to furnish facilities tVir faction or fanaticism. What is it urges the Abolitionists on ? It is tne hope of emancipation, through the Federal Government, without risk to themselves, and incidentally the acquisition of office and power. Dissolve the Union, and you rut off both these incentives to action. There would be no further hope of peaceful emancipation; no selfish interests would be promoted by agitations. The Abolitionists must then, either give up in despair,or go to war for an abstraction. They could not take one step without drawing the sword. Would they do that? I have no fear of it whatever. When I shall s?e what 1 never expect to see?the Abolitionists giving up their property for their theoriea-?th 11, and not till then, shall 1 believe that they will give their lives for them. The fact is the Abolitionists are the greatest set of scoundrels and hypocrites that have ever been banded together, since the brigands of the middle ages were driven from their fastnesses ; a few of them women, children und priests are sincere, but the great mass of them are notorious villains into whose company it would never be prudent for an honest man to venture with his purse. According to their own published account of themselves iliev are thieves who have stolen 150 of our slaves within the last year. To expect this miserable scum of society, the workings of an overwrought civilization, to make a descent upon a brave people, sword in hand, is preposterous and ridiculous. But an invasion from this party would not he very dangerous, except to exposed, purses and silver spoons. I speak of the Abolitionists proper, not oftlie entire North. 1 assume that the Northern people generally would no more think of invading us than we would think of invading them ; it is not a supposuhle case. If any did, it would be the fanatics ; but an invasion, as I have said from them, would not be very dangerous, nor would it be altogether unacceptable to some of the ardent spirits of the South, who would like nothing better than a fair field with the Abolitionists before them. Should the day ever dawn upon such an unnatural invasion, it is to be honed that Seward, Girding*, Hale,and men of thnt stamp, who have blown up the fire, may lead the invasion, and not stay behind and Nend on poor deluded wretches to endure the smell of the villuiuous saltpetre. The popdlution of the South is, say 9,000,000; it can bring into the field 1,000,000 of soldiers, habituated to the use of arms, and imbued with a spirit of chivalry ; the resources of the South are ample; she could defend herself against the world in arms. It may then be assumed that the Southern Confederacy could afford external as well as internal protection. Between a Southern Confederacy discharging its functions in every respect, affording external nnd internal protection, and the present Confederacy failing to afford internal protection, affording only external protection, could we of the South long hesitate? i\To we could not, unless we were so supremely wise and disinterested as to prefer the shadow to the i substance?words to things, the romance of the Union lo the r. alilies of property, anfety, liberty, life and country. ONE OF TllE PEOPLE. Ability or the South for Self-defence.? We quote upon this subject the following article from the New York Journal of Commerce, a paper which, throughout the whole of our sectional difficulties, has maintained a noble, ntanly and national tone. It will bo seen that the Journal of Commerce concedes that, in the event of that terrible calamity, the dissolution of the Union, the South would be able to maintain her position.? She would have the men and the arms, and, in the opinion of the Journal, instead of being encumbered by her " peculiar institution," would be | niueu oy n. one wouiu nave ine advantage, uy I Iter laboring population, of currying o'n without ! difficulty the operations of arms and of agriculture J ut the same time. But we devoutly hope that ne' ccssit.y may never arise. Says the Journal ' " What if* this Union were dissolved ? Would slavery be thereby abolished ? No, but the influence wisely exerted by the free Suites, while politically united to the slaveholding States, can exert over the subject, would become a repellant power, and the prospects of the slave would be more hopeless than ever. Some people are so silly us to suppose that, in case of separation, the slaves would overpower their masters, and thus secure their freedom. They must be devils incarnate if they desire it, with its accompanying horrors; but, that three million slaves,without property, arms,or resources of any kind,could overpower twice their number of whites, possessing all these elements,is too absurd for belief. Speaking after the manner of men, it is impossible. The only effect of the attempt would be to cause a dreadful massacre of whites, chiefly women and children, and then a dreadful retribution upon the blacks, followed by a riveting of their chains more firmly than ever.? We repent, and mean what we say, that any man who desire a servile war at the South, with all the 'rightful consequences which must 0rtsue, is an innate fiend. Vgnin, it is said by some, that the South, with I 0,000 slaves, would be incapable of contend! in,' with the North, or any foreign nation. So Ibi from this, it is our deliberate opinion that the uth would be more powerful as an independent nation, with her slaves, than without them. In carrying on war, a multitude of men are required as teamsters nnd for other manual labor. For many such purposes negroes would be inorc useful than white men, in Southern climates ; and being necessarily scattered, and in the presence or neighborhood of an armed force, they would not make the slightest resistance, if disposed. But it is probable a great many of them would side with their masters trom affection and choice. The South lias double the white population which , the whole country hod during the war of inde-! nendence ; then she has also a mighty army in lier sickly climate (sickly to Northern constitulions) and wide extent of territory. The South coultf, if necessary, raise a force of 600,000 fighting men ; sufficient to resist any army that could be sent against them from any quarter. In short, we do no' believe that there is ? nation on earth thai could conquer the South. The North could not. Ureal Britain, with all her power, could not. Neither do we believe that a war with the South would ffive freedom to many slaves. Those near the frontiers would, of course, he early sent into the interior heyond the reach of scouting parties and Abolitionists. The English, in the war of 1812 and 1813, in spite of all their efforts, captured or decoyed about 3,000 slaves, i for whicn they afterward indemnified the owners, j "But, will the Union be dissolved ? We hope not ; we believe not. But this belief, (we said I months ago, when we were ridiculed by a co-' temporary for expressing apprehensions of dan-' ger,) is founded entirely upon another, viz : that | the public sentiment at the North will yet rally j mightily for the Union, and compel such concessions us ore necessary to preserve it. These con-j cessions may, however, come too late. When j iho*Kubioon is passed, the step will not easily be j retraced. If any disaster should beta I the Union, result-1 ing from the fanatical movements of the North, a j dreadful retribution awaits those men, whether clergymen or laymen, whether demagogues or ! dupes, who have fermented the mischief. "The nation is surrounded with perils j and it I requires more than the wisdom of man to avoid or ! to remove them. We hope for the best, and ! mean to do so. But we candidly confess that we j have never seen n time when the perpetuity of the ! Union seemed to us so much endangered as at present."?Richmond Republican Honorable Discharge.?Mr. James Bargen, the Irish patriot and lawyer, who was arrested in j" New York last week, fbr obtaining money under! false pretences, from Mrs. Jane Weigart, was, after examination, on Friday, unconditionally die-j charged. I. _ gggf Prospect of Dia union or Seoeuioo. * It ia as well to look thia matter calmly in the face. It is not a subject for sneers and witticisms. A large portion of the Southern people in the States of Mississippi, Georgia, Alabama, and South Carolina, are alienated from the Union. Of this there ia no doubt. The tone of the press, and the resolutions of public meetings, indicate a depth of feeling and a resolution which cannot be triiied with. The first men of* the South are involved in this matter. They look upon secession as inevitable, and, under all the circutnatnnces, desirable; and the attempt to carry it into effect will moat probably be niaue. The State Legislatures will meet under the effect of the common feeling, und measures of secession will be proposed, and, we think, adopted, in some, if not all the States we have mentioned. Then the prudence and forbearance of the people of the United Stales will be put to a severe test. The Federal Government is in the hands of men of extreme federal notions. Their claim of power is as extravagant as their incompetency to wield it is notorious. What shall be done when one or more States shall formally resolve upon secession from the Union, and determine to resist the execution of the laws of the United States ? It will be easy to expound the Constitution, and spin out the theory of it; but, unfortunately, it will be a dead letter. The union of fceling and confidence will be gone; and that is all the Union has worth preserving. When measures for disunion are adopted in accordance with the current sentiment of several States, the work is done. The Union can then only be preserved by force; und that is a onion not worth fighting for. The employment of force will not be a duty, but a crime of the darkest dye. We snail not discuss the theoretical power of the Federal Government to compel a State to submission by military force. It is an idle question. Tile Federal Government mnv net nnnn inili- ( vidua!*, may suppress an insurrection, or any ( thing of tlmt sort, but to use arm* against a State, i or a combination of States, is quite a different af- ' ftiir. No express provision is made for suclt a ' case; for it was not contemplated ever to occur; 1 or if it was, it was foreseen that any effective 1 remedy would be worse than the disease. We I do not helieve that any mcusures this Congress 1 will pass can justify secession or revolution; but i we can't judge for these Southern States. Whether I they are right of wrong makes no practical differ- 1 ence. They are dissatisfied with the Union, and ! prefer secession to nil appearance at present. If ' they are resolved upon it, where is the remedy? 1 The only one for it is, forbearance and concession on the part of* the Federal Government. The I first hostile gun against a Stnte ends the Union, j It might be possible to establish a central despo- j tism in the hands of a majority in Congress, and f in the hands of a sectional President, but it would ' only establish a Union to be loathed and abhorred t ?not the glorious union which has heretofore ex- t isted, and whiclt has been the pride of every 1 American. It is as well (o take this matter into ( serious consideration. An impression prevails t that the men of ultra views in the South are few ' in number. This is a fatal delusion, depend | upon it. * I If the disaffection South is not deep seated, per- t mauent and decided, then language and action i give no indication that can he relied upon. The > movements in several of the States evince a tone I of feeling, not to he tiiude light of, however it may I be condemned. Jeers and menaces are exceed- t ingly out of place. Earnestness and determinu- c tion are uot to be met by gibes and threats. The t States in question are members of this Confeder- (i acy. They speak us equals to their peers, and s have a right to be heard. They have had enough to irritate and provoke them, and they are not to t be appeased by ridicule or by violence, or by as- f suming doubtful constitutional power which they r don't acknowledge. , i We affirm that the submission of these States t cannot be compelled. The Federal Government ? bus not the power, and it would be sucrilegious to t to exercise it if it bad. Persuasion, conciliation, ' and concession ure the means, and the only effectual I ones that can be employed. It is a humiliating < confession, that the destiny of three million tie- i groes should be the question to dissolve a glorious j confederacy of twenty millions of white men?that < this should be the stumbling block in the wny of I the model republic, whose brilliant career has astonished the world, and made the throne of every I tyrant tremble. Is this the cuparity of white men I for self-government? Are they to fall out about negroes, and lutry the hopes of civil liberty in a ' premature grave? Verily, if this turns out to be true, we luiu as well inquire how white men nre to muiutiiiii their own free institutions, and leave the nec-ro to take carp of himself. Some of the free States seem to consider that they are hound only to legislate for the benefit of the negro of the South against the while man. If thin course is persevered in, the result is easily foreseen. Kvery decision in Congress is made to hang upon thermestion: How can it affect the negro in the Southern Suites? not how it will ulfect white men. The people of rtie South will not endure this nlwuys. There has been enough of it. Consult the feelings I and wishes of the white man, South, and he will | take care of the negro better for the interesta of the black race than all the fanatics, North, ever can I or ever will. * But we only intended to call attention to this subject, and we repent that the indications in the South give ample grountl for serious apprehensions.?Louisville Democrat. Santa Fe Meeting.?Doubtless the most important Santa Fe meeting that, has yet been held in the State, was the one held on the sacred and consecrated battle ground of San Jacinto. This meeting was principally composed of citizens from the counties of Harris, Liberty, itntl Galveston. After the citizens had congregated, the meeting was called to order by James Morgan, who norm- 1 natid Ashhel Smith, President. Harry H. Allen ' was appointed Secretary of the meeting. ' Dr. Smith stated the object of the meeting. He snid: The object of the present meeting, as stated c by Col. Morgan, is known to every gentleman " here, yet, it is well for clearness of understanding c and the despatch of business to state that object 1 in form. We ane assembled, gentlemen, to take ( into consideration the attempts which are making to wrest from us an integral part of our Stale, to | erect into a new State of the Union the Santa Fe district, regardless alike of the riglrts and feelings of the great body of Texan citizens; yes, attempts 1 are making to rob us under forms of law of that Territory, which we won from the enemy and a 1 foreign oppressor, on this battle field, ort the very ' ground where we now stand. There is great np- ( nroprinteness in malting the battle field of San f Inrinlfi thn nlnno fltia moolinir lit nnmiiirr (n. ' getner among' these grave* to take counsel, may the nsliPs which repose here, inspire ns with n ' fitting solemnity and calmness of deliberation. ' The speaker then briefly recapitulated the ground or our title to Santa Fe und to all Texas. Major Neighbors, said he, our commissioner for 0 organizing counties in that district, has been ' thrust out. He was threatened with imprison- s inent by u judge then unknown to our Stale gov- T eminent, should he attempt to perform the legtti- c mate duty devolved on hirn by the proper authon- * tics of the Slate. He then proceeded: The citi- [' /.ens of the Santa Fe district, in flagrant rebellion against the State Government of Texas have met 1 in convention there, adopted a form of govern- " meal for a separate StatP, and sent on coninus- 0 sioucrs, with a constitution to Washington, ask- 1 ing for admission into this Union as an indepen- . dent State, and in so doing, they have acted under " the suggestions, countenance and authority of the F civil and military Governor, appointed by the v Federal Government. I know the Governor, Col. ? Monroe, personally, and esteem him highly. He is a soldier?he obey* ordrts. I am well acquainted " with him. As a soldier, he does not act from his " own suggestions, especially in civil matters, but ,. obeys orders and be receives orders only from the 11 power that appointed him, nnd that power resides 11 in Washington city. These orders emanate from s the White House, through the War Dejmrtment. F it is alien tri our institutions; it is abhorrent to our American feelings; it is gross indignity to our 1 State to maintain a military government acting F under the orders of the Federal Executive, within T the limits of a sovereign State, and in open opposition to the constituted authorities of the State, and all Ibis in time of profound peace. Why, gen- 0 tlemen, it is but little short of war waged by the " Generul Government with the regular army " against one of the States of this Confederacy. Gentlemen, a grave contingency is thus prtsen- " ted to us : no, it is not a contingency, it is a mo-1 " mentous issue?a crisis for this State. Will the reyt of the Union sanction this high | handed attempt to rob us of a portion of our ter- ! " rttoiy; will the citizens of the other Stntes stand ! r nuieily by and see this State dismembered by I ? fraud and violence? I know they will not; 1 know P the American people | it is not so that we have v known our fellow-citizens of other States. But they must be informed and enlightened aa to the '' facts; and whatever others do or do not, we will ,r not set down in apathy. We will do our duty.? Why, every plan of compromise that has been offered in Congress, contemplates two conditions as ci essential to the severance of the Santa Fe District, j rt and its erections into a distinct territory; one is g the payment to Texas of an indemnity ; the other ; p is our consent to the proposed dismemberment .? I a hhyg*? - ' *.iqayr* But this rebellious separation which has been sprung on us, contemplates neither compensation nor consent. And it is an aggravation of the attempted wrong that a co-ordinate branch of the General Government, the Congress, to which this matter rightly belongs, wax fully possessed ofthe subject, and is actually engaged in the endeavor to accomplish a separation with honor, justice and satisfaction to all parlies interested. When we regard the action of the federal authorities, there is something military and proconsular about the movement, utterly ulien to American institutions, utterly odious to American hearts. Congress sits in grave deliberation on a matter of vital interest to a Stale of the confederacy; an Executive Department arbitrarily seizes on the matter ; orders are given by, if not to, a military governor to cut the knot. But it is not altogether military, for that is open, avowed and manly in its purposes. The Sanui Fe manoeuvre is more like the trick of a county court lawyer to get a map judgment. I have just read Gen. Tuylor's message. He tays " no orders were given." " Orders," gen lemen, in the sense here used, are commands, n writing, and in this sense it is doubtless true hat no orders were given. I shall not be guilty of he indecorum of questioning the solemn asseverition of the President; yet it is singular to remark hat Col. Monroe's line of conduct in this matter, vaa changed utterly und immediately on the arrival of Col. McCall, and thereupon the rebellious novements took outward form and consistence, regret, too, that President Tuylor bad been adused to sign a document wherein the duly npmtnted commissioner of a sovereign State is desgnated as "a certain It. S. Neighbors, styling limself," etc. I trust ice shall not be forgetful of be courtesies of language. Under these circumHtane.es Governor Bell has tailed a session of the State Legislature. The lubject is novel and extraordinary. We are met in primary meeting to express our proceedings. It-is not merely our right but our duty to do so. Gov. Bell is disposed, determined, I should say to uphold and vindicate the title of the State to the entire territory. This large assembly will sustain him in that determination, livery patriotic honest citizen of the State will rush to support and maintain the honor of the Stnte. We will stund by the Governor and Legislature in all measures which may be necessary to assert the right of the stale to our whole territory and to put down relellion however or by whomsoever instigated. Like the Israelites of old who upheld the hands >f the prophet that prayed while the battles of the Lord were lighting, we will uphold the hands of he State authorities while vindicating right and ustice. If a grave issue he presented which God brbid and we he called on to assert our right hy 'orce against disorganizing citizens of our own, hough backed and supported by the regular army, we will do so, and we will do so with a hearty will at the utmost costnnd extremest peril. I would ihstain from this declaration did not an intimaion in the recent Executive Message that we would submit to whatever might be done, render it proper for us to make such declaration, in order .hat the Administration at Washington may be iisabused of its erroneous opinion. Threats and lefmnce, or denunciation are abhorrent from my uitiire, but I know my fellow-citizens and I swear >y the blood that has been shed on this battle field; swenr by the ashes of the dead heroes which noulder in the graves beneath our feet, that the itizens of Texas will not by rebellion or fraud, >y open violence, nor by any indiscretion, be Iriven from a vindication of their rights to pre,erve inviolate the territory of a sovereign Stale. In the course of his remarks, the Speaker suid here is in our meeting on thin occasion no pur>ose of disunion avowed or tfoncenled. L would lot, said he, preside over a disunion meeting.? Vn expression of his affection for the Union, wus vairnly cheered. Nor said Inv is it a question )f political parly, of whigism or democracy, but i matter of Slate honor and of the right of the State, which appeals to every patriotic citizen, i)6 he whig or democrat. Nor does the consid"ration of the grave issue now before us involve or fmbarrass the " compromise" now before Congress. It leaves us free to receive or reject that tontproinise, as we may deem the honor mid in:erest of the State shall require. Dr. Smith's remarks were listened to with pro'ottnd attention, and elicited great applause Iront he audience. The Opium Trade aa canied on between India aucl China. //mil's Magazine, for July and August, contains an ublc article, under lite above head, f. jm the pen of Nathan Allen, D. D., of Massachusetts, lie exposes the illegality of the trade, ihe great loss of life occasioned by it, and the brutal conduct of the British East 1 nil hi Government in forcing this article upon the Chinese against their wishes, and to the destruction of human life, in a manner anything but complimentary to John Bull. The importation of this urlicle into China was first proposed by a man of the name of Watson, as the means of raising a revenue for the East Indian Government. The proposition, after having been discussed, was adopted, uud that government embarked in this wholesale murder and smuggling without any compunction, but to the great relief of its purse. This trude, carried on under the auspices of the East India Company, and encouraged by England, soon increased in such a degree, and was the cause of such an alarming number of deaths, that the Chinese government became justly alarmed, and arousing itself from its inactiviiy in 1838, forced the merchants to surrender the poison, and then had it destroyed. This led to the celebrated Opium War, in which the Chinese, overcome by force and superior luetics, were obliged .to submit, and tllow tins poison to be smuggled into their ports, lltliough they refused to legalize the trade. An estimate made by several writers hi that country proves that at least 400,000 persons are innuully brought to their graves in consequence if the use of this article. But far better oil" are hey than those who survive, for their misery is iver, while others that survive, have to nulure heir minery. It is calculated that people do not, in an average live more than ten years after they mve become victims to this degrading vice. Dr. G. H. Smith thus describes the effect of ipium smoking. " If the (lose be not tak ii al the usual time, here is great prostration, vertigo, torpor, and discharge of water from the eve. If the privation lie complete, a still more formidable train of phenomnca take place. Coldness is felt over the whole jody, witli aching pains in all parts. Diarrhoea jccurs : the most norrid feelings of wretchedness come on ; and if the poison be withheld, death erminates the victim's existence.". Good God ! what a revolting spectacle we have irrc of the humanity and Christianity of a nation i iccupying one of the most prominent positions in ! lie Christian world? Four hundred thousand per-' ons brought to their graves in order to obtain a j evenue for the East Indies! Not even the auto-j rat of Russia, loads his countless millions with j uch loathsome and inhuman tyranny as this. luminal! tyrant and despot as he is, he would never iave the audacity and heartless cruelty to force j his poison upon an independent and unoffending j lation. Ana this trade, causing all this sacrifice f life, is encouraged by a nation piofessing chris-1 ianity, without I'eur nnd without remorse. Where is the consistency of England's maintain-1 ng a squadron upon the African const for the puriose of keeping a few uncivilized blacks from slacry, while she forces poison upon the Chinese, ncourngCH smuggling, and keeps thousands upon liousnnds of them in a bondage unsurpassed bv lie worst negro slavery? Would England dure to rent any European nation thus? Wnurd not our Abolitionists be better employed ri endeavoring to stop this trade, than in steuling egroes from the South, and in creating the preent excitement? Here is a wide field for the dinlay of their philanthropiceflbrts and one in which hey will gain more hondr than in filling up the j forthern States'with runaway negroes, and the ex- ' rcssion of such traitorous sentiments as were ex-1 ressed at the late Caaenovia Convention. Mr. Allen closes his able article as follows: " And what must the world think of the feligion ; if a nation, thnt consecrates churches, ordains \ ninrsters of the Gospel, and sends abroad misionaries of the cross, while, in the meantime, it ncourages and upholds a vice which is daily articling misery and death upon more than 4,000,00 of heathen ? And what must be the verdict f future generations as they peruse the history of hose wrongs and outrages? Will not the page of istory which now records -?20,000,000 as conserved on the altar of humanity to emancipate 00,000 slaves, lose all its splendor, and become ositively odious, when it shall be known that this ery money was obtained from the proceeds of a mitruLnnd traffic on the shores of a weak and de nceless heathen Empire, at the sacrifice, too, of lillions upon millions 6f lives?" The Government of Chili has adopted the reiproeity measures of this country and England, sspecting navigation, and have also abolished the overnment monopoly of tobacco, which is exected greatly to increase the demand for that 1 rticle from this country 1 News by the keorgia and Cherokee. 1 JVWy |2,000,000 in Gold Dust?Havana Xtu>$? I Further Particulars <y" California S'ews. I Nothing' had been heard of the robbers of the 1 specie train, although several arrests had been 1 made on suspicion. 'I According to the reports by the passengers, San I Francisco was recovering very fast from the ef- I fects of the fire; new and elegant buildings were 1 going up in every direction. The ship Sea Witch 1 had arrived in San Francisco in the remarkably 1 short passage of 97 days from New York. I Everything was quiet when the Georgia left Havana. Troops were coming from Spain, and in u short time the force on the island would amount to over 80,000 regular troops. Th* cholera had broken out afresh atSagua la Grande, and was carrying off a great number of negroes. Havana was visited by a hurricane on the 29d of August; it blew with great violence, and did a great deul of damage to the shipping. All the vessels of war dragged their ancliors about the harbor; many beautiful trees were injured, and the banana und plantain trees were almost ail destroyed. The Captain General reused permission to the American steamer to go to the dock which the company hud hired from the English Mail Company. No cause assigned. The Georgia made tier passage home from Havana in 4 days. Among others who fell victims to the cholera were: Mr. Chauncey Crocker, of New London; 1 t l.. n .1 _/v n:/._i t_i._ xr _.l nt? J jcjim iMtriter, <n *'iutjuurg; juiiii norm, 01 x iymouth, Ohio; C G. Shaw, of Toledo, Ohio; Thos. Texter, of Geneva, New York. Cnpt. Robinson died on board of the Empire City, off Chug res, 26th of August, and was buried on shore. LOCAL INTELLIGENCE. Wasiiinuton ConRKseoNor.vt*.?The Washington letter-writers are a much abused fraternity, particularly by men in high places; but they hold a pretty important position in the political world, and have a good deal to do in forming public opinion, and this gives them rather the advantage over those who are dependent upon it for their standing and support. The following incident shows, too, that not unfrequently they exercise no small influence in shaping coming events : Shortly after Senator Benton made his famous " Sarsnparilla Speech," Sigma, of the "New York Tribune," stated in a very dry letter, by way of a little spice, that " Old Dr. Townsend hud handsomely acknowledged the compliment paid him in the United States Senate by Old Bullion, by forwarding to hinj a full box of his "very best" and " truly genuine" Snrs&parilla, with directions to suit,"<&c. This was rather a'plumper' for even Sigma ; but it was a dull day, no news stirring, and he only fell back upon the reserved rights of all "special correspondents." In due time, the incident circulated pretty freely through the Northern papers, ami accidentally came within range ot the old Uoelor's spectacles. He, finding 1 it " took pretty well" mid not wishing to spoil a I Kootl story, HCtunlly packed up an1' sent to " lion. 1 T. H. Denton, TJ. S. Senate," " 1 box T. S."? . V #?al " This side up with care," which was received by I his senatorshtp with no little gratification and aur- 1 prise. Wher. the fact was made known to Sigmn, I lie was rather pu7.7led, but concluded; like the heroines ofthe "Rochester knoekings,"he possessed , ail invisible power thut he could not explain. ? ?. onkat Invention?Ei.ectro-M agnetism?a Motive Power?We take pleasure in stating that Mr. J. H. Tatum, who has been engaged lor several months past in Baltimore, constructing an engine to be propelled by Electro-Mngnelism, has triumphantly succeeded. A number or ourcitizens have had the pleasure of seeing it in operalion and were highly gratified. Mr. Tatum will very soon make a public exhibition of bis machinery, when lie expects to demonstrate its power to be from 8 to ]'2 horse capacity. We are pleased to learn that the enterprising inventor has secured his privilege to patent this wonderful invention.?Baltimore Patriot. We do not know when we experienced more pleasure than when we first read the ahove pnrapraph. At all limes we feel most willing to commend those that make useful inventions, and especially when the genius who has trod successfully the glorious path of discovery, once was a ? 11 iy.eti of our own town. In all ages it was esteemed one of the highest honors a city could boast, to have been the foster-mother of the discovorer of some , unknown science or the inventor of some laboru.., ...... proud distinction. To her now belongs the credit I of hnving sent forth the man who has made the | grandest discovery of the nineteenth century?hint | wlio lias triumphantly accomplished that of which the first scholars of the age never dreamed. It , ntay seem wonderful thntun individual who never enjoyed the scientific course in college, should apply to practical purposes a mysterious fluid, whose qualities continue to Imtlle the philosophers of both hemispheres, yet it is only an evidence that the want of college-training cannot keep genius fron.i developing its powers. But few have excelled both in delineating upon canvass grand conceptions, and in applying the principles of natural science, to propel machinery. Mr. J. H. 'latum in the highest degree possesses the mental powers of the artist and the rial- - .1 ural philosopher. To his high reputation as a painter he now adds that of one well acquainted with the physical sciences. In the one department his name in time to come will be coupled with that of Raphael and Titian, in the other with Sir Humphrey Davy, Fulton and Awkright. May he still keep on m the way of discovery so thut I his name may be entwined with the proudest | wreath of discovery which hns ever been won ill the western world, is our sincere wish.?.Iberdeen (.Viw.) Democrat. Tilt; (rREAT OUTJtAGK AT CitlX.ICOTIIE.?A few days ago, ns wo learn from the Scotia Gazette, an attack was made on a Catholic Community of Sisters at Chilicothe, bv ft mob. A public meeting of Catholics wits held, which was presided over by the Rev. Mr. Carroll, Priest of St. Mary's Church, who made the following statement : . Pursuant to the invitation of the Catholics of Chilicothe, a colony of the. Sisters of Notre Dame, whose mother establishment is in Cin cinnati, hud l>oen induced to come here, purchase property, and open u seminary lor the education of children and female youth. They had cstahliscd a free school, which is attended l v ono hundred children, and a young ladies' academy, at which the higher branches of female learning and accomplishments were taught. This latter had been patroni/cd by somo of the more liberal minded of the Protestant . Lreatliren. Soon after their arrival, unmistakable demonstrations of a mob likecharaeter were made toward them. Their premises had licen, in t!ie night season, repeatedly assailed with eggs, stones, &c.; these ladies, peaceful, charitable, inoffensive as they are, "devoted to good works," had been driven from room to room, by stones thrown in at their windows, not knowing where to find safety in their own house! On Sundav night last, between the hours of 9 and 10 o'clock, a number of boys and youths assembled in the street, opposite the building owned by those ladies, and threw rotten eggs, die., against it, with sufficient force to break one of the Venetian slats?some entered the open windows, loll against the walls and en the floors of the rooms ; and so intolerable was the. stench, that one of the Sisters commenced vomiting in a most alarming manner. Tlio result of this meeting was that #50 were made uj> as n reward for the discovery of the perpetrators of the outrage, to which the City Council added as much more, on being officially informed of the facts. Mrs. Millkh.?We learn from a source fully entitled to credit, that Mrs. Miller, whose sudden disappearance and supposed suicide at Niagara Falls, elicited so much remark a few months since, has, within a few days, returned to the home of her father, the late Senator Norvell, at Detroit, Michigan, who has died during her absence. The stories with which the press has teeined about her having gone to Knrope in company with a gentleman. Sic., are wholly unfounded. She returns of her own accord,drawn mainly, we believe, V a strong desire to see her children. I lor mind seems to be disordered, and, it is supposed by her friends, that her absence was induced by the strong religious excitement under which she has been laboring for some time.?X Y. Courier. Robt. W. Wick lifts, jr., late U. S. Charge at Sardinia, died at Lexington, Ky., on Thursday last, in the 35th year of his age.