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Kt'ply of JBllwood Fisher to the Rerlew of his Lectnre ea the North end the ! south hjr "J uitlce." ( To the Edilort of iki Louucille. Journal: i [OOMCLI'OED. ] Few subjects are so important, so much (lis- | cussed, and so little understood as the rights of f man. The nature of man is even yet a mystery? ( physically, mentally, and morally. The very ( existence of his will, oral least its freedom, on -which all duty and all right depend, is denied by j a numerous sect in religion, and by many philos- ( ophe s. The very term right is not yet defined, j nor are the alleged rights, even those declared to be the self-evident and the most essential, of uny ] settled signification. What is liberty ? What is happiness? What is the pursuit of happiness? fclome believe in the total depravity, some in the ( original innocence, others in the perfectibility of ] man. Some affirm, and others deny his capacity ( for self-government?and many inquire what self- ( government is. Does it imply tne regulation of | his own conduct by each man?or the government ' of a number of persons by a majority of that number? It happens, indeed, that almost every thing that affects or determines the rights of mun, is a ( subject of difference or dispute among the wise and great, even in this enlighteued age. I am, however, willing to waive difficulties, and to concede all that can, with any reason, be demanded, in behalf of authority, of opinion, of usage. The writer of "Justice'' says that, if the doctrine of my lecture is correct, "all the nrinci pies on which our republican institutions rest are , false?that 'all men have a right to life, liberty, ( and the pursuit of happiness,'is not only not a uni- j versal and 'self-evident truth,' as is asserted in our declaration of independence, but it is not even u ( partial truth ; it is in all tenses and in all respects a . iie." Now the doctrine of the lecture involves no ( such consequence. The lecture merely undertakes to show that the two races of white nnd black, in the relation of master and slave in the Southern Slates of this Union, live respectively in greater comlort and prosperity than in the Northern Slates, where tney stand in the relation of superior and degraded classes, or than in the South American States, where they are politically equal, or than in separate nations. And this "is shown by facts?Tacts which are established. Now the inference from this, so far from being at variance with the principles of the Declaration of Independence, would rather seem to be that the instiutions of thk Northern States, and of foreign nations, white and tblack, are at greater variance with that instrument than those of the Southern States ; since superior comfort and prosperity imply the enjoyment of a greater amount of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and even of its attainment. And this is so clear that I might rest upon it as a concl#iive reply to his assertion of * a variance between the lecture and thefleclnration of independence. But as that instrument is frequently cited in the controversy between the North and the South, and is continually misunderstood and misapplied, I will avail myself of this occasion to examine the subject still further. The Declaration is that " all men are oea'.ed free and equal"?and "ore endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, and that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Now I agree that our first parents trere created free and equal and were endowed with those rights which were inalienable. But the Declaration is that all nunare created freeand equal. True. And so, some thousands of years after the event, it was declared, " For in six days the Lord made heaven and earth and sea and all that in them is." It cannot be contended with reason that men are now created. Such an expression does not occur in Scripture after the creation of our first parents: " On the seventh day God ended his work" of creation. Besides, the works of God are all good." But infants are born more or less infirm or depraved by the moral and physical infirmities of their parents. S:ill less can it be asserted that they are now created free and equal. Children are born in subjection to their parents, and in subjection to the social and political institutions of the country of their birth. And this subjection is modified by the moral character of their parents?aftheirrace. Adam and Eve were creuled free?free from subjection even to their wauls. But Adam, for his transgression, was doomed to earn his bread by the sweat of his face, front asoil cursed with sterility and with thorns and thistles on his account. His liberty, even of eating breud, was restrained by the necessity of toiling for it. Such remains the condition of his race. And Eve, because she whs the first to transgress, whs doomed not only to certain restraints on her affections?restraints which remain in all their force even to this day?but wus made subject to her husband, who was \o rule over her, and all Christian sects, except the Clunkers, even now require the bride, in the marriage contract, to promise to "obey" her husband. Cain, for the murder of his urouier, was cm oil iroip tne liberty ol obtaining: Ins bread by the soil at all?" when thou tillest the ground, it shall not henceforth yield unto thee her stretigth"?and he therefore went o(T and built a city, in which he became dependent exclusively on his own powers, and from'him sprang Tubalcuin, the first manufacturer. But our progenitors proceeded to great wickedness, and human life was abridged to less than n tenth of its former duration, and remains to this day thus abbreviated. And when after the /lood the race undertook to build a city and tower, their liberty of co-operation and intercourse was restrained by confusion of tongues or diversity of language, and this also still prevails. So that the liberty and equality with which men were created?the life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness with which they were eni dowed by their Creator?have been by sin changed to an inequality of pursuit, to premature mortality, and to dissolution of social intercourse, to which ull irho are now bom are subjected. Even if men could be said to be now created, and the period of creation were fixed either at birth or adolescence, the degree of equality they are endowed with is limited to the class of that age, a small minority, and endures not even for a day or an hour, but is changed by time, over which they have no control?time, which acts with controlling power over life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Time, or age, gives to one man property*nd knowledge, and thus augments the inequalities of mind and body and of locality in infancy or in manhood?inequalities which no law or government can obviate or ought to obviate. Indeed, not only was there an immediate subjection of one sex to another established as the consequence of immediate transgression, but the subjection of one man to another, of one brother to another, on the principle of primogeniture. Thus, when Cain was angry at the preference given to his brother's offering, the Supreme Being Bind unto him, why art thou wroth ? and why is thy countenance fallen? If thou doeat well, shall thou not he accepted? and if thou doest not well sin lie#t at the door. And unto thee shall be his desire and thou shall rule over him. So it seems that Esau, as the elder born, had a birthright which he improvidenlly alienated to Jacob, who thereupon succeeded to the inheritance of the promise made to the seed of Abraham. The blessing bestowed upon him by Isaac, but intended for his elder brother, was, ?' Let people serve thee and nations bow down to thee ; be lord over thy brethren, and let thy mother's sons bow down to thee,"&c. It is clear, therefore, that the Creator's original endowmentsof freedom and equality, or of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, were forfeited by sin,and that thedegreein which these blesssings have been since enjoyed, has been determined by the virtues and vices not merely of individual men., but qf races and nations of men. This is the universal law of our race, before the flood and since, as visible in profane as in sacred history, in modern as in ancient times. The Declaration , of Independence itself recognizes its validity. That [ instrument pledges the lives, fortune, and honor oi us signers to a war in its support; and war is j waged by killing men and taking prisoners, thus , depriving them of life, liberty, ana the pursuit of | happiness: which would be the extreme of ab- j surdity and impiety, if these were now the endow- , merits of our Creator and were iualienable. ' , The Declaration of Independence, after asser:- 1 ing that life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness are among our inalienable rights, proceeds and 1 says, that, to secure these, governments are instituted among men, and that, whenever govern- i merit becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it. Govern- i meni* can be designed to secure such rights only as already exist?that is, such as result from the moral condition or relations of the people composing it: otherwise it would not be established to secure, but to recover rights. Government cannot be employed to reform men, nor to protect thetn from the consequences of their own vices. Morality is not compulsory. Government can secure them only from the attacks of others within or without the State. And, in doing so, it recogniz s and acts upon the principle that men forfeit their most essential rights by wrong-doing. For it kills and captures enemies in war, and executes and imprisons domestic criminals?depriving them of life, liberty, and the pursuit of liappiness.? Hence the government of Great Britain was subverted and a new one established over these colonies because the former undertook to exert over us a despotic control without tha existence or the I r L pretence of any moral inequality between the two people to warrant it. It ia true that the moral superiority of one people does not necessarily confer on them u right to | rule another. Distance and diversity of interest would forbid it. But where two classes are inter mingled in the same community, one materially Detier than the oihert the former ought to rule and must rule, or the government will be bad. The jensual and iguoiant are incapable of liberty or of lelf-government, sud certainly unfit to rule others. ' And this is Jefferson's opinion. In one of his letters to John Adams, the true aristocracy, the iristocracv of virtue and talent, are admitted to have the divine right to rule ; and hence Jefferson says he is in favor of an elective republic, because he thinks this right is better secured by a popular vote than by any other system. The Declaration of Independence is moreover to be construed by contemporaneous events. When it was made, the African race in thia country occupied the same position that it now does. Yet that race was not invited to take part ill that measure, or in its consequences. The writer of "Justice" says that "the patriots ?nd statesmen of our revolution," "Washington, Henry, Jefferson, Jay, und Franklin," "regarded slavery as a curse to the country and desired its removal." He adds: "But while with great unanimity they condemned the system as an evil to society in all its effects, political, social, economical, and moral, they with equal unanimity refused to condemn the conduct of slaveholders as necessarily and in all cases involving wrong." He then observes that these views huve also been those of the great body of the American people ; ind that they have lately been assailed "with violence" from two opposite quarters?the Abolitionists, who denounce all slaveholders as criminal, trul a "sect of zealots for slavery," who regard it ts a blessing. Of this latter sect, he says Mr. Calhoun is the heud, and myself a disciple. Well, it may,be skillful or it may be only tricky for an advocate of emancipation in Kentucky, who borrows nearly all his arguments from Abolitionists, to set out in a discussion with the pretence that he is defending the views of Washington, Henry, Jelferson, Jay, and Franklin, against the Abolitionists as well as the zealots of slavery. Why, he learned to claim the authority of Washington, Jelferson, and the others from the Abolitionists. But, when, after asserting on pretence ot their authority that African slavery " is an evil to society, in all its rjj'ech, political, social, eco nominal, unci moral, "justice gives us me aame authority for refusing to condemn the conduct of slaveholders as necessarily and in alt cases involving wrong," we are left in doubt whether to consider him hs half deserting his own cause, or half deriding while JiaJf excusing the conduct of slaveholders. The story that Washington, Jefferson, and Henry, all slaveholders to the last day of their lives, could or did in defence of themselves only refuse to condemn the conduct of slaveholders as necessarily and in all cases involving wrong, is intrinsically absurd. Neither of them ever sunk so low in self-respect, or the world's respefct, as to make for his d fence what amounts to a confei sion of guilt, and in a manner of style so awkward as to be stupid. For if African slavery were an evil to society in all its effects, political, social, economical, and moral, even the name and fume of those greut men could not rescue their memory from the reproach of guilt und stupidity, and their conduct from the imputation " of necessarily involving wrong." It would appear thut they had persisted to their latest days in the continual perpetration of wrong, with the conviction that it was tending to make themf poor, weak, wicked, and dishonorable. "The patriots and statesmen of our revolution" thought slavery an evil, us they considered war, luxury, ignorance and avarice evils. Jefferson thought slavery a curse?and he thought great cities ulcers on the body politic and social. I have agreed with him that slavery is an evil and that great cities are great evils. "Justice," who agrees with him in one of these views and denies the other, gravely quotes Jefferson against me. John Aduins thought that American slavery was nil cvii9 uui oaiu uint uiu |jeu|)ic trngngeil ill LUC fisheries of Massachusetts were as miserable us slaves. I have no doubt that many of the great men who achieved our revolution as well as those of France, in 1789, held opinions ftir too sunguine of human progress and of the efficacy of free government in achieving that progress. The notion was then quite prevalent ay well as philosophical that the miseries and even the vices of man were the result of despotic government, instead of the latter being the result ofthein. It was thought that, under such government as that of the United Stales and of the French Republic, the age of reason, ofright^and of happiness had come. Jefferson was thjf an enthusiastic believer in this notion. So wad Franklin, who even thought that, under the neW^ impulse philosophy had received, a great and indefinite longevity was attainable by this human race. It was in this age of enthusiasm that these men spoke of the abolition of sluvery as of all other social evils, and contemplated legislation as the adequate and appropriate remedy. But none of them ever devised a method of abolishing slavery in which he had enough confidence to recommend it to the public. 1 was told by the late Professor Potter, of Baltimore, about eleven years ago, th t Madison once submitted to him a plan of emancipation that permitted the blacks to remain in this country. And Madison intended to propose and advocate it. But Dr. Potter told him it would result in the extermination of the black race ; for he was satisfied from his practice in Philadelphia and Batimore that the emancipated blacks would resort to such cities to live, and would perish by idleness, vice, sickness and starvation, and Madison, it seems, relinquished his intention. The Quakers of the South abolished slavery. And they are perhaps the only people who ever niHde an equal sacrihce of pecuniary interest to religious conviction. It was not, however, until the Quakers hud made ample and stringent provision against the other evils of civilized life that they renounced slavery. They had repudiated war, they had suppressed luxury, they had by the rigor of their discipline, banished the vices. No superfluity of dress, of diet, of dwelling, was tolerated by them?nor music, painting, sculpture, or amusement. They almost proscribed poetry; they did proscribe generally works of fiction and imagination. And after having done all this they abolished slavery among themselves; not seeking its abolition by law, or desiring to compel others who were unwilling. In the Quaker system, slavery or domestic service was a superfluity us well as an anomnly. Let those who rely on the authority of the Quakers, follow their example, and, afer suppressing the other evils of life, abolish slavery. But let no man who proposes to retain the luxuries of civilization, the elegance, the refinement, the fashions, the splendor, the inequality?let no such man imagine ne is following the example of the Quakers or fancy that he is sincere, or that he will be successful in destroying slavery by emanrinatinf the hlnckft. 1-Te will merpltr nviormiimis thoilatier nnd throw the burden of servitude on n portion of our own race to whom it will be more galling and oppressive than to those on whom it now rests. I do not, however, think that the results of emancipation by the Quakers have been at all equal to their expectations. I don't think the Quakers themselves have been improved by that measure. Many of them have resorted to commerce and to cities, have adopted domestic servitude, have become luxurious, and the society has degenerated and divided. The negroes they emancipated ?where are they ? Does any man believe tha^ they are as numerous, as prosperous, or as happy as they would have been under Quaker masters ? Whilst, however, I do not concur with Jeft'erBon or the Quakers, in the plans by which slavery can be abolished, whilst I do n?t think it can be done by the act of the master, or by law, I am as much opposed to it, or rather to the cansc of it, as anyoftnem. I believe that slavery results from the moral inferiority of the subject race; of which, in fact, it iB not only a consequence, but a corrective or an alleviation. He who is so intemperate or so sensual as not to govern himself, or be governed by God, is by the moral law of our ruce in this world sentenced in mercy to subjection to those who are better than himself. Ft>r a better man will be a more merciful master to him than his ....... i L........ .i.?, m... i.t. recent letter on emancipation, denies that virtue and intelligence confer this power, since, if it did, people who are in those respects superior would nave the right to enslave or subject all inferior classes or nations. The doctrine is, nevertheless true, that virtue, knowledge, and genius do confer supremacy and control, not only on the classes that possess them in any community, but on the nations who are distinguished by them from other nations. Eloquence and courage confer authority even in the most barbarous Indian tribe. And in all civilized countries whoever has the industry or sagacity to acquire and the self-denial to preserve property obtains the command of other men's labor and almost regulates the terms. Those who excel in virtue and knowledge must direct to a great extent the opinions by which a community is governed, and thereby rule?and our elective franchise is designed to secure the choice of such men as rulers. If it were not so, if such qualities conferred no right to rule we would obtain public officers by lot and avoid the labor and excitement of elections and discussion, and Henry Clay, h.* stead of being, ft r his virtues and talents, the favorite Presidential candidate of a great party for several terms, would have only one chance out of some three millions every four years. To what extent this power of one class over another ought to be |>trniitied?-to what extent it is possible to restrain it, or how far it exists of necessity, men and governments will differ,but tbe difference is in degree rather than in principle; and not near so much in degree as is imagined. Already in Massachusetts the power of capital over labor, or the improvidence of labor,is such as to abridge, to a melancholy degree, not only the natural increase of the species, but tbe natural duration of human life. At)d if a race like the laboring closes of Massachusetts, so much superior to the Africun in all the elements of resistance to social hardship, is thus incapable of sustaining itself, what would become of the Africun, if, instead of being protected, us well as controlled now by individual masters, it were left to its own energy to maintain the struggle? Removal to a remote country or the possession of national independence does not escape this destiny. Nations of inferior civilization or moral attainment are generally remarkuble for the slow increase or actual decrease of population ; which proves that multitudes among lliem perish by improvidence, and hence, that this tendency does not result alone from the presence of a superior cliisa, in whutever form tliut superiority may be manifested. Since, then, sluvery is the result of a universal and immutable moral law, and not of local, civil, or political law, or of bociuI or geograpliicul position. it cuil lie abolished onlv liv the mnrnl reeen eration of the slave. And if this were to take place with the African race, that race would be free, even without any change of existing laws, u?d without violence. Nay, if the black race were to become superior morally to the white, the black would rule the white, without any change of existing laws ; for all the great trusts of society would be committed to the black man. lie would direct the operations of his nominal master's farm or plantation. He would become the teacher, the minister, the lawyer, the doctor, the banker, the merchant. He would give law to literature, to taste, and to fashion ; and his color, instead of being u reproach, would become an honor. It is by morul excellence that all races and nations of people have risen to liberty, to.greatness, and to power. The moral law is incribed on the hearts of all men, except the reprobate by whom it has been obliterated, and I have no reason to believe the African race reprobate. It certainly is in its native land the most depraved ; its religion, the vilest idolatry ; its government the most abject and cruel of despotisms; its industry, continual predatory warfare ; its commerce, the barter of its own flesh and blood for whiskey and for toys. Cut, in this country, it certainly lias made and is still making great progress, and its personal subjection to the white man htys been the great instrumentality of this progress. Its own willingness to obey that portion of the divine law it has observed, must be the efficient cuuae. Why this part of the race has been less perverse than that in Africa, or why the whole race bus been more depraved than the races of Europe und Asia, we can account for no better thun for the virtue of one individual more than another of the same race. The mysterious conflict of the human will with Divine grace, it is perhaps not for mortal man to comprehend. What may be the moral progress and attainment of the African race in this country in future, will depend on the degree of its observance oPtlie same Divinely inscribed law of duty in the human heart. That is enough for its temporal and eter nal redemption, without any externul co-operation, and in defiance of external hostility. But the relation of the master, since it has been employed as one of the means of their improvement, muy still be regarded as an effective auxiliary, and to a still greater extent than heretofore, of their future advancement, if the power of the master were interposed to obstruct their progress, t! at Cower could not stand. The gathering thunderolt may be dispersed or turned aside from its path," the earthquake and the volcano may yet be subjected to human power, but man will never be able to turn back the geniul influences of spring and the renewal of nature's bloom?still less can he stay the mercy of heaven to re-kindle and restore the repenting and returning soul. So far is it from being true tha? slavery is an evil to society in all Us ejects, that it promotes and requires the exercise of the highest qualities of man. ljignity, sobriety, veracity, courage,fortitude, generosity, mercy, knowledge, in fact the whole family of virtues and attainments are peculiarly important in the master, since his authority depends on his moral pre-eminence. The responsibility of the master is also great. His power over the slave, like all other power, is a trust, to be exercised as well for the benefit of the subject of that power, as its possessor. Hence the master is bound to promote, according to his ability, the welfare of the slave ; to instruct, to develope to the fullest extent of which he is capable every faculty of his nature, and to abstain from every act of immorality that would lessen the respect of the slave, or encourage him by its example in similar conduct. This is the interest as well as the duly of the master. Every improvement in the moral character of the slave increases his value as such, as well as his happiness. I do not think it lessens his fidelity, but confirms it, and adds to the security of that kind of property. It is by the bud education | of false theorists, who teach that he is the victim of a cruel destiny, that is, that he is the creature of an unmerciful Creator, that the slave is rendered discontented and rebellious, instead of seeking in himself the cause of his degradation and resorting to the appointed mode of redemption. It is this prevailing delusion, that a man or a race can be reduced to slavery or subjection by the power of others, without moral depravity of their own, that produces so many abortive rebellions and revolutions in the world. All history shows, however, that there is less danger from this cause to the institution of domestic slavery than to any form of social or political inequality. The few conspiracies among slaves that have been projected nave almost all been revealed or turned aside by the affection, the fidelity, or the gratitude of individual slaves. I trust, therefore, that the improvement in the relation of master and slave, which was going 011 before the abolition agitation began, will not be interrupted by it, but that the kindness and confidence of that relation will continue to increase. If the slave could be elevated to liberty or to high moral excellence, or rather if he would elevate himself, for by him alone can it Le done, through the grace of the Most High, I hope there are few slaveholders who would not rejoice at the result, even if it were attended with pecuniary loss to them. But even that would not be a consequence. All great moral reforms are gradual. And, in.the period of transition from their present to that high estate, they would become so much more valuable and productive as slaves, as to leave their masters richer, in the surplus productions of their energy and skill, than they would be in the abiding servihi/ta nf lha nraoan f <lnv The South is now invested with one of the most stupendous trusts that could be held by any people. She has to preserve the h'ghest state of prosperity ever enjoyed anywhere by the two races that occupy her territory, and to maintain their progress against a theory of human rights which now menaces both hemispheres, and is as fatal to all property, to society, and to government, as to her own institutions. Her resources for this contest are the products of her system?they are her wealth, her numbers, her character, her genius, her renown, and her hopes?elements of power and stability ?reat enough to withstand the shock of any hostile system and to survive its ruin. New Cardinals Appointed at Home.?The following is the list of ?he new Cardinals just created. Dr. Wiseman is the first Englishman who has been invested with the dignity for a great number of years: 1. C:.rdinal Wiseman, Archbishop of Westminister. 2. Cardinal Geissel, Archbishop of Cologne. 3. Cardinal Piepenbrock, Prince Bishop of Breslau. 4. Cardinal Bondy, Archbishop of Toledo. 5. Cardinal Romo, Archbishop of Seville. 6. Cardinal Fornaai, Apostolical Nuncio at Paris. 7. Cardinal Gouset, Archbishop of Rheims. 8. Cardinal D'Astros, Archbishop of Toulouse. Q f!nrtlinnl Mnttien. Archbishon of Besnncon. 10. Cardinal Figueiredo, Primate Archbishop of Braga. * 11. Cardinal Coaena, Bishop of Andria. 12. Cardinal Pecci, Bishop of Gubbio. 13. Cardinal Roberti, Uditore delta Camera. 14. Cardinal Grof, Baron de Sumeraubeckh, Archbishop of Olmuta. Emigration.?The number of passengers arrived here from foreign ports during the month of Octolnir was 26,236, being an increase of 9,989 on the corresponding month of 1849.? The arrivals this year were front the following. Great Britain and Ireland 18,582 ; Hansc towns 2783 ; France 2980 ; Belgium 454 ; Holland 453 ; Chagres 744; other jwrts 240.?JV. Herald. From the Xor/otk (Fa.) Southern .irgm. The Washington Union and Richmond En| yuiBER.-??*Ttio North has mainly secured the i objects it sought in the late Compromise; and | if it were to deprive the South of one of the material considerations that rendered it palatable, man can be so blind as not to perceive the ulienaI tion and hostility that would l>e engendered." " W? lutve advocated a Compromise, calculated as we hoped, to save the Union. In our humble judgment, it respects the rights of the I States and the honor of the South ; and yet it is | not all that we would have desired for the South. I And now ahull one of the moat important considerations, which induces the South to accept it, be stricken out? Shall she be deprived of one of the great benefits which wus held out to her? And above all, what confident can she hereafter repose in our brethren of tho North? This compact broken, how can she expect to make another that will be more respectoa?" " We eall upon our brethren of the North to stand up to this compact and to the Constitution. All will then be well. But if any attempt be made to violute the compact, do the fanatics of the North expect the South to succumb V The nbove extracts we take from a late editorial of the Washington Union. The Ricnmond Enquirer, too, discourses in the same vein, and says: "This universal upheaving of public sentiment from the South,demanding a faithful compliance with u solemn compact, must essentially aid the noble efforts of the patriotic unionists of the North to crush the fanutics." We could hardly have expected these querulous remonstrances from the compromise organs, so soon after the piussage ?f the measures which they assured us would give immediate and lasting pence and harmony to the country. But it seems they linve been disappointed in their expectation that agitation would cease upon the surrender by the South of those rights which they hod declared their purpose to muiutain; and the actuul resistance and threatened repeal of the fugitive slave law cause them to protest vehemently against the violation of what they call if .I - s 1. S-.- A* A? - iL J x I nuicimi iinirjjuci utuweuu me lxoriii una u:e South. It is altogether natural that the Union and Enquirer should encourage the amiable delusion that the measures so warmly supported by them, really involved a "solom'n compact." Hut as we have always contended thut they amounted only to a tame concession of even more than the North hud demanded, and have never been able to recognize any of the features of this compact, we will proceed to consider the propriety of this designation. It must be confessed that the North displayed a wonderful alacrity in accepting the territory acquired from Mexico. Not a man of them evinced the slightest hesitation in taking hold of California, the only valuable part of the whole; and the great majority of them were happy in believing that the Mexican law, which they would not interfere with, had already done the work of the Wiluiot Droviso in New Mexico and Utah. They were very grateful too for the portion of Texas we gave them, though there were some that, like Oliver, " asked fur more" and would not take what was oll'ercd because they did not get " more." As for the law emancipating ull slaves who might be brought into the District to be sold, it was only the consummation of a long-cherished object,and of course, no Northern vote was recorded against thut. But still we see nothing of a compact in ull this, except indeed that we agreed to give, and they ag:eed to take. Such n bargain would, no doubt, bo considered very equitable by Mr. Samuel VVeller, who thought he could make "no fairer oiFer" than to consent to receive the shilling that was tendered to him; but the owner of the shilling.inight think differently. But our eontemporaries evidently refer to the fugitive slave law, as furnishing the inducement, and the consideration of the compact made with | us by the North. The Union, admitting that J ' the North has uiaiijly secured the objects it sought in the lute compromise," Beems to suppose that the success of the North was owing to the pledge it gave to the South to restore its fugitive slaves. In the first place we deny that ary such pledge could justly liave been regarded as a consideration for the surrender by the South of rights and interests deemed of vital importance. The delivery of fugitive slaves is already expressly guaranteed by the Constitution ; and instead of our making sacrifices to secure a compliance with its provision, the North owed us utonement for having so long refused to carry into effect the law which has been on the statute book for near sixty years.? But we further deny that any such pledge has been given by the North, or that any compact as is spoken of has been made. The fugitive slave bill was one of the Inst measures that was passed by Congress, and eould never have been passed at all it it had not received the votes of those who were the most violent opponents of the whole compromise scheme. On the other hand, it was opposed by many of the friends of the compromise, and received the votes of only three Whigs front the non-slaveholding States. If Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Rhode Is land and Massachusetts, the States into which fugitive slaves are most likely to go, should demand the repeal of the law or refuse to execute its provisions, whatever else we might say of them, we should have no right to say, that they were parties to the compact, supposed by the Union and Enquirer to have been recently made, by which they consented to surrender our slaves in consideration of aur surrender of our whole controversy with them. Of the twenty-one members from Ohio in the House of Representative, only three voted for the Fugitive slave bill. Of the twenty-four meml>ers from Pennsylvania, there were only six that voted for it. Of the thirty-four from New York, only one (Mr. Walden.) Of the five from New Jersey, only one. Of the four from Connecticut, not one. Of the two from Rhode Island, not one. Of the ten from Massachusetts, only one. In short, of 1 the one hundred and forty-two members from ( the free States, only thirty-one voted for the bill. I With what propriety then can these presses < speak of the late aggressive measures of Con- i gre^s as n compact between the North and the > South ? The North made no such compact; it I intended to make none ; and let us not seek to 1 cover up the humiliation of our recent defeat, by 1 pretending that we made terms with our con- * querors which they are under obligations to respect. They are bound to respect and execute 1 ,i ia.~u:. ? . i i ?j i - i - " uiu r omvu icivv, uiiii iuivu UUtM) tHJUIlliy bound to do ho for the last sixty years?not because they have lately entered into a compact to do so, but because it is the law. From I he (?V. C.) Ti~ue Southron. Public Address.?We arc pleased to learn that the Hon. Daniel Wallace has consented to deliver an address before the Indian Land Association at Ebencozer, York Dist., S. C., on the 1st Saturday in November. We hope to see a large attendence on that occasion, and that the Southern part of this county will be well represented in the assemblage. Gen. Wall ice we unders'and is re-elected to Congress, having a strong hold upon the confidence of the people of that District from his riccnt patriotic and high toned course in Congress, lie is a real veteran in the cause of the South, knows nothing of the philosophy of taking steps backwards, and is withal a warm hearted, generous gentleman of the old school. A Poser.?A "hoosier" of rather scanty mean recently visited this city, with introductory letters for the purpose of buying a considerable amount of goods upon credit. The jobbers to whom ho applied were very courteous, but did'nt exactly like to trade. ( What's the matter," inquired the buyer. "Nothing particular," was the reply, "only wo don't much like this credit business." "Well, but 1 don't ask for only thirty days." "Very true, but you might die you know." t "I)je!?why, who the d?1 ever heard of any j tody's dying in thirty days." , There is a rise in indigo in England, and a < downward tendency in hemp at St. Petersburg. ? fliTri.tiTiriilfl.il.. i.i(ni ... mmm Meetibg ib Richuowd.?.At a meeting held in Richmond, composed of those intcreated in Maoufactaring and Mining in Virginia? j On motion of Hoiden Rhodes, esq., Joseph R. Anderson, esq., was appointed Chairman, and Win. B. Hamilton Secretary. On motion, the following resolutions were unanimously udopted : ^ I. Resolved, That a Conventien of all persons interested in Mines and Manufactures in Virginia be called to meet in this city on Thursday, 5th December next, to consider the present condition of these interests, and the best means of promoting them. 3. Re.srdced That Hoiden Rhodes, Win. D. Hamilton, Win. S. Triplett, ?. B. Bent ley, R. B. Haxall, A. S. Wooldridge, J. R. Anderson, A. F. D. (iift'ord, and H. L. Kent, be appointed a Committee of Correspondence, to invite the attendance of the Manufacturers and Miners, and of others, within the State or elsewhere, having similar interests, or favorable to the encouragement of them. 3. llfsulwJ, That these proceedings be published in the city papers. 8 On motion, the meeting adjourned. J. R. ANDERSON, Chairman. Wu. B. Hamilton, Secretary. Richmond, 19Ih October, 1850. ' Sir,?Annexed you have the proceedings of a meeting this day held here, of persona interested ^ in the Manufacturing and Mining operations of this city and its vicinity. j The purpose oj' the meeting is to collect in- j formation in regard to the Manufacturing and v Mining interests of this State, their condition, v prospect', and wants, and so far as may be, like a information from without the State in regard to a the same interests. We have to ask your aid in effecting.'these objects, and we have to request, that you will t make known our wishes as widely as possible, Q and that you will attend or be represented in y the proposed Convention. ( committee. " ' Holden Rhodes, A. S. Wooldridge, t Win. B. Hamilton, J. R. Andersou, Wm. S. Triplett, A. F. D. Gifford, E. B. Bentley, Horace L. Kent, R. B. Haxall. j All persons in your vicinity, who have, or feel, ^ an interests in the object sought to be attained by the proposed Convention, are cordially in- t vited to attend it rwm ih. : c,-?- n ? t M t WH? ntv vutdaiMiyp JJVUtC UHU7 U. The Delegates to Nashville.?We have ^ been prevented from giving our views as to the proper course, for delegates from this State to ? the Nashville Convention to pursue, but we will j now take occasion to make one suggestion to ^ them, and that is, that they go. It is true that Alabama has not clothed her delegates with as full power as omo other States, but as it is not expected tho Convention will assume any other ? powers than that of an advisory character, we cannot see that any delegate can hesitate to go, on tlve ground of not having sufficient power to f act. We feel confident that there will be no ^ necessity of clothing delegates to that body, under present circumstances, with now power. | It is calculated that the Convention, at its next sitting, will concentrate Southern opinion, and c recommend such a course of action to the several States, as may, in the judgment of the Convention be thought best. fl We desire that every delegate from this State t should attend. Let the various opinions enter- , tnined by the delegates be convened, and if it is y thought best by that body for the Southern j States to make some move in favor of sustaining v Southern rights, let that plan, whatever it may t, be, in a recommendatory character, which in our v opinion will be calculated to concentrute tho a Southern mind. If it should bo thinly attended, r it will be carrying out the prediction of the v enemies of the South, before the recent measures y were enacted by Congress. VVe shall allude to c this subject more fully next week, when we will 0 have time and room to do so. t t Prom the Jfitrjblk (Ka.) Southern Jlrgus. c Senator Mason.?We should like to know, c if there is in this broad Commonwealth, a Whig c so mean, or a Democrat so base, who desires to _ oppose the re-election of this faithful nnd able q senator. A representative, whose only crime v consists, in obeying to the letter, the injunctions u passed so unanimously by two consecutive see- fc sions of our State Legislature. Throughout his tl senatorial career he has acted in full conformity j| to the wishes of the great majority of his consti- r tuents, which have been repeatedly expressed in the form of legislative instructions. To victimise v him now would only aiford an add'tional tri- p umph to our Northern oppressors, and seal the 'j degradation of Virginia. a We learn that Mr. Robert -E. Scott, the gen- q tleman who was so signally rebuked by his con- t stitueuts for his course upon the resolutions defining the position of this State upon the slave- tl ry question, at the session of '48, is endeavoring a to array the Wnig members of the Legislature e in hostility to Mr. Mason. With no prospect of lj electing a Whig to the Senate, he is trying to g rally his party in support of some Democrat tl whose fealty to the South is somewhat am- b bigious. The names of Gov. McDowell and a Judge Bayly, of the Aceomae District, are men- s tioned in this connection. We shall see wheth- r, er the last named gentleman will lend himself to tl such an unholy coalition. We do not think he b can find it in his heart to do so; if he does, we g shall hereafter cease to have anv eonfidenee in the consistency or integrity of politicians. t< From the American (Pontetoc, Miss.) Sovereign. ^ Delegates to the Nashville Convention. ^ ?The Chairmen of the meeting held at this place on the 5th of August last, in pursuance of ti the authority with which that meeting clothed p them, have appointed Gen. J. D. Bradford and p William H. Kilpatrick, esq., to represent this t( county in the next meeting of the Nashville t* Convention. Both of these gentlemen were in ^ the committee which reported the resolutions e, at the meeting alluded to, and both, ii is under- 0 stood, are in favor of resistance to the recent n acts of Congress, denying to the South equal rights and privileges with the abolition States. Lien. Bradford, we are pleased to learn, intends ^ to address the people in the various parts of the jounty. The professional engagements of Mr. Kilpatrick will not, probably, allow him to puriue this course. Should such prove to be the case, his views on the Southern question will be ', r..n.. b......... ul v ""v" "' ""* j? Florida Indians.?Wo stnted some days ago ai that an expedition would leave Benton, Marion S( ind Hillsborough counties, Florida, in search of 8( 1 boy sypposcd to have been stolen by the j11 Indians. We learn from the Ocala Argus that 18 the expedition, consisting of about seventy men, left on the 19th inst.,nnd that in addition to the * recovery of the boy, its objects was to take possession of an Indian village. The Argus adds: This village is situated at the head of the d< Little VVithlacooohee, over 100 miles from the c< Indian boundary. It was discovered by a party ^ in September last, contains over nine houses, ii md is surrounded by extensive com and pea j* lields. One crop has been gathered and a new in me was in the ground. The party who dis- a :overed them were too small to attack ; they suppose the village to contain 40 or 50 souls, tl: fhere is no doubt but that these Indians are the w uime who either murdered or carried oft' the boy, is at the time of his missing they were trailed ol :o the vicinity of their present abode. We anxi- A lusly await the result of this movement"? Savannah Republican. gp r-iT The Boston Atlas, the organ of Massa- sii ihusetts Whiggery, says: V\ "One of tlie original founders of the Froe-soil la inrty, has a communication in the Salem Gazette, H irotesting against the Union of his party with Ci he Democrats. Among other things he aAys: 'We have now in nomination our excellent Gov. Briggs, and Lieut Goy. R ed, of whom no ar.ti* to davery man, unless wilfully fastidious, can d< :omplnin. They both well deserve the whole R iupport of at least the Whi^s and Free-soilors." th WikMIMBTOM, Nov 3. 'important Order of the President?ComeeniraU/m of Infantry and Artillery at Boiton?Decimations of President?(Jnum. or Disunion. The President yesterday gave orders for the j n mediate concentration of the disposable force | >f the United States artillery and infantry in j loston liarbor. There were some fewr troops at ''ort Independence, and the companies at Fort 'rebie, Maine, at Newport, New York harbor, \>rt McHenry,and Fortress Monroe, are ordered o that station. All the troops that can be pared from Florida, and some or those that had | >eeu sent to Texas for the defeuee of the fronier, were also ordered to Boston. The larger i portion of the aruiy is employed in California, Jew Mexico and Texas, and probably not more lian ten or twelve companies can be now spared or service in Boston. Seven or eight companies rill be concentrated at Fort Independence within wo days. This important movement seems to have been uddenty determined upon, and in consequence >f information received by the Executive from he United States Marshal in Boston. To show hat it was not contemplated on Friday, it may ms mentioned tlrat the troops in Florida were on hat day ordered to Texas, but, the next day, they vere ordered to Boston. The President and more than one member of lis Cabinet have repeatedly declured their pur10se to exercise all constitutional and legal ueans to enforce the execution of the Fugitive aw. This demonstration in regard to Boston vill serve to satisfy the public uiind, North and louth, that the President is really determined, 9 lit? any a no in, tu uijiuico uiu law ro^nruiooa ui II couBcqucnces. The movement in regard to the threatened reistance in Boston is, of courae, one of precnuion against a sudden insurrection. The presence if a respectable regular force may prevent any iolence, and it will also be useful, in aid of the nilitia, should the necessity occur for calling hem out, to sustain the law. The Flying Arillery would soon clean out those dirty, narrow, urbulent streets, where sojourn the negroes, nd the fugitive slaves arc fortified and barriaded. As nn incipient measure, that of the 'resident is undoubtedly very wise. It is better han a proclamation, which cannot properly be ssued until some act of resistance, as well as hreat, has occurred. But there is no danger that a resort to miliary force will in this case be necessary. The leople of Boston will see that the luws made in tursuance of the Constitution are executed, without hindrance, in their law-abiding community, f the community is disposed to maintain the aw, force will bo unnecessary ; and, if not so lisposed, force will bo useless. The question is imply one of union or disunion. The best course for the Bostonians, in the iresent crisis, would be to hold a meeting, in the i'itchburg depot, as numerous and not more disirderly than the crowd at Jenny Land's concert, ,nd take a vote upon the above question?union >r disunion?ana if the former was preferred, hov could uroceed as a nart of the Marshal's >osse, to euforce the execution of the law, on he observance of which the continued harmony ,nd very existence of the Union is believed to lepend. low. The Past and tiie Pkesent.?If five years go, a prophet had rise*n up and lifted the veil of he future and drawn from its arcana the scroll ipon which the history of these five eventful ears was written ; if he had foretold to the Jouth, you shall go into bloody and expeusive var; victory shall perch on your banner on very field ; vast territorial conquests; an Ophir if gold, boundaries stretching to the Pacific hore, and a country of every vnried soil and elinate, shall be the fruits of that war. In it, our best blood shall be spilled, the valor of our sons shall be everywhere signalized, the. ypress shall be freely woven iu your chaplets if victory. Your brethren of the North shall be lie partners of your toils?they too shall send heir regiments, but not so many as yours by ine-half.'they too shall meet with you the shock if battle, but the graves of your slain shall twice lutnumber theirs. By ana by will come peace ?the enemy is chastised, and within his con|uered capital the terms are dictated by you, the ictors. The survivors of the gallant host that chieved these wonderful triumphs are marched tack to their native land?the Southern regiments, to throw off the harness of war and renD n the soft pleasures of home and country the ewards of toil and valor in the field; the Northrn troops to their cheerful fireside and bright winter skies. But lo! out of this war will rise a >ortentous question of domestic concernment! ['ho North and the South will be at variance bout the government of their common connests, and as to the manner of use and disposiion of the soil. The North will say lo the South, "brother! hou art not as good as I?your customs and intitutions are offensive to the prejudices of my ducation and the habits of my life; we cannot ve in common on our common domain!" The louth shall reply in an appeal to the reason of he Noith, and argue that our rights should not e sacrificed to your prejudices?but, inasmuch s you have these prejudices, let there be no trife betwixt thee and me, for are we not brethen ? Let us divide our gains?draw a line hrough them?take even for yourself the irgest share; you go to the right hand, we will o to the left, and so there shall be peace beivoen us." If then, the Prophet should go on 3 read from this unwritten history the sequel f this controversy and should relate how it ,ras finally adjusted, and should unfold to the stonished South, that by a series of artful detys, intrigues and frauds, the North had connived to appropriate to itself the whole of this rincely conquest, not leaving one foot to comensate for the 75 millions of treasure and the >n thousand corpses contributed by the South ) the acquisition, and should then pause nnd uk, "men of the South, shall I go on with this rentful story ; or will your own hearts finish ut the pugeund tell me what th# South did on leconsummntionof this mighty wrong? Did iu submit to it, or did yau resist?" We ask, what would have been the answer of 10 South ? Would it not have been the answer the Hunftrion Diet gave to Maria Theresa, when with er infant child in her arms she presented herstf, a refugee from her Austrian throne, and aimed the protection of her noble Magyar subsets ? Every sword leaped from its scabbard, rid those swords were never sheathed until the jvereign of their loyal atfection was once again ( ;atcd on her Imperial throne. Such would ive been the answer of the South then?such , not the answer that the craven voice of sub- J lission projHJhos to give now,?Columbus "Suites. I Tables Turned.?It will bo seen from the 1 rings in Boston, which we publish in another ( )lumn that the order of things is reversed in j iat city, and instead ofarrcsting and surrender- | ig fugitive slaves on the demand of their masjrs that the fugitives are arresting and imprisong those who go in pursuit of them. This is new phase in this controversy and rather more ' lan the South bargained for. The next act in f le drama will be, that some Southern citizen ' ill fall a victim for daring to assert his conitutionul rights. Oh! the beauties and efficacy f this darling compromise.?Southern (Fa.) , rgus. Family of Patrick Henry.?The distinlished Virginia orntor. Patriot T-Ionrv hn/t stcrs: Jane Meridith, Anne Christian, Lucy \ Iood, Susan Madison and Betsy Russell. The 1 st mentioned lady was the grandmother of the j on. W. C. Preston, President of the South srolina College. . William Henry was his only full brother. Patrick Henry's mother was Sarah Wins- ( n. His father was John Henry of Aber>en, Scotland, John Henry's mother was Jane obertson, sister to Dr. William Robertson, e Historian. rv/? Hu Hi The Hew York Meeting. Tliat our readers may form some idea of the fsobug pro and con among the New Yorkers, in relation to the meeting in that city, we append, in brief, the opinions of a few of the must influential among the presses of that city. It will be s?en that they are about as harmonious as ti e rank and flle of the old parties throughout the country. From the Courier. It was a very large, respectable and enthusiastic meeting, and must have fully met the most sanguine expectations of those who have been most active in getting it up. The proceedings were confined to the objects specified in the cull. In the letters from Senator Dickinson and Mr. j Webster, the resolutions and the speeches, and ' all the peace measures of the recent session, ; were fully sustained, and the Fugitive slave law Mi was vindicated from the objections urged against | it No attempt was made to enlist favor or sup- Vp port for the ticket of either political party, but V the audience were urged to strike from both tickets the name of every candidate who was tainted with Free-soil opinions or sympathies.? f Gerard declured that unless the Whig party should repudiate all ita Abolitionism, he would quit it and go over to Tammany Hall. Churles O Conor, esq., declared that he would never vote fi.r ,1 ...Uu *k..? IJ - I-- ----- au> .. * .UK ?i.?nn?wtiitb no wuuiu oin?? every one of them from the Democratic ticket, and that lie would not vote for Mr. Cochrane for Congress, in opposition to Mr. Brooks, whose action upon the subject had been entirely satisfactory. From tlu Tribune. u 'That party' which the Cotfon meeting pledges itself henceforth to support, is not the Whig party, Mouth Carolina and the glorihers f of Daniel S. Dickinson being judges. In short, the 'Union Meeting' is simply a trap to catch WhigB for the use of Horatio Seymour and D, S. Dickinson. Whatever the mass of the signers and auditors may have intended, the planners and wire-workers had this end in view from the first, and into this their meeting at last resolved itself. Had it not been intended to operate 011 the election, it would have been postponed a single week. It is an impudent political trick, intended to strike down the Free-soil sentiment | of the North through the defeat of Washington Hunt and the re-election of D. S. Dickinson." From the Herald. Never has the Empire City presented a more noble front to the country, in defence of the Constitution and the laws. Never has there been a more enthusiastic response to a call for a popular assemblage, than the response to the many thousands signing the call on this occasion. B The list of signers we append to the proceedings, as the best evidence of the weight and ?: character of the meeting itself. The proceed- > iu?9 win cuiiiiuhiiu uiemsoives to tiie triends ot" * the Union throughout tiie length and breadth of the land. From the Commercial. We were present during the whole of the I proceedings, watching with some jealousy every- I thing that was said and done, and while we still have some misgivings about what was originally intended?strengthened by facts which have come to our knowledge respecting certain prudent modifications of at least one resolution,? we could heartily concur in nearly all that was said, and think that upon the whole, both the resolutions and the remarks of the speakers were free from party bias or party inancBUvering; unless Mr. Charles O'Conor railed a little too much at the Freesoilers of his own party, and attempted to implicute the Whigs as co-laborers with them. We could not avoid thinking that he had some glimpses of the coming election vouchsafed to him during; the delivery of his remarks. Prom the Evening Pott. The minority of those who subscribed to the* call for the Castle Garden meeting, had their own way last evening, and passed their own resolutions. They were prepared and the whole arrangements governed by a coalition of friendsof the two Daniels, Webster and Dickinson, theformer being the most numerous, and taking the most principal parts; the latter, represented by O'Conor and Brady, performing a sort of harmonious accompaniment It was a Webster meeting, a Dickinson meeting, and a meeting to npplaua the Fugitive slave law, and to give support to those by whose instrumentality it was enacted. Prom the Journal of Commerce. New York has spoken in a voice of thunder. The meeting last evening, although held at the lower extremity of the city, which compelled most of those who attended to travel from one to'three miles, was indeed a rouser. The im- i mcnse area of Castle Garden, with two spacious galleries, one above the other, was densely packed with human beings soon after seven 3 o'clock, and it soon became manifest that there was an entire unanimity of sentiment in the vast assemblage, in favor of sustaining the pence measures of Congress, "by all lawful means."? ^ Every strong expression in favor of the Union, the Constitution, and the laws framed to carry out the provisions of the latter, was enthusiastically cheered; and so was every thrust at the 4 Abolitionists, Free-soilers, Demagogues, &c.? There was no minicing of matters, either in the resolutions or speeches. Prom the Georgia Republic. Has the South been Cheated??The submission leaders tell the people of Georgia that thtt Srmfr.h Vina rrroof f^ouAn : * '' ?^ .iww gibuv icaouu IU rejuiCC SB 1(16 action of Congress on the slavery question? that the Soutii lias gained a great victory, and that Southern Rights have not, for thirty years, been as secure as they are now. What is the impression of candid minds in the North on this subject? When we find influential Northern, journals acknowledging that M the North has cheated the South" it should cause Southern men to dotibt whetl?#r they have anything to rejoice over, and nothing to excite their indignation. The New York Herald says: " The North cheated the South in the admission of California. The North were convinced of it?they felt ashamed of it, and alarmed about it; and they endeavored to make up in their own self-abasement, in the passage of the Fugitive bill, the atonement for their greediness in seizing the whole of the gold region. In one wofd, according to the Northern idea of the Fugitive bill, and the Southern idea of California's admission, the North attempted to atone for'nn net of fraud by un act of disgrace. They first drive the South to the wall, and out of California entirely, and then bow down in the most abject humiliation to offer the impractible indemnity of the Fugitive bill. " If California had been honestly divided, the South would liuve been appeased; but this Fugitive law, while it affords no security to the South, no indemnity for their exclusion from California, jmy exasperates me Abolitionists to drive tho South to revolt. The adjustment is tending in that direction." Predestination.?" Do you believe in prelestination ?" said the captain of a Mississippi iteamer to a clergyman who happened to bo .ravelling with him. w Of course I do." " And you also believe that what ia to be vill be?" " Certainly." " Well I'm glad of it" "Why?" " Because I intend to pass that boat ahead in ifteen consecutive minutes, if there be any virtue n pine knots and loaded safety valves. So lon't be alarmed, for if the balers ain't to bnrst hey won't" Here the Divine began putting on his hat and ooking very much like backing out which the sapt&in seeing, he observed: " I thought you said you believed in predestination, and what is to be will be ?" " So I do, bat I prefer being a little nearer the item when it takes place!" j