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IJllS SUUTHiSKJN fit 15 88. WASHINGTON CITY. ^ TUESDAY, OCTOBER 32, 1850. We invite Httention to the fourth letter on the Texan question from M Lajlius," which appears in our columns to-daj. It is cliaracterized by the same power of argument, and enriched by tlie same felicity of iilustrutiou which characterized its predecessors. ,r iMiuuiqanx tliA lunn? fiiiMiltv nf on. x nn ?*?- rv w? ? rrj 'V " v" ricliing by his wit tike topic* he handles with mh'Ii eminent ability. The Fugitive Slav* Bill.?How it Work*. Jtcfore and since the passage of this bill, so loudly vaunted by those who might well em- , brace any pretext for distracting public attention from the other measures which it accompanied?we have pronounced that it would be a failure. Events have, justified that prediction, , and proved the accuracy of our judgment as to i the real principles and feelings swaying the i masses of the Northern people. For all practi- j eal purposes the law is a nullity. It diay give < Southern submissionists something to swe^r by, < but as a practical, speedy and efficient enforcement of the Constitutional provision it is a mere 1 mockery. True, under its provisions in the city j of New York, one slave was delivered up?and , iv Detroit a nominal price was paid the master for another caught there?after a disgraceful riot. Some few others just over the border may also have been reclaimed by enterprising individuals?but before its passage, not a year elapsed that some were not captured by their masters for the rewards offered : and we entertain not a doubt, that tho difficulties of their capture have been greatly increased by the operation of this bill. Not that the bill in itself 1 is defective: for matured by such minds as those 1 of Mason and Butler, (ripe and accomplished 1 jurists botli) the law is probably as perfect as it could be made?but of what avail are most stringent provisions when intended to be carried into execution in communities determined either by force or fraud to resist or thwart them ? In the most corrupt era of the Roman empire the ' statute books were cumbered by the weight of laws?and the most heinous offences stalked unpunished, while even the most trivial were legally punishable by the sternest penalties. So willitcverbo where the public sentiment docs not lend its sanction to give vital energy to the dead letter of the law: and thus is it in the very case under consideration. Does any man doubt it? l^et liirn only use the senses and the understanding that hnve been given to guide him to correct conclusions. Let him close his ears to the siren song of politicians, chanting compromise and conciliation: let linn turn his eyes iroin tneir caricatures of passing events?and look at, and listen to the actions and the lunguage of the people of tho North. What sight greets his eyes ??the upheaving of the masses in open and sometimes armed resistance to this law?wliilo the sworn officers of Government perforin their part in imminent hazard, in fear and trembling. Nay, some have resigned their offices, through fear of tho consequences, or of the odiuin that would attach to them for continuing to hold them on the condition of faithful performance of duty. How many slaves will we see "reclaimed to service"?or is a forced sale to be so considered, wheu in fact there is but "Hobson's choice." What sounds greet his eat from the law-abiding, the Nutional North I . A confused chorus of yells of defiance, of groans, and blasphemous profanity as though the depths of Pandemonium had been stirred up, aud the demon of discord let loose to distract and madden the minds of fanatics* knaves, and fools?and the burden of that chorus is "Repeal, and until then Resistance. " These are the sights and sounds that anv mail in full possession of his senses cannot fail to be regaled with, turning his attention to the North?and if there are to be found there a few more conscientious in the discharge of duty, and honest and manly enough to utter the truth, and rebuke the foul spirit of robbery and wrong now rampant there, they are as seldom and as faintly seen as the stars when the cloud-rack obscures the face of the sky. No: the hope, slight as it was, of those who first drew up and pressed this bill, have not been fulfilled, and the result has proven how idle was any such calculation. The result has shown that j the Northern aggressors spurn the mandates of law, as much as they had previously repudiated the voice of fraternity and justice, and the more solemn sanctions of Holy Writ The issue of several of the former cases our readers are fouiiliAr with. Hamlet was sold into freedom, and a jubilee was given on his return. The two latest cases were those before Judge Grier, in Philadelphia, and another in Detroit, in both cases nccompaniod by riot and bloodshed?in neither ease waa the slave " restored to service and labor." In each the Abolitionists retained the man?without expending themselves one dollar, while heavy expenses were incurred by the owner and the Government. Judge Grier, it seems, rebuked the spirit of Mob Law exhibited, and threatened to suppress that game if attempted, even by the shedding oT blood. Philadelphia has good cause to dread her own hounds when their muzzles are slipped. But the Judge rendered the mob unnecessary? for he released the slave. Here is the account of this case, over which Southern Compromisers will make great glorification : [Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot.] Philadei.phia, Friday, p. m. Yesterday afternoon a negro named Henry Garnet, a bod carrier, was arrested as the slave of Thomas P. Jones, of Cecil county, Maryland. This morning he was brought before Judge Grier, of the U. 8. District Court, attended by his counsel. At the opening of the Court, the Judge stated that the slave was charged with having absconded from his master, to whom he was held to labor for a term of years, to be free at 30, according to the will of Margaret Sanders, his former owner. /, In the attempt to prove the will of the late Margaret Sanders, under wbieh the plaintiff in the case claimed, a fatal defect in it was discovered. ' " ' : . Judge Grier said that the pspcr appeared originally to have something lilte a seal attached to it, out what it had been could not now be told. The will must therefore be rejected for the present Affidavits should hare been taken that there was such a person as the slave Henry, and that he was the property of Mr. Jones. He said, that he woald, for the carrying oat of the rtxpArements of the law, even send to the Preside* of the United States Cor a thousand j trcopa. if nwessary, and if aimed resistance | r " i , Ishould be offered, he would execute the law 'even if he should be compelled to walk through the blood of every colored person in the city. He said that 8 years delay had already been hud in reclaiming the slave, and the Marshal was under great responsibility, and lie did not feel , disjK)sed to add to his responsibility, if he could avoid it He was disposed to give justice as well to the master ns to the slave; but the master must prove his case to the very letter. Ill conclusion, the Judge said, that as the i claimant hud failed to make out his case, the prisoner liad a right to his discharge. Thus ends the first case tried in this city under the Fugitive blavc bill. i We do not pretend to sit in judgment on I Judge Gueiu's decision; but whether in strict ' consonance witti law, or not, tho decision will 1 not tend to create a confidence iu the efficacy of the law. . The issue is unfortunate in that re- ?> spect, to say the least of it. Not very satisfactory, nor very profitable this * proceeding! But the Submissionists w ill point 3 another case " where the mnster got the value ' of the slave." Well! that is rather a conipul- a sory species of sale, but it is better than losing v property altogether. Let us look into tho case t d Detroit?Gen. Cass's place of residence by ii ;ne way. mo seiuomeni more was uy a nine 1; compromise or adjusttnont. o " Delruil, OcL 15.?Since I wrote you, the n legro excitement has aoiuewhat subsided. The a.ilitary was oti Friday night withdrawn from the jail yard, since which time a police hus been 8 on duty. On Saturday evening a largo meeting 0 was held, at which the Mayor presided, and in- e tlammatory speeches made by Hon. R. S. Ring- ( ham, Messrs. Joy and Emmons, and others. The meeting was largo and enthusiastic, and the resolutions were not of tho most infhmima- t tory character. ? Yesterday, a subscription of $500 was raised j. principally from among our Democratic citizens, . tor the purchase of the negro. It was headed 'J by II. Lcdynrd, esq., son-in-law of Gen. Cass, '' with $50. Not a real noisy abolitionist, we be- s lieve subscribed a dollar. The negro was last |; night released from custody, and was really unable what course to decide on. lie said lie had always been treated in the kindest manner, and v regretted that he had caused all this excitement. Ii His owrer, who is a brother ot' Hon. Mr. Rose, ? of Geneva, (we believe,) paid all expenses, to j the amount of about $*200, pocketing the $300 as the value of the negro, and left for home. 8 oo me great iiisurrecuuu mm euui-u. This morning largo numbers of negroes are ] crowding over to Sandwich, Canada. We do , not anticipate any further trouble, for fugitives will hereafter be cautious how they remain in town. Marshal Knox is deserving of credit for the faithful manner in which he has discharged his duties." Thus it will be seen, as in the former case at Now York,that the master instead of getting back his slave, pockets $300, as the value of the negro, a mere nominal amount which certainly could not compensate him for the time and trouble wasted, not to mention the unpleasantness and peril of the enterprise. And this will be trumpeted throughout the Southern States to show how faithfully our brethren are observing the law of the land !!! The whole transaction displays its real character on its face. The purchase was made by Mr. Ledvard and some other gentlemen? none of whom were " noisy Abolitionists." Does any one believe that those gentlemen would have put their hands into their pockets to pay for a slave who was from this account, unuhle to decide whether to return with liis master yr not?unless they knew that the attempt to enforco the law, would cud in riot nnd blood shed ? Wo arc willing to give all credit to the officers who perform their duty, but their sole choice is between its performance and i resignation, and for the latter mauy nro not pre1 pared, even if so inclined. But the spirit of the masses as evinced in the general tone of the Northern and Northwestern papers out of the large commercial cities?of the popular gatherings?of the resolutions adopted?the cry of repeal, nnd the determined action against the execution of the law, all speak in> a touo not to be mistaken. Our Northern brethren are repeating the Proviso experiment, with the most marked success. They are accomplishing, by the agitation of the matter, the same results that would arise from the adoption of the measure they clamor for?and when they have secured nnd swallowed the oyster, will most magnanimously offer the shell to their Southern brethren as " a great measure of conciliation nnd compromise." The u prudent i and patriotic" national men at the South will say: "Why need we disturb the general peace j and harmony by agitating' the matter?the oyster 1 is gone, and our brethren might have insulted , us by keeping the shell?let us take it and be thankful. If they had insisted on keeping that shell,then we wonld have blustered," and backed out. Thus we see, while the open ! insolent and repeated declarations of whole communities at the North that they will resist, and render nugatory this law, are accompanied by acts proving their earnestness?a voice of feeble expostulation comes from the Southern supporters of "peace at all hazards and to the last extremity," warning them not to repeal the law: and devoutly returning thanks, when one negro is caught, and liberated afterwards! while hundreds of others, under the cloak of the agitation, are seeking refuge in Canada. We re-assert, that for all prnotic.nl purposes? for the restoration to service of nine slaves out of ten to their masters, thp law has been as cflcctnullv pnrio.nltifl nc if St. hnrl tiaan /'no St probably soon will be) from the statute book. Should the North find tho agitation sufficient for tho end in vievfr, they may most graciously stop short of that, and throw their Southern friends another bone in that way, to save them from sheer starvation?for the sake of the Parly, it must be preserved. The Washington Union in referring to Washington IIcnt's proposal for essential modifications of the Fugitive Slave law, says: "The repeal of this law, or even such a modification as ho suggests, which would be a virtual repeal, would violate the amicable adjustment of this difficulty, and instantly firo the deep-seated feeljngs of the South, and lead to an immediate rupture. No human agency could arrest it. The rising of the sun on that day will not be more certain than that it would threaten to sunder the cords of tho Union. Every indiea! tion from that quarter "of tho Union forces this conviction upon us." The Union first says that the repeal or proposed modification would lead to on immediate " rupture, and next that it would threaten to sunder, &.c. This will alarm tho North too bad?particularly after the Ihreatenings she heard on the territorial spoliation, and the rejoicings of the Union after it was accomplished. f JC^Jenny Lind has returrsd to N?w York to Milan ngagsgntui. * Porteatoue. We take the subjoined article from the Richmond Whig, the leading ]mper of a large and ' powerful jturty 'n the largo and powerful South- * ern State of Virginia. The Richmond Whig, 'L as we stated a short time ago, and as it con- ^ fcflsed, supported the resolutions of the Virginia j r _ a. j il kt . t . *ii^ r?AM..Ar. Legislature?supporica uw musuviue v>uii>cu-1 ? tion?and then supported General Taylor's c policy?and then supported tlie Compromise I bills. The snine paper denounced the course of I the majority of the New York Whig Conven- [ tion, which endorsed the course of Mr. Seward, r ind applauded the secession from that body ' ivhich was caused by that endorsement. Washington Hunt was nominated by the A lame convention that endorsed Mr. Sewakd. Washington Hunt luis since written a letter, l' f vhieh we published, endorsing the course of dr. Seward. Mr. Hunt himself is for essential ^ nodifications of the Fugitive Slave law, and C gainst all further territorial extension of sla- a cry, and hence, is in favor of prohibiting it in v he territories of Utah and New Mexico, if there jt ? any danger of its going there. In a word, he 1 j in favor of violating every misernble remnant t1 f tho lute miserable Compromise that recog- * ized a single right of the South. On the np- ^ earance of his letter, it was published with the ti ilent acquiescence of the Republic here, the I rgan of the President. Nay, tho Republic 1 ? i j .1 ?r_ *n ? ven puunsnea me opinion 01 iur. juiohr-j ^ jloneral Crittenden, in favor of the consliiu- u ionaliiy of the Fugitive Slave law, which has a leen happily called by the correspondent of the * "few York Herald the nppology of Fillmore to Jewakd, for the Republic did not urge a word h, a favor of the reason or justice of the law, but imitcd itself to the argument that a Whig Pre ident was bound not to veto a constitutional t| ?w of Congress. We have warned the South that no relianca jfas to be placed in the submission papers. We j, lave derided their threats of resistance to future ^ iggressions. We did not expect our prcdiclions r ,0 be bo soon fulfilled. But here is a leading lubmissionist paper of the South already sub- p mitting to, nay, rejoicing over the hope of elect- ll ing a man as Governor of the Empire State of a the North, who repudiates the pitiful remnants ^ of recognition of Southern rights, almost be- f fore the ink on the late bill for the abject sur- c render of the South is dry: 0 Utica Convention.?The proceedings of the n Convention at Utica, which was held on live 17th j instant, will probably be known by telegraph before this article is published. We regard the re- . suit as vitally important to the success of the *Whig party of the Union. Whutever the result ? may be, it is proper that the correspondence be- ( tween Mr. Granger and Washington Hunt?the f nominee for Governor at Syracuse, should be i spread before our readers. In one aspect, which the proceedings at Utica may assume, Mr. Hunt's j letter will be the mark of peculiar animadversion. ^ If his nomination at Syrucuse is confirmed, the o whole Locofoco press of the Empire State, Hunker and Barnburner, will rail at the enormities of s what they will be pleased to call an Abolition nomination. This cry of denunciation will come I from the party headed at Syracuse by John Van I Buren, the Prince of Abolitionists, whose vener- g able sire was nominated in secret conclave us a fit candidate for the Presidential chair in 1852.? , That the Democratic party, of every shade of ? opinion, will join in the hue and cry against . Washington Hunt, is already foreshadowed by ' the course of the great organ of the Washington ^ Union. Th?fierce battery is already open in that ? quarter, to be followed by u murderous cannonade. It requires no seer to fathom the design of t .? . . - -*.T V...I. a 1. - 131 .1 / i incse movement*. ioik ib me r lanuers oi / the Presidential battle ground. Demolish the | fortress of Whig sentiment and Whig union in ( that great State, and the contest is ended. If Mr. . Hunt has received the nomination at Utics, an impartial view of the whole ground has convinced ' us, that it will not only be the salvation of the ' Whig parly, but the ultimate defeat of Aboli- 1 tionisin. , < Harmony will be restored to Northern Whigs, I on true Whig and Nutional grounds. Temporary discord, upon local and sectional grounds, will cease. If, after an attentive examination, we un- < derstand Mr. Hunt's letter, we find but two pas- , sages to which the most scrupulous men of the South (we do not mean Southern ultras) could 1 take any exception. Like ninety-nine in a hundred in his own latitude, he is opposed to the fur- ( ther extension of slavery, but advocates no illegal or unconstitutional measure to effect the prohibition. He is also of opinion, without denying the . right of the slave-owner to his property, or without questioning the obligation of the fugitive slave law?that the same, in some of its provisions, is unnecessarily lmrsh. This, in itself, is a matter purely of opinion, but, in the jaundiced vision of party, will be magnified into something of impor- ( tance. Men who could applaud James K. Polk i for giving his sanction to the Wilmot Proviso in the Oregon bill, will find nothing but base motive and baser doctrine in a mere abstraction without form or suusiunce. in uie main, we discover in Mr. Hunt a warm devotion to the national principles of the party he represents. His love of the cause is superior to personal predilections or personal interests. Let the reader examine and judge for himself. Hon. T. L. Cllngman. We were highly gratified by the perusnl of the following account of Mr. Cling man's reception, by a portion of his constituents. The course of Mr. Cltngman in the late session of Congress, was so honorable, so faithful, so able, and so consistent, that we could not but feel n deep interest in his triumph. We are happy to learn that his constituents appreciate him. And we cannot believe that any constituency in the South, can bo found so recreant as to repudiate a representative for contending that they had an equal right, or some right, to a share in the common territories of the Union. Some straggling cdi tor, looking to the Federal Government for patronage and for broad, may seek the favor of an abolition party by pleading for the dishonor or the plunder of his fellow-citizens, but no body of the people, we trust, can fall so low. From the .'hhville (A*. C.) A>ws. Tire Discussion on Wednesday.?On Wednesday last the Hon. T. L. Clingman addressed the people at this place, in relation to the various important public measures which have so long engaged the attention of Congress and of the country. He went into an elaborate and critical discussion of the whole slavery question, and judging from the repeated .cheers which greeted him from the largo crowd, the people were satisfied with his vindication of his public acts. Mr. Clingman has long enjoyed a reputation as an orator of the first class, but he even suruassed himself on this occasion, and the crowd testified r agMin and a^jain its approval by signs loo palpable to bo mistaken. Death of Free-Soillsm. The New York Herald announces the election < of Hon. SotOMo* Foot, a Free-soilor, to the \ Senate of the United States from the State of f Vermont Thus Free-soilism, instead of being < dead, has a stronger Footing, even In the Senate tlian ever. ^ fl A German writer in the Daily News says : "1 ? happened to be at Cologne when General Hay- 8 nan arrived. I witnessed the horror marked on ^ every countenance as he passed through the ( street*. To the credit of the cabmen of ^ Cologne, they one nnd all refused to drive ule 5 lfourroau Atricion," nnd he was forced to wnlk c to the station." n Tit# Proaciiptiou of Froo-soilexs. The following frank statements from the Lowell AnuricaityWiU show the "striking change vrought in the Whig sentiment of Boston by Hr. Webster f Jr 9 Whig Congressional Nomination in Boston. ?or a day or two past it has been stated that rudge George Tyler Bigelow had been selected is the Whig cudidate for Congress in the Suffolk liutrict. There was considerable congratulation, >ecause Bigelow is a fair man, and a great immovement upon Eliot, Fearing, and such-like teople. We are unformed that at a meeting of he Whig convention, Judge liigelow had h large nnjority?about '20 over all other candidates, nit that before a vote was taken to make the lomination unanimous, a debate took place and ho convention adjourned. This morning the Ulas has the following: " The Whig county convention of Suffolk, oat evening nominated J. Thos. Stevenson, esq., or member of Congress for the first district, nd the following gentlemen for Senators: Beuj. leaver, John II. Wilkins, Georgo H. Kuhn, /harles Hubbard, of Chelsea, Simon Greenleaf nd Albert Fearing. It is not yet ascertained whether the gentlemen nominated will accept." This is a grand nomination. Mr. Stevenson i an anti-slavery man; ho refused to vote for ^aylor, and has not acted in politics for a year or wo. He is a very decided anti-Webster man. Lt the time Webster made his 7th of March peech, Mr. Stevenson declared that there were ut few men who could disgrace a whole coun y : Mr. Webster was one, nnd he had done it. Io also declared that it would have been better i>r Webster's fame if he Irid died twenty years go. We rejoice at Mr. Stevenson's nominnion. We understand the motive, however, yell enough. It is to give an anti-slavery elinrcter to Whiggery, and thereby keep or get 'ree-soil votes enough to retain the State. The Vebstorites who consented to Stevenson's nora ration, hute hint, but tliey love office and must sve it. VVe are afraid that Mr. Stevenson will not ccept the nomination. It is not unlikely that le nomination is made with the understanding iat he will not accept. There has been also much crowing over the democratic Victory in Maine, in the Union and indrcd organs. The following statement from no Portland Inquirer shows how "sound and eliable" that State is. Representative Elections.?These ore important as showing a certain fact, which is that 'ie Free Democracy hold nearly all the Districts t their control. The second was lost by sheer tupidity?not for the want of voters, but votes. Vho will not blush that so much good was lost or want of barely 40 votes! The hunker Whigs if this city can tell why Mr. Fcssenden went >ut of it with 310 instead of 500 votes. In the third District we clearly hold the Induce of power. The same is true in the fourth. Andrews is elected simply on account of Whig oily. Mr. Morse or Mr. Goodenow would have >een elected by a strong majority. We do not loubt that Mr. Reed would have voted right in Congress, but the evidence of that was not sufieient to satisfy all the Free-soil voters. Hence Andrews is elected. in the 5th, Kmart is elected only because, of his Free-soil position. Without that, he would have >een defeated. Hunkers, remember that. We ihould rejoice to elect Mr. Cushing, but are glad io good a man as Mr. Kmart has succeeded. In the sixth, lluukerism is ground to powder >y Free-soil power, not influenced in the least >y party prejudice. So it will be again if necesiary. In the seventh, Fuller has fallen from 500 najority overall, to a bare plurality; and that :ould easily have been destroyed by one-half the free-soil vote, and would probably have been, ...J i-:_ i?*.. :?e.? uui ilia iutu iiuaunnn in vuugit-oo vuvn riven a little sooner. Free Democrats of Maine, the delegation of his Slate in Congress is essentially in yotir lands, by force of the plurality law. You can Lurn it as you will. Shall tins sacred trust be tamely yielded, or held?fortified?increased? for future use ? A good circulation to your paper organization, and manly action will enable you to wield it for freedom and the slaves. Let uf jay now to the State, that in 1852 the candidates >f cither party fully committed to freedom, arc ;o-be elected?the others defeated. There has also been much chuckling and crowing over John Wkntwortii's withdrawal? aot a word said, however, of the similarity ol opinion between himself and his successor. William B.Ogden,the special "Free-soil"candidate for Congress in the fifth (Chicago) District, Illinois, has declined in favor of It. S. Moloney, the "regular" candidate, who has pledged himself to " Free-soil" doctrines on every point The Meeting at Charlestown, Va. The following letter is from one of the most _0_ listinguUhed anil well informed citizens of Jefierson county, Va.: ClIARLESTOWN, JEFFERSON COUNTY, VA., ) October 20, 1850. ) I lmd designed to write to you on Friday night ast, but was too much occupied to do so. You will have heard, before this shall reach you, of he very able address which Mr. Mason delivered o our citizens on that day. I assure you I never leard an abler effort from any man. It teemed with the most interesting facts?his logic was uninswerable?and he indulged at times, in the most leautiful flights of passionate and thrilling eloquence. After one of these?when having deicribed, in language that I shall not attempt to live you?the wrongs, the outrages, which the ?outh had ulready endured. He exclaimed: "if here be one man in Virginia prepared to acquiesce, to submit, I am not that man. An old and venerable gentleman, one of our best and most inluential citizens, brought his hand down with an emphatic blow upon the desk before him, and the eourt-house rang with the most glorious burst of ipplabse that ever awakened the echoes of its walls. But I am sorry to be obliged to state that the ipplause which Mr. Mason received on that occauon, was from the Democrats almost exclusively. 3ut few whigs in this county are with him, though know somr who do, and they are strong men. rhe Democrats support him to a man. You know ought to be somewhat acquainted with the Denocracy of this county. I hare yet to find the irst one who is a Submissionist, who disapproves >f Mr. Mason's course, or who approves of Mr. Ritchie's upon the questions which have so shaten our country. The Democracy of this county were more demoted to Mr. Ritchie than you can well imagine, >ut at present, upon these questions, if he has tny supporters among them, I am not aware of he fact. Many of the Whigs support the Submission >olicy, because their President Fillmore approves if it, more because Henry Clay was its f ther, uiri most because they really believe it is letter to sit doWn quietly, fold our hands and subnit to nnirfAing which the dominant majority may thoose to inflict upon us, than to offer any resistmce, lest, perndventure, this "glorious Union diould thereby be dissolved." But some of them lo say, that the next feather will "break their tamel's back." But their camel has such a marrelously strong back, that I fear it will stand nany, many feathers yet. In haste, I am your friend, Libkr&tign of Kosiuth.?The Newark Advertiser has received private lettersfVorn Genoa to lie Hth of September, stating that the U. S. steam rigate Mississippi, Captain Long, which was hen at that port with the Independence, Com. ilorgan, and the St. Lawrence, waa to leave in a ew days for Constantinople, for the noble purpose if bringing away the Hungarian Kossuth and his irave companions. The Fcoitiv? Slave Law has been denounced s unconstitutional, unjust, and oppressive, by a ynod of the Old School Presbyterian Church asembledat Pittsburg, on the 17th instant, at which wo hundred ministers and elders were present. i committee, the majority of whom were opposed o the act, was appointed to report on the subject, rhe Annual Convention of the Unitarians, at Ipringfield, Mass., and the New York Evangelial Association, in session at Poughkeepsie, have nanifeeted a similar rpirit 1 1 ""'J1 ' 11 f " g=g Report or Professor Alexahder 1). Bache, Superintendent of the Coast Sublet, show, ing the progress of tliat work for the year ending October, 1844: Whatever may be thought of the constitu- | tional power of the Federal Government to cause n sur\'ey of our sea cost, or the policy of carrying it to such u great extent, at so much expense us we have done, nobody can doubt the utility of the work itself. The hiat report of Prof. Bache contains some fourteen maps and charts of u large portion of our Atlantic coast, which appears to have been surveyed and delineated with extraordinary skill, accuracy and labor. An elaborate system of triongnlation has been conducted according to the i most rigid mathematical methods?improved by the use of the magnetic telegraph. Probably no sea-coast in the world has been more exact- 1 ly defined, with all the shores, rouks, should, soundings, capes, harbors, &c., minutely set down. Such a vvo:k must be invaluable to the ! 1 manner. Wo must say that the chart of Charleston Harbor is on a scale so small and in a style so inferior as compared with New York and Bos- , ton Harbors, tliat wc are at a loss to account for it, unless the political influences of the Capital extend themselves to all brunches of public service. We must confess, too, that wo are not 1 much struck with the style in which the surveys of the Florida Keys are presented, particularly when it happen* that they are the most dangerous and destructive to American lives and commerce of any part of the cost. And we observe in Appendix No. 14 of the Report, that these disasters are increasing on that coast, notwithstanding these surveys and charts. Thus: APPENDIX No. 14. Extracts from the annual registers of marine disasters on the Florida reef. (Received from As- i sistant F. H. Gerdes, United States coast survey-) n Value of Year. Salvage paid ??P'V5r" at Vessel and y "est- cargo. ] 1844 - $92,712 19 $76,3.72 10 $725,000 00 1 1845 - 69,591 99 36,115 52 737,000 00 1 1846 - 123,892 00 107,531 00 1,597,300 00 1847 - 50,626 00 80,917 62 525,000 00 1848 - 125,800 00 200,000 00 1,282,000 00 ' 461,622 18 500,916 24 4,866,300 00 Av'ge 1 y 92,324 44 100,183 25 973,260 00 ' Number of vessels wrecked in 1844 29 Number of vessels wrecked in 1845 26 Number of vessels wrecked in 1846 58 Number of vessels wrecked in 1847 20 Number of vessels wrecked in 1848 41 IN umber of vessels wrecked in live years 114 Average one year 35 NEW PUBLICATIONS. Lessons from the History of Medical Delusions. By Worthington Hooker, M. D. Author of "Physician and patient." For sale by Taylor & Maury of this city. This is "TheFiske Fond'Dissertation of the Rhode Island Medical Society." Dr. Hooker gives us some amusing accounts of the medical delusions under which great Philosophy labored. Berkely, the celebrated Bishop of Cloyne, thought that Tar Water was a specific remedy for a dozen of the most formidable diseases. The Doctor says : "We wonder that so wise a man as Bishop Berkeley was, did not know better than to think ! so much of Tar Water. But somehow he did 1 not know better, and many learned men after , him have not known better than to think too , much of ridiculous things, even such ridiculous things as infinitesimal dose.s of such inert sub1 stances as charcoal and oyster shell. The history of medical delusions most copiously illus trates the truth, that lolly is very iar irom Doing T confined to fools. That even pre-eminent wisdom and mental power fail, us in Berkeley's cose, to save from folly in medicine, might be shown by many examples. But a few will suffice. Boyle, who [ has been called 'the morning star of physical science,' was exceedingly credulous ill regard to " specifics, and seriously speaks of the thigh bone of an executed criminal as a cure for dysentery. Bacon, who by the force of his wisdom revolu lionized the world of mind, was weak enough to attribute virtue to charms and amulets, nnd could not bring his mind to disbelieve the propriety of applying ointments to the weapons that made the wounds, instead of tho wounds themselves. And Luther, who with such masterly wisdom and energy revolutionized tho re' ligious world, gave utterance to the following specimen of weakness nndtfolly: 'Experience has proved the toad to be endowed with valuable qualities. If you rnn a stick through three toads, and after having dried them in the snn apply them to any pestilent tumour, they draw out alf the poison, and the malady will disappear.'" * ***** * "So, when the celebrated John Wesley was 'more disposed to attribute his cure to u brown paper plaster of egg and brimstone, than to Dr. FothergiH'a salutary prescription of country air, rest, ass's milk, ana horse exorcise,' he perpetrated the very error which lies at the founda- , tion of almost all the quackery in the world.? 'The resuscitating influence of four months' repose from his apostolic labors,' was, as is the ease with many clerical invalids of the present 1 day, the antecedent, which was tho chief cause of the cure. Mental influence explains many of the cures which have been ascribed to charms and amulets and inoantations. The same may he said of the cures performed by the royal touch. This pracfnllnwpH Lv nil the kincs of Encrland. from Edward the Conqueror to Queen Anne, with the exception of William III., who rejected the folly. So general was the belief in*it, that Chnrles II touched nearly a hundred thousand persons in the course of twelve years. Mental influence, too, explains the manifest diminution of sickness which was so often seen to follow the driving a nail into the wall of the temple of Jupiter among the Romans in time of pestilence. The solemn pomp with which a dictator was chosen for this specific purpose, and the ceremony attending the performance of the act, were well calculated to inspire eontidcnce in the minds of the superstitious people. It was the calm, cheerful, hopeful state of feeling, thus diffused over the community, that produced the result, though the people referred it to the appeasing influence which this public act was supposed to exert upon an offended deity." The Doctor is against Homoeopathy : "There is some truth in Hydropathy; some, a little, in Thompsoninnism *, some in Cntomelism, as it may be termed, for calomel is used by some in spmewhat the same exclusive way as water is by the Hydiopath, and lobelia nnd red I popper nnd steam, are by the Thompsonian. Of I Homoeopathy, popular as it is among the refined, the learned and the wealthy, 1 must make an ex- , ception. There is absolutely no truth in this i system. In this mode of practice, if followed < out in good faith, there is nothing done, though 1 there is a show of doing much." 1 ' An invention has been patented, called the , Autographic Press, by which a letter written on | prepared paper can be transferred by a short . process to a metalic plate, from which any number of copies may afterwards be taken on common paper, and by ordinary pressure. ' A -in '-"ir ' f- r -in if- - For Ike Southern Press. Th? Freildeut and Texas. No. 4. We have seen how the United States got "possession" of New Mexico, and what was tne nature of that possession. It was a pedis nosstssio by General Kearney and his troops, of a few acres in Santa Pe, extended by proclamation to the original bounds of New Mexico. Having thus possessed himself of all New Mexico, Mr. Polk instructs hitn to establish a temporary military government iu the Province, to preserve it from anarchy, to secure peace and protection to its citizens, and their subjection to the United Stutes during the war. To those who may not be acquainted with (he law of nations, it may not be amiss to otter a few words in explanation of this kind of government. "Immovable possessions, (during war,) lands, towns, provinces, &c., become the property of the enemy who makes himself master of them; but it is only by the treaty of peace, or the entire submission and extinction of the State to which those towns and provinces belonged, that the acquisition is completed, and the property becomes stable and perfect," (Vatel p. 886.) What now is to be done with the province until the treaty is made ? It is for the time being, absolutely the property of the captor, but it may be recaptured, or it muy be considered unworthy of the trouble and expense of holding it, or it may be advisable to exchange it for provinces taken by the other party, or at the treaty of peace, the parties may rix upon a money-indemnity, or some other that is satisfactory to both, in which case such party gains his original landed possessions. In the meantime the people of the province must be kept in order. This may be done by allowing them to live under their own laws, modified at the discretion of the conoueror, (as was done in the city of Mexico,) or by an entire abrogation of their laws and substitution of new ones. The latter course was pursued by Kearney, at least he entirely remodeled the New Mexican form of government, reserving only such of its laws as harmonized with a body of laws compiled for the most part from the statutes of Missouri, of Texas, and Coahuila, and the Livingston code.* Tliiu Government (as nil governments or tne kind do,) expired at the close of the war. With the treaty of Hidnlgo it became defunct, utterly null and void. More of it in another place. Having established thiB temporary government, General Kearney stations a small part of his command in and about Santa Fe, sends a part to General Wool, and taking three hundred men, (the flower of his army,) with him, he wends his way to Calitbrnia. As he left New Mexico in 1846, so the treaty of Hidalgo found it iu 1848. As the treaty of Hidaldo found it in 1848, so did Mr. Fillmore find it in 1850. Thus we have had a conquered State, part of which belongs to Texas and part to the United States, living under the government of neither for two years! A State, (if we may so call it,) existing under a code of laws in which the legislative authorities of the Union have never had a voice! A code of laws made by the Executive of the United States, ncling under a Constitution which carefully separates tne executive, legislative, and judicial departments of the Government, and which expressly declares, that u all legislative powers shall be vested in a Congress, &c.'' A code of laws, dead ip body and soul two years ?go! ' Sueh is the possession which the United States sees up against Texas; such the laws which the President feels himself bound to sustain at the point of the bayonet against Texas! We beg the reader to bear in mind the indisputable fact, that from May 1848, to the date of tne message, there was no law in New .Mexico which any body was bound to recognize, or uiai any one could recognize as possessing any binding force. Tliis talk of Mr. Webster and others, about the Kearny government being kept up "/com necessity," is language which may be indulged, while it means no more than that New Mexico is left to get along as well as she can in the absence of all legitimate government. But when the "necessity" means that Abolitionisls would not allow her a government without incorporating an unconstitutional condition in it, the languuge becomes preposterous, and disgraceful to the nation. And when that mere bastard offspring of such a necesstvf is recognized by the President, as clothed with all the attributes of a Stale, and fostered with more care by him thnira State woujd be, it is high time for the States to begin to think of a new Government. It may be well to inquire, why Kearney was instructed to take possession of the whole of New Mexico according to its original boundaries.? When General Taylor entered Texas, she was not yet annexed to the United States; but it was certain that she soon would be. He was therefore directed to regard respectfully thesuggestionsofthe Texian Executive, and of our Minister to that republic, touching the position and disposition of his forces. This of course, for without the assent of Texas, he was a lawless intruder upon her territory. He was advised by the President of Texas to take post west of the Nueces, as he did; and as Nortn-west Texas was at that time greatly annoyed by Indian incursions, the Texan Executive requested him to divide his forces if he could do it with safety, and place a part of them at Austin for the protection of the State from these incursions. This he promised to do as soon as he could command the forces requisite to meet a Mexican invasion, (then furiously threatened) and likewise protect the North-western frontier from the inroads of the savages. He could never spare the force needful to the latter object, and consequently that frontier was left exposed through the whole war, and is to this day exposed to Indian J 1,..' Wl Innlr ucpicuauuiio. ?* UCll xvtai IICJT iiifTvcitt vvun possession of New Mexico, he designed to meet the demands of Texas as far as he could; and therefore he distinctly declared, that he took possession of New Mexico with its original boundaries, ns part of the United States, and to protect "all the peaceable inhabitants within its boundaries against their enemies, the Eutaws, the Nayajoes, and others." This proclamation, the President understands to be a pledge on the part of the United States, to protect the citizens of New Mexico, from the intrusions of Texas, by virtue of the concluding terms, "and others." As this construction makes Texusan "enemy" to both the United States and New Mexico, and classes her among the Indian tribes, we doubt the correctness of his Excellency's version; but we have no doubt of the motive which prompted it. Kearney had not established his military government long, before the President of Texas inJuired of Mr. Polk, whether this government was esigned to interfere with the claim of Texas, to the territory east of the Rio Grande; and he was assured by Mr. Polk that it was not;?that it was a government intended merely to secure his conquests, and preserve order in them, which would end with the war. This is about the twentieth assurance that Mr. Polk gave, to the same effect. Texas having waited two years for the United States to trace out her boundary according to the treaty, finding no government in New Mexico to "negotiate with, proceeds to organize counties in her oft-admitted territory, when she is met by an United States officer, who intimates to her that she must desist, for that this territory was claimed by the United States. Texas appeals to the President to know if this interference is by his authority, and she is informed that it was. She avows her determination to send her commissioner to lay off the counties with a force sufficient to protect him from interruption; and the President informs her that if she does she will be met by the armed force of the United Slates. Now we will venture to assert that there is not a profound jurist on the face of the globe, out of the United States, who, upon the foregoing statement of facts, will not say that they present no grounds of dispute at all?not one who will hesitate to declare that as between Texas and the United States, the claim ot the latter is opposed by every law. No man, unacquainted with the state of parties in this country, could form a plausible conjecture of the grounds of the President's pretensions. He gives tlicm to us, and let us hastily examine theni : "The territory east of the Rio Grande (about to be laid off in counties) has been heretofore regarded as an essential and integral part of the department of New Mexico, until conquered and severed from the Republic of Mexico by the American arms." This is not true in point of fact, and is of no force if true. It was not so regarded by the man who conquered it?by the Congress of the United States, who declared the country to be in a state of war when Mexico attacked our troops on the eastern bank of the Rio Grande ?nor by the President and Senate who made the treaty. They did not mark out this territory as conquered from Mexico nt all. And what signifies it, what was thought of this territory while it belonged to Mexico. Who ojvnsitnow? is the question. "The President is Commander-in-chief, Ac., snd the Constitution declares that he shall see the laws faithfully executed." The compilation was made by Col. A. W. Doniphan, assisted by Willard P. Hall, and does thein no little honor. ** JN* ' A A 1 1 " ' " What lava? Why clearly, the lawa of the United Statea, and lawa of a state which the State cannot enforce. And what law did l*exas violate in laying oil' counties in the territory in queation ? The Pieaident'a answer is, that if ahe goes in force to organize a government in the territory, she will violate no law, to be sure ; but she will come under the power given to bira to auppress combinations which cannot be suppressed " by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or the power vested in the marshals. But the combinations must be to arrest /air*, not to walk on lund ; and [ they must be too powerful for judges and marshals, before the President can interfere. How are we to know when they are too powerful for the judicial officers and their assistants? Why, when they say no, and call for bis help ; not when he thinks so. Ca*.-s have beeu put to show that the President iniglit interfere to suppress combinations without any previous judicial proceedings. Enough to say in answer to these cases, that he could not do so under this statute. With time, we would show that he eannot do so at all. " But he has power, under circumstances, to prevent obstructions to the laws of a State or territory." Again we ask, what Slate law has been violated, save the law of Texas, and that by the President himself? What territorial law has been violated ? The President points to none. But n treaty is a law, the President informs us, and he has to see to the execution of that. A treaty it, in strictness, not a law, but a conlract; but us it is called a law in the Constitution, we will not take exceptions to the name. Still, the thing is not changed in its nature ; and this is just nreeiselv such h ? Imn" n.q the President, ill the caae before us, cannot enforce at all upon his own mere motion. We will not stop to inquire when he may enforce treaties. Suffice it to say, that if there is any thing settled in this world, it is that a treaty binds none but the parties to it, and neither can derive authority from it to interfere with the rights of third parties who had no voice in it. But here is'a prodigy in international law. The President derives frohi Mexico a right to make war upon Texas, a province of his own country ; and to make war upon her for entering without his permission, upon the very territory which his country went to war to secure to Texas. The President believes this is all right, or he does not. If he believes it, he ought to resign his place immediately : if he does not, he Bhould be pushed out of it without a moment's delay. " But Mr. Webster believes it, and he is a profound jurist." It is not fair to argue aguinst Mr. Webster's opinions, until he has had time to change them. Enough to say he is not the President. " But the treaty stipulates that Mexicans remaining in New Mexico shall be protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion." And was Texas going to interfere with any of these rights? And if she was, did the treaty stipulate that the President was to protect them? Through a column and a half of his message, the President argues upon the assumption that the disputed territory is part of New Mexico, und therefore,having well ascertained boundaries, from which he intends to drivd Texas, and which he cannot do without knowing what he is to drive her from, and then he tells us that he had no "authority to determine what was the true line of boundary between Mexico and the United States, before the treaty of Hidalgo, nor has he any such power, since the question has become a question, between the State of Texas and the United States. So far as this boundary is doubtful, that doubt can only be removed by some act of Congress, to which the assent of the State of Texas may be necessary, &c." " But," he proceeds, " all must now be regarded as New Mexico, which was pos-. sessed and occupied as New Mexico, by citizens of Mexico at the date of the treaty." Here is a pretty batch of inconsistencies to come from the first officer of the Government ! He is going to protect citizens within certain lines which he has no authority to determine any thing about. He must recognize the original boundaries of New > 1.1 u? i.?,i ?.,,i Mexico, uy Home uiy Iiinji mat uc 1IU.U wt.w.c, ...... cannot recognize the map that was mode to explain the treaty, and which flings all the disputed territory to Texas. From this profound course of reasoning, he comes to the conclusion that it is a proper case for amicable adjustment. It is adjusted, and about three times as much territory as was in dispute, is cut out of Texas, extending four degrees and a half below 36.30, and purchased by the United States at the price of #10,000,000. We have seen that there was not the slightest "round for dispute between the United States and Texas. Let us now give the true version of this outrageous transaction. Here it is; Texas was a large slaveholding State, liable to be cut ut> into four more slaveholding States. This, an Abolition President apd Congress could not endure. A dispute was therefore to be raised, and the alarm of civil war was to be spread through the country, to prepare the way for another of those insidious, deceitful, pilfering things called " compromises." Heretofore we ha.! been compromised out of the common domain only. Now, we were to be compromised out of well secured slave territory; and that was to be turned into Free-soil. Hitherto we had only compromised away rights; now we were to compromise away our own lur.d. Heretofore we only gave the Free-soilers so much of the income of the partnership, upon condition of their leaving a part for future disputes. Now we were to surrender to them a part of our Capital and help them to pay for it. This is the true version of the Presidents manoeuvring; and it has succeeded. Thus closes a series of aggressions and usurpations which would IIIUVC any UllICI 11 cc pcuific UIIUCI IIUOVCII ?# ai msv, but the " cuivalry'\oi the South. California, Utah, New Mexico, and a tremendous slice of Texas, all bathed with Southern blood, gone, and forever gone, without a shillings worth to the South, (save Texas,) and a debt of ten millions saddled upon her to boot! "TV 11 this in one session of Congress, and all intermixed with the broadest insults, the keenest sarcasm, the bitterest taunts, the boldest dares, and the rudest reproaches, that ever were heaped upon the heads of an unoffending people since the world was made. But the South is comfortable still. Tp be sure, there is a little twitching of her nerves, out she has been favoretfaavith a law to help her to reclaim her slaves, and tnough it cannot be enforced, it shows such kindness on the part of her tormentors, that she must be won to quietude by it, at least. And some of her blood-bought territory has a government provided for it without an unconstitutional i condition to it; and last and best of all, she has got peace, that gracious boon which the highwayman does not always leave to his victim. Has she been driven out of California? " That is no ground of resistance," says Mr. Toombs, " California had surely a right to exclude slavery from her soil if she chose." True, friend Robert, and she had a right to defined limits and a territorial government, three years agoj but she could not get it, without an interdict of slavery incorpo-, raln/l in it If >a nnl flio rio-ht nf rtfltifVirnin that we complain of, but the miserable jugglery by which she was firat postponed, and then pushed prematurely and anomalously into the form of a State. The overleaping of all justice to keep her out, until she came with her anti-slavery passport in her hand; and the overleaping of all custom to get her in, when she presented her uassport. The whole procedure is beslimed witn anti-slavery filth; and therefore we object to it, as one of a thousand tokens, that we are to get nothing from the Federal Government but injustice as long as we remain under it. Nothing wrong in Texas selling a part of her domain if she chooses to do so," says Mr. Stephens. Nothing, friend Alexander. But it is to the manner of getting up the trade that we object to; the stirring up of a groundless dispute with her; the holding the sword to her throat and rattling ten millions in her ear; the running of lines so as to take in three times as much as was in dispute for Free-soil, and running down South four degrees and a half below 36.30, and then calling upon the South to help pay the price. Texas may make her bargains as sne pieases, it i she does nothing to involve Mississippi's interests; I but if she leaves a question unsettled by her compromises and trades, which involves the sovereignty of Mississippi, she will be pleased to allow Mississippi a word in the matter. If Texas I sell the whole of her domain for a shilling, she is I welcome to do so; but if she so conducts the trade I that Mississippi shall be required to pay a farthing 11 of the price, Mississippi is not to be told that it is I none of her business. It is her business. And when the price amounts to ten millions, the I heaviest portion of which, by another shuffle of I Yankee legerdemain, is to pull on her, Ala- I bama and Georgia; it is so much her business and I their business, that if they tamely submit to it I they deserve to be fleeced tothepointof starvation. I But here we go as usual?some of their represen- I tatives pulling one way, and others another-? their people distracted?hoping against hopa? M storming and truckling, flouncing and submitting, |H and making themselves ridicrilous in the eyes of JH the world, and contemptible in the eyes of their adversaries. " Well, but the thing is ail done^H now, and it is not to be remedied. What would^H you have us do >" We will tell you in our nexl^H and bid yon adieu. S L.ELIUS