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THE SOUTHERN PRESS.
WASHINGTON CITY. WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 1850. Position of the South. We find the following article in the Washington Union of yesterday: What uo You Want??We address this question to the peculiar advocates of the "cotton" States, as contradistinguished from the Southern States. They appear to be exceedingly prompt in taking part in the general agitation, but present no very tangible or practical grounds of complaint or adjustment. The Southern Prtu is greatly horrified at the Compromise; it is ready to gtve up the Fugitive slave law -, it is not willing to see the forces of the government employed to suppress negro riots ana insurrections in Boston ia opposition to that law ; it complains of the surrender of the Territories ; and yet it offers no proposition with which it will be content. Does it ask for the repeal of the law admitting California as one of the soverign States of the Union ? Does it re1 quire the repeal of the law leaving in the hands of T.vna. another sovereign State of the Union, the determination of a mere question of her own boundary ? Does it demand the repeal of the law creating territorial governments io New Mexico and Utah without the Wilmot Proviso? If it does not make these measures the basis of its demands, we usk, tchat dots it want ? If it requires these concessions, can they now be made ? Can Congress destroy and annihilate a sovereign State of the Union ? Can it require and compel a sovereign State to adopt a line of boundary contrary to its own free consent? For whatever Texas does now is done by the unconstrained assent of hrt- citizens?by a popular vote. Should the "cotton organs" put forth these demands, they give up at once the ground on which they profess to stand. They concede to Congress the power ofcrealingand destroying States when they please, and of fixing the boundaries of States without their consent. Let this be admitted, and what becomes of the "federative character" of the Government, of which these cotton-bag politicians have made themselves the especial guardians? If they do not make these requisitions the basis of a satisfactory adjustment, then they can only take the ground that the acts already committed by the Federal Government are of a nature to justify and to require an immediate dissolution of the Union. What has been done by the Federal Government cannot be cancelled or recalled. A Slate in the Union for a day is entitled to all the rights of oue of the old thirteen. The Constitution guarantees this right, and undeniably places them on the same footing. If this be not so, every new State that has been added to the original revolutionary States is still - - ?i - e abject to tne action nnu cumrui ui wi^ini.? These "cotton-bag" statesmen must, then, choose the alternative?either to be sati-fied with the Compromise, or dissolve the Union. fbey may soften the latter term to a " secession but that means disunion. "A rose by anv other name will smeii as sweet." What, then, do they want ? We call the attention of our readers to the following extracts from the columns of the Southern Press, and beg them to note the term of reproach against the " border States" pervading it. That paper finds the path it has been pursuinggrudually approach the precipice of disunion. The gulf yawns at its feet. It finds little sympathy anywhere; its patience is exhausted, and it begins to rail. The Press has published that its editorial control was, nominally at least, under the supervision of a committee, consisting of Judge Butler of South Carolina, Mr. Toombs of Georgia, Mr. Thompson of Mississippi, and Mr. Morton of Florida. Now, we respectfully inquire whether it speaks the sentiments of Mr, Toombs, Mr. Thompson, Mr. Morton ??or whether it solely, if at ull, speaks the sentiments of Judge Butler? Do they all, or any of them, approve of such doctrines as those contained in the following extract? We do not believe it. The fugitive slaves in Boston, about whom so much commotion has arisen, were fugitives from Georgia. There are also fuS lives from North Carolina and ether States in e same predicament in Boston. What do the people of those States say to the total abandonment of the Fugitive slave law by the Press, and its declaration that the means of the government ought not to be used to enforce it against a gang of lawless rioters??in fact, placing the employment of force against these negroe insurgents on the same footing as if it was to be employed against a sovereign State! And the parties who thus skulk from the duty they owe to the South, talk of the " border States" and of others " backing out!" "Call ye this backing your friends ? A plague on all sucltfriends !" Let it not be supposed that we are lukewarm in our support of all the Southern interests, as well those of the "cotton States" as those of the "border." We have given freauent proof of our devotion to their welfare, ana we are now, and at all times, ready to go as far and to do as much as those who make the loudest professions. There is no such line of distinction as that of "border Southern States" and "cotton States." They are all identical in interest?all have the deepest stake in maintaining the rights that belong to them as slaveholding States?and he who suggests or strives to stimulate such a feeling of local discord, is the true friend of none, but the enemy of all. We caution the South against such sinister counsels. They proceed from ignorance of your true interests, or from a design to produe disunion. Let no man be deceived. He who would divide and thus weaken the South would betray or destroy it. He is blindly play ing into the hands ot the Ahojjuonists. Me is ptriking the South a death blow ip the house of ; ip3 friendpr We answer: We want the Southern States to main tain the resolutions they adopted last winter. We want the position of the; Nashville Convention maintained. We want the course of a majority of the Southern Delegates In Congress sustained, except that vote in the House on the Texas bill, which, as it was contrary to the vote the day before, and the vote the day before that, and contrary to the position their States had before assumed?we want explained. We want Congress to restore to Texas, in ease she accepts the bill for her dismemberment, the jurisdiction to the ceded soil, af least up to 36.30, and let Congross sell the land for repayment of the ten millions. We want California divided by the line of 36.30, and the portion south of that line to have a territorial government with a distinct provision that slavery is not prohibited therein. And for tliut mirDoso lot Congress offer California ten mil I ons, a3 Texas was offered. We want the act to prohibit the slave trade in the District of Columbia repealed. These are substantially the measures indicated by the resolutiqns of nearly n)l the Southern States, In support of which they pledged themselves at nil hazards and to the last extremity. We want the Southern States to maintain their pledges, their word, their honor, their rights and their power?all that States hold | dear. It was no idle vaunt?it was no party trick? it was no solemn farce?in which these States then engaged, It was art official ullimalum to the Federal Government?-it was a formal engagement made to each other. If some of them, If one of then* acts in pursuance of it, will not the others be bound to co-operate with her? Con they desert her, and surrender her to Federal power?to Federal bayonets?without standing ^Ugraued in the eyes of the civilized world T And could they ever again claim to have ei)ough dignity, responsibility or charaotor to be treated with, or confided in? What was D>?ant by these demands of the slaveholding i States? Equality or secession? Shall we i close our eyes to the fact that the South has no I power hi the Unjon tq maintain her rights ? , Does any man pretend that she has any nlterna, five, or can offer any but secession, to Federal jiggresiion, spoliation or degradation ? No man who has learned the first rule of arithmetic will make such a pretence. Doea any man assert that this leads inevitably or probably to DisL _ ... 'l " . union T Then he believes that Southern disgrace, dismemberment and dishonor are either probable or inevitable at the hands of the Federal Government. And now comes the editor of the Union and proposes that the South shall desert or surrender her territorial rights, and be content and rejoice in the recognition of the right to reclaim her fugitive slaves?and that the States which have a great and peculiar interest in this right, shall be released from their othei pledges, whilst those who are thereby the most despoiled and deserted, shall be held to this. No. The compact was composed of several provisions, which are connected and inseparable?one and indivisible. To break one?is to break all. The right of reclaiming fugitives turns out to be the most obnoxious to the North?amongst the least important to the South of all her rights. Is this the case for the South to take a stand that will justify her desertion of every other i No, we are for one?and nil. The surrender of one only involves the loss of all, and of honor. If the Southern States do not keep faith with one another, how can they expect the Northern will keep faith with them. And if the South will not maintain the position she has already taken, how is it to be expected that she will maintain any position 1 As for the Fugitive Slave law, we said the day after it pusscd that it would never be executed. We said that the reason the North permitted it to pass was, because they knew it would not be executed. The North got everything by the Compromise?the South got a law ?on paper?of no efficacy. We said then?wc aav now. that the Futritive Slave question is im medicable under the present Constitution. The old law was seldom enforced, the new law will almost never be enforced. Not all the Federal nrmy and navy can enforce It The Union uiay talk of tho opposition to it as that of a few free negroes and Abolitionists. But there is the city of Boston, with a hundred and thirty or forty thousand people, every man of whom the Marshal is authorized by the law to call on, to assist in its execution. Tho attempt has been made?for a week. The fugitives are still there?recognized as citizens in their castles?their claimants are fugitives from the laws of Massachusetts and the people of Boston. The border submissionists may swagger and threaten ;?they will next equivocate, then quibble, submit and rejoice when that, the last vestige of Southern right in this controversy is gone. We shall bo duped by none of their professions. We shall aid in giving them no more consequence as Southern champions, to enable them to regain their lost standing in the South ?again to betray it, again to exhibit their nationality by deserting their allies, again to submit and rejoice. And we tell them now plainly, that there are cotton States, who will deliberate before they will again send their delegates to Congress, again to vote for tho rights of the border, until they have some guarantee that their own rights will be asserted. The border States may thus be left to test that great spirit of con ciliation, Union, and nationality of the North, of which Southern submlssioniat* h?ve told us so mucli. But when they find that the cotton States will refuse to receive their negroes as slaves, and that the North will welcome and protect them as fugitives, they will begin to understand the value of good faith, and the vuluo of Northern and party nationality. The Union says that "the Press has published that its editorial control was nominally at least under the supervision of a Committee," consisting of Messrs. Butler, Morton, Toombs, and Thompson. The Press has published no such thing?and no sooh thing is the fact. The Press has published the reverse. It is under no control, in supervision whatever, but that of the editors whose names are at the head of its columns. But who controls or supervises the Washington Union, especially for "several weeks past," whilst it has been " striving to keep both the National parties alive. ?" Is it a joint committee of the Cabinet and of the Democratic candidates? or is it a common council of Northern or Southern Compromisers ? Or is it gpverncd exclu 8ively ljy the minority ot southern members thut supported the Peace measures ? Or by the still smaller minority of Southern democrats in Congress who voted for tlipiri ? Or is it directed by the "friend" that advanced some "fifty thousand dollars, without interest" to enable the editor to go on ? Sealing the Pledge. When the lips of boauty become enlisted in the cause of temperance, the mission of the lecturers is well nigh over. Who would not take a (temporary) pledge if sealed by such ceremonials as the Charlottesville Jejfersonian describes in the following melting paragraph. How can the flavor of whisky punches, or even the far-famed Virginia mint juleps, compare with the sweets so freely rifled froin the ruby lips of the yet tpo.r? seductive daughters of the Old Dominion? Are those books open for more signatures? We only ask for information. The Je[fersoninn says: " Without disparagement to r^ny other part of the glorious old Commonwealth, we thiuk the delegation from Petersburg were fit representatives'of the old Cockade, and we doul(t whether our brother Drjnkard was ever kissed by so many pretty ladies in one day, as he received last Monday morning just as the cars were about leaving, lie will soon bear oft' the palm from Honry Clay, if he meets with similar success elsewhere.1' The poet evidently anticipated " brother DrinkUard" in the aspiration wldch he has reduced to a reality : " But leave a kiss within the cup And I'll not ask for wine.'' Though compared with the grosser stimulant the lines of another might well apply : " Thut raises mortals to the skies, TMs brings the Angels down." r I A .... I The Florida Elections. The Flcridian snys: Sufficient returns have been received to determine the question as to which party will havo the ascendency in the next legislature, which meets on the 'J5th November next. There will be a Democratic majority on joint ballot of from one to four. This will secure the election of a Democratic United States Senator, Wr. Vulee's term expiring on the 4th March 1851. A full list of the members elect will be given hereafter. With regard to (he Congressional election it adds: The Congressional vote is still too idefinite to give our readers in tabular form. Mr. Cabell's majority will be somewhere in the vicinity of four hundred. wjiivrirt \i u, o ? . W ci* " A New Bpocb in the Old Dominion." M What have i done that mine enemies should praise me V was the question suggested by the natural impulse of a patriotic heart: and well may Virginia repeat it now, when the insolent foes of the South use such language as this in reference to her: u The aversion that is manifested throughout the entire State to the disunion schemes of South Carolina, is another proof thai public sentimenl in Virginia has experienced a very derided change tcilhin the last few years. It hus about done worshiping political dogmas, and abstractions, and is yielding itself more and more to the teachings of plain practical common sense. The people of Virginia arc fast uwakening to the sober fact, that their destiny is in their own hands; and that empty speculation must be abandoned for earnest work, if they would save themselves from perpetual and most disgraceful inferiority to their Northern brethren. We rejoice to see the promise of a new epoch in the Old Dominion. Virginia, with all her failings, is still among the noblest of the States. Iter revolutionary history, if nothing else, should ensure to her the evorlosting respect and good will of the whole country. She yet possesses talent and virtue which, if properly directed, will ultimately secure for her a greatness and glory worthy of her ancient renown. All rightlutiiHiiil AmoriiMinft will snralv linil witli itlnnunr^ "J ....v every omen of such a consummation." We quote from the New York Courier cf Enquirer, a print tiiat swears by Seward? and to whose editor thnt great embodiment of Abolition wrote the famous letter that secured him his seat in the Senate?and in consideration of her present position this organ professes its readiness to forgive Virginia her past " failings," (the Resolutions of '98.) We appeal to the pride which every Virginian well may cherish for the State that so long and so proudly stood in the van of the Southern States?but which now, like Achilles, slumbers in her tent?to repel such an impution. We call upon the people of Virginia, bound by her politicians as Gulliver was by the thousand threads of the Lilliputians, to re-assert the principles and emulate tho deeds of their forefathers?if they would not entitle themselves to the pitying patronnge of Seward and his myrmidons, and cause her to occupy a position where " Derision shall strike her forlorn, A mockery that never shall die ; While the curses of hate, and the hisses of scorn, Shall burden the winds of the sky. And proud o'er her ruin, forever be butted The laughter of triumph, the jeers of the world." Tha beginning of a now epoch must indeed liave arrived, when in Virginia a nativo-born citizen oould plead for the constitutionality of the Wiluiot Proviso?when her Senators for faithfully executing the instructions of her Legislature, and refusing to betray and abandon tho brethren to whom Virginia had plighted her faith, meet with cold silence, instead of warm approval, from a portion of the constituents whose safety and honor they had so faithfully protected?and when an organ of Senator Seward confidently proclaims her abandonment of her old principles and her old friends, and her docile pupilage to the North. The bitterest denunciation oould not inflict a tithe of tho humiliation, which the bestowal of such a compliment from such a source may well inspire in the heart of every true Virginian, Will the soil that holds the bones of Patrick IIenry, prove recreant to the principles that lie and his great compeers sustained in spite of the threats of the gibbet, and the cry of treason, as flippantly used by pscudo patriots thpn as now ? Is Virginia to become the real Rip Van Winkle of the South?or will uot the same true spirit that sustained her Senators and the majority of i her delegation against a submission sentiment, manufactured by puling partisans nt home against them, inspire the masses of her people to stand up to the pledges of their State, and wipe out the reproach and the shame of abandoning their friends, their allies, and their brethren, in the very heat of the, battle ? These questions now will bo asked : and it behooves Virginia, for the sake of her own fair fame?for the heritage of renown bequeathed her?for her memories of the past and her hopes of the future?that they should be satisfactorily answered right Bpeedily, She must make her election between the two contending powers?she must side with the North or the South?she cannot stand neutral? for in these days those who are not for us are against us. ft-Sf The attempts of certain pugnacious pacificators nt tho South to arrest the progress of the resistance movement, reminds us irresistibly of the feat attempted with equal audacity, by the hero of the following anecdote, which we find in an exchange: An Equal Match.?^ We never saw a more forcible exemplification of the 'sublime and ridiculous,' than we witnessed to-day, while standing on the railroad brldgo at Yorkville, watching the approach of a train from the city. Onward came the fiery-dragon of steam, with snort, and rumble, and roar, while a country dog, on a bank near by, was watching it ^lth a dilating eye. As it noarcd, be gave a short quick bark, and ' went forth to meet the foo.' He rushed down the bank, and, as if he were merely seizing a vagrant pig, was about to take the locomotive by the car, when we heartj a scream, like tintop nute of a riddle, and then all was still. The train swept on, and while we were thinking, ' supposing it had been a man!' there came limping slowly up the hank our four-footed ' biave,' When he. reached the bridge, he looked after the train, flitting- into distance, shopk his ears, and said, m as plain Luglish as ever a dog spoke ill the world, J am atVaid I made a little mistiike in challenging that fellow. I didn't exactly know his breed.' And after licking his fore-foot, he limped away, a ' sadder and a wiser' dog." 80 will the Southern movement sweep majestically along?and so will its assailants limp away from the contest, sadder if not wiser for the lieayy fall thuy will encounter. Mind yourowa Q The New York ti-i'jnws sintes that In five months, there has boon raised iu th?* t.jty the sum $11,900 Iyf t'*^ liberation of forty slaves, ''".rty nine of whom, of their own froo will, have gone or are tp go to Liberia. Several of our Southern eotempornries have been lauding the M philanthropy" of the individuals referred to above. VVc regard it as an impertinent interference with what does not con. eern thcru. The condition of our slaves will contrast favorably with that of theirs' and their charity can find abuiubiut employment at home. The South neither desires to be bought out, nor bullied info emancipation of any form or character. The individuals wfoo subscribed, may have been actuated by good motives; but they are only giving aid and comfort to the Abolitionists, by interfering with'a condition which is far more comfortable than the nominal liberty purchased.' "Striving to keep botb the National Pat* tiea aliva." The editor of tho Union, in "striving," as he told us a few days ago, for several weeks past to "keep both the national parties alive," and to be the organ of both, is decidedly overdoing his functions. He has been telling us for several days, that the President was determined to enforce tlie Fugitive slave law, lias given us us anecdotes, statements that the President said so, and has then begged hint to do it. These manifestations of Executive confidence were as amusing and curious in an opposition organ, as its magnanimous striving to keep both parties alive. Finally, yesterday the Union publishe the following [Correspondence of tlie Baltimore Sun.] Washinotoh, Nov., 3. Important order of the President?Concentration of Iifantry and .htillery at Boston?Declarations of the President?Union or Disunion. The President yesterday gave orders for the immediate concentration of the disposable force of tho United States artillery and infantry in Boston hurbor. There were anno few troops at Fort Independence; and the companies at Fort Preble, Maine, at Newport, New York harbor, Fort McHenry, and Fortress Monroe, are ordered to that station. All the troops that can be spared from Florida, and some of those that had been sent to Texas for tho defence of the frontier, were also ordered to Boston. The larger portion of the army is employed in California, New Mexico, and Texas, and probably not more than ten or twelve companies can be now spared for service in Boston. Seven or eight companies will bo concentrated at Fort Independence within two da vs. This important movement seems to have been suddenly determined upon, and in consequence of information received by the Executive from the United States Marshal in Boston. To show that it was not contemplated on Friday, it may bo mentioned that the troops in Florida were on that day ordered to Texas, but the next day they wore ordered to Boston. And prefixes it with the following quite semiofficial organish remark ; Wo find the following letter in the Baltimore Sun, and can state that we have some reason to believe that, in the tnain, the facts are correctly detailed. We are glad to see that a spirit of energy animates the executive proceedings in this Boston afi'air. We hope there is no misunderstanding in the business. But behold, there is quite a misunderstanding in the business. For yesterday the llepub-\ lie, the acknowledged organ of the President coiues out, and refers to the Yury satfie statement in the Baltimore Sun?.(and other Journals)? and puts the following official extinguisher upon it. It is not true that any communication has been made to the Presjpent by the United States marshal in Boston, or by any other marshal, in relation to any actual or apprehended obstruction to the laws ; the cause assigned by | the Suit's correspondent for the alleged orders of tlio President. It it is not true that the President has issued any orders with regard to the "concentration ot"' any force in Boston, harbor, or anywhere else, with reference to any such information or apprehension as is above suggested ; the Puesjuent lias received no communication from any marshal, and has no information that leads him to believe that any peculiar disposition of the military force will be rendered necessary for the exception of the laws. It Is true that there have been some changes made by the YYar llepartment in the position of the troops, but not in the directions nor for the purposes alleged. It was deemed proper to relieve sonic of the companies that haye been stationed in Florida; some of which have been ordered North, and some to Tcjchb. Others have been ordered from the North to the South. Amor.g the changes, cne company was ordered to Fort Indenende.nce. in Boston lmrhnr; hut on information from the proper bureau that the I barracks there were not ready f(W the reception of troops, tho order was countermanded. These changes Imying no reference whatever to the causes assigned for them, have given rise to suspicions and rumors that have assumed the shape of positive allegations in the Suns correspondence. Thus then the lately assumed grandiloquent official Executive robes of the opposition organ are stripped off, to the merriment of the spectators. Tho editor of the Union deserved this fate.? Ho was anxious to give aid and comfort to the submissiouists of Georgia, who were rather caved in by the failure of the Compromise they were trying to submit to, and rather confounded by the imprisonment and expulsion at and from Boston, of their own fellow-citizens, for claiming the benefit of one of the peace measures. But the organ forgot that the New York election was pending, and came on before the Georgia election, and that it might ruin the Whig p irty in New York, to enforce the Fugitive slave law by armies and navies in Boston, The recent coalition is attended with many other awkward eonsequenccs. We learn by the papers, that Senator Foote, in Mississippi, is extolling the President for the energy and effect with which his influence was exerted over Whig members of Congress, In getting them to vote for the Fugitive slave law. Mr. Foote says, the President ient for thein, and earnestly urged them so to vote. Does not every body see that this will play the mischief with thp popularity of a Whig President at the North ? Can any editor?can any organ, keep "both the national parties alive," against the intervention of such awkward and indiscreet frionds ? A Sign of the Times. Every one knows that during the nullification contest in South Carolina, (to which the subrnissionists seek to assimilate, the present struggle for life and liberty) there CNiatod in that State an Union party?-a minority distinguished for the high character and ability of its members, whose devotion to the Union then was immeasurable. But the arrcreasions of the North. haye roused up to righteous indignation these true lovers of the Union, and the rovulatlon of their sentiment is as striking as it is complete. The following statement from the (Fairfield S. C. Herald,) shows where that serried phalanx now stand. Tirr. ui.d Unior Party.?"We have watched attentively the proceedings ofall our public meetings, and are gratified beyond measure to find the "old Union men" proceeding pari passu if not in advance of liullifiers, in their efforts fo defend the interests, the honor and rights of the State- Such men r-s Judge King, Judge JIuger, Ex-Governor Aiken, and Col. Mcmminger, of Charleston; Hon. E. Bellinger, of Barnwell; Gen. Rogers and Col. Dnwkins, of Union; Judge Richardson and Major l-Jaynawnrth, of Sunder; Ex-Governor Johnson and Colonel Thompson, of Spartanburg; Colonel G, W. Williams, of York ; Colonel Chestnut, of Caindeu, and Col. Clinton, of J-ancaster, with a host ot others not now remembered, have applied themselves nobly and boldly to the good work. With such men and such a cause, who can doubt of success.?. We now have no party, but one party of the South. Whig, Democrat, Nullifier and ijnion men, are all obsolete terms, the heart-burning and jealousy to which they onee gave rise has ? - - . passed away forever, and the man who should | attempt to revive them would deaerve and will receive a coat of tar and feathers for Ids pains. 1 We say to our friends abroad that we are one, and more than that, we are ready. The contest upon the Southern question has been fought here, and the battle won long since. Submissionisls enough to make mile posts between Cimrleston and Columbia, can scarcely be found iu tlio State. Indeed, so rare would bo a specimen of tliis kind, native burn, that wc doubt not, 13arnuiu could moke us great a fortune by his exhibition, as that of Tom Thumb. The power of the Sword, and the power of the Press. The subjoined extract, from one of the essays of Thomas Cablyle, in the days when lie wrote plain English, und did not make his thoughts go masquerading, is worthy of republication in every newspaper in the land?though trite to many readers. Never was the lesson of the superiority of moral over mere physical force more eloquently or powerfully portrayed. At this hour, when men wielding that potent instrument, the pen occn w luiumai i^c biic i'U|jui?ii iiiinu mm ujf idea of "coercion"?the appeal to brute force? the sliding of opinion by the strangling rope, and the Bilencing of truth by threatening the punishment of treason?such lessons of warning wisdom may bo well pondered over, and sink deep into the popular heart. In this Republic more especially, moral and not material force alone can control, and tho words of the dramatist well apply to its rulerH, Take awuy the sword, States can be saved without it." Thus writes Carjlyle : When Tumerlane had finished building his pyramid of seventy-thousand human skulls, and was seen stunding at the gate of Damascus, glittering in steel, with his battle axe on his shoulder, till his fierce hosts filed out to new victories and new carnage, the pale looker-on might have fancied that nature was in her death throes; for havoc and despair had taken possession of the earth?the sun of manhood aeemcd sitting in seas of blood. Yet if might be on that very gala day of Tamerlane, that a little boy1 was playing ninepins on the street of Medtz, whose history was inore important than that of twenty Tumerlanes. The Kham, with his shaggy demons of the wilderness, "passed away like a whirlwind," to be forgotten forever; and that German artisan has wrought a benefit, which is yet immeasurably, expanding itself, and will continue to expand itself through all countries, and through all times. What are the conquests and expeditions of the whole corporations of captains, from Walter the Pennyless, to Napoleon Bonaparte, conipured with those movable types of Faust? Truly, it is a mortifying thing for your conqueror to reflect how perishable is the metal with which he hammers wiili such violence; how the kind earth will soon shroud up his bloody foot-prints; and all that he achieved and skilfully piled together, will be but like his own ctinvuss city of a camp?this evening loud with lifb, to-morrow all struck and vanished?"a few earth pits and heaps of straw." For here, us always, it continues true that the deepest force iB the stillest; that, as in the fable. I the mild-shining of the sun shall silently accomplish what the fierce bluet'.ring of the tempest in vain essiryed. Above all, it is ever to keep in the mind that, not by material, but hy moral power, are men and their actions governed. How noiseless is thought? No rolling of drums, no tramp of squadrons, or immeasurable tumult of baggage wagons attend its movements. In what obscure and sequestered places may the head be medituting which is one day to be crowned with more than imperial authority! for kings and emperors will bf among its ministering servants; it will rule not over but in all heads?and with these its solitary combinations of ideas, Hnd with magic formulas bend the world to its will! The time may come when Napoleon hitnself will be better known for his luws than his battles, and the victory of Waterloo prove less momentous than the opening of the first \Jechuniua* Institute." James, the Novelist. I Mr. Jam us has written the following letter to his friend M. B. Field, esq., in answer to nu attack upon him In tho last number of the American Whiff ltevlew. VVe think Mr. James is infinitely more amusing and instructive as a novelist, than as a commentator on tlie institutions of which lie is profoundly ignorant. Jamaica, L. I., Oct. 14, Mr dear Sir: Sine* 1 saw you 1 have been thinking over the observations upon myself, dec., which you showed me in the American Review. The first part of the article made me laugh, as you know. It is very good, very amusing, and, perhaps, very true?but of that 1 cannot be the judge. The comments on two scraps of poetry, put mOst unfairly in iuxta position, however, 1 cannot pass over without remark. The first commented on?though written with no view to publication, (indeed 1 did not know that it ever had bten published till 1 saw what you showed me to-day,) should not have been called up by any frank and candid American in the present duy. It was written in a time of great excitement, when war seemed imminent between your country and mine ; when your country was putting forth claims which 1 thought unjust, and when our papers teemed with ncconnts of your citizens endeavoring, even before any declaration of hostility, to stir up the people of Ireland to hopeless revolt?which I thought move unjust. I shared the universal feeling in England on this subject ; 1 wrote the poem ; I avow it; I am proud of it. Nay more, had England needed volunteers at that lime, no one would have shouldered a musket against you more readily than myself. But let me ask, if there be one man in the United Stntes who would not have done the same against England, If there be?nnd I do not believe that such a man exists?let him stand forth for the hisses and execration of his country. I only ask the same fair and liberal construction which I extend to others. 1 can sit down and read the beautiful poem of Holmes, upon the old frigate Constitution, and almost share the enthusiasm with which hp snpaks nf that o-allant I .""I"""* 15"", vessel. Without one feeling; of mean and pitiful jealousy, I can admit that it is one of the finest pieces of poetry in the ISnghsh language, and does honor to the nation and the man. Let me, in the name of honesty and truth, be dealt with in the same manner. Aa to the insinuations afterwards conveyed-*-ai to the perversion of the language and the sense of what I 'wrote, I repel them as they merit. Every one who knows nie?every one who has read my works, knows well that the character of Washington has ever been in my eyes, perhaps the most perfect in history, and thftt 1 have ever contended that the battle of the British constitution was fought, by him and his, upon this soil, as much for the benefit of Englishmen as for their own, Let any one produce a wort! that I have ever written or thought in a contrary sense if they can. But what is to be said of such a perversion of plain sense, as that which occurs when I?speaking of slavery,and comparing it with the very first clause in your Declaration of Independence?I "call it a livmg lie," and am made to give that name to American liberty ? A man must have been hard pressed for something to censure when he had recourse to such a means as this. I shrink not from the responsibility of England pi the matter of slavery in this land. I acknowledge, nnd with shame tor my country, that the sin and disgrace of having imposed such a burden up.u_ C< u._. --.1 : 1. .v-. 1 tin 11 it- onuuit-1 ii tJinim, ixiui in sutu a umriicr umi it is hardly possible for them to fVee themselves from it with safely to themselves, and without danger and damage to the whole republic, is mainly and primarily attributable to England. Hut no one has a right to twist words only applicable (and ! distinctly applicable) to the weak point in the con- j stitution of these States, into an attack upon Ante-1 lican liberty generally. There is one point on which I would wish to | correct the writer of that grnceftii and eloquent artide. The lines upon the ship Washington, which he says 1 have taken care to have widely circulated, were written for the ship's album, were never seen by me after they were written, and were published without my knowledge or concurrence,? The rest, about << soft-solder," " British lions," ( and Mour own small account," does not merit any I police. _____ H appears from Ihe papers of Missis-1 sippi that Senutor Foote finds but little coaifort' among the people there. i ^ rjffji . For the Southern Prt?. I Second Dialogue between Mr. North and Mr. South, on the Subjeot of Bottling the Partnership Accounts. SCENE, MR. MOUTH'S 9TUDT. Mr. North sitting at Table with a Map before him. Mr. North.?What a glorious tract! aud the gold?the gold! I must have it all, every inch of it, that's clear?placers, quartz rocks, dust, dirt, and all. Aud then its position for trade to India, China, and Japan?its fine harbors and other great natural advantages. It's too good for that outrageous man-stealer, ui^ partner.? I have sent for hitn to tulk over the matter again, and hear him coining. I must creep over him once more with tho higher law, and the scruple of conscience. Ah! conscience?there is no stock in trade equal to it; its credit is better than all the capital in the world. [Enter Mr. South, somewhat chafed.J Why whut's the matter, my dear friend ? I perceive you are in a passion, as usual. What has happened now ? Mr. South.?Why, I have just been reading the proceedings of the Abolition, and Whig aud Democratic meetings in your neighborhood, und they are enough to provoke a saint. They call me man-stealer, dealer in human flesh, and say my character is infamous ull over the world. I can't stand it any longer?I'll have nothing more to do with such people. Mr. North.?Pooh-^-pooh?you should not| mind what they say, lor you know, my dear South, it's all true. It' it were false, then indeed j you might complain; or you could recover damages in an action of slander. As it is, you have nothing to do but "grin and bear it," us the boys say. Mr. South.?I tell you what, Mr. North, your mode of treating me is not only unjust, but ungeutlemunly, and I demand satisfaction. You shall answer for this with your life, sir. Mr. North.?My dear friend, you know I am principled against fighting duels. I have scruples of conscience on the subject, and always act according to their dictates. Mr. South.?Yes?I know?you belong to that class of gentry whose consciences don't prevent them from committing the grossest offences, but who have neither the magnanimity to apologize, nor the courage to make atonement. Mr. North.?Ah, South! my conscience?consider my conscience. It is noli me tangere, as we say at oollego. But this is hot what I wished I to see you about. It is high time this distracting question of the division of our new lands were settled, and peace and harmony restored between von and I. You know, inv dear and inestimable fYiend, that I consider you as a brother, and wouldn't quarrel with you on any account. But you arc so unreasonable?why can't you listen to reason, as I do 1 Mr. South.?I can't, Mr. North?I have scruples of conscience, and urn governed by' the higher law. Mr. North.?Ah, South ! that's not fair. Mr. South.?What's sauec for the goose is sauce for the gander. Air. North.?Yes?but?hem?ha?South? hem?you know that when one man is right, and another wrong, there is all the difference in the | world between them. Air. South.?Agreed. But how do y'ou know that you are right and I am wrong. Mr. North.?My conscience tells me so. Mr. South.?Well, my conscience tells me directly the contrary?Who is to decide ? Air. North.?Why the immutable principles of reason and justice?hem?I mean?I mean? the higher law which is?that is to say?whatl was I saying ? Mr. South.?Faith, I can't tell?not I?and I believe you are prelty much in the same predicament. Mr. North.?Yes?this comes of resorting to that profane tribunal, human reason, instead of appealing to some sublime dogma, which saves us all the trouble of reasoning and argument, and furnishes an infallible rule of action, to the exclusion of all others?whether right or wrong is of no sort of consequence. This is what I call tho higher law. Mr. South.?Very well?very well?you know ' I never interfered with your higher law, or your conscientious scruples, until you brought them to bear upon ine, and wanted to take away not only my lands, but those who cultivate them. Mr. North.?Ah, South ! that is the great end I aim at. Now, my inestimable friend?my dearest brother?for such I consider you?why don't you let them go 1 You don't know how much better off you would be without these niggers?and how much sounder you would sleep on tho soft pillow of a quiet conscience. Come now, do, my best friend. Mr. South.?Well, suppose I do; what will become of them, without industry, with foresight, without property, and without experience to guide them, I ask again what would become of theiu ? Mr. North.?That's no business of mine. They might go to Guinea or Tophet for ought I core. I shall have done my duty, and quieted my conscientious scruples. I am not accountable for conscqueuces. But you at least would reap the benefits; you can't imagine how much more prosperous you would be when you get rid of these eaterpillurs, that devour all your substance. Mr. South.?Much obliged to you, Mr. North. But as Franklin said,"Those that feel can best judge," and every man is the best judge of his own business. Mr. North.?A most vulgar and pernicious error, Mr. South, utterly unworthy of the march of mind and the spirit of progress. If every man is the best judge of his own business, why then we friends of the entire human race, woahiliavc no excuse for meddling with other people's af! fairs, and we should be thrown quite out of employment. What would become of William T 1_ _> si 111.. lf_ CI ijioya warrison, nuoy roisoin, inr. oewara, CufTee Douglas, Lucretiu Mutt, Deliverance Mercy, and Old Slievegsmmon ? Wliy, thoy would never get into the newspapers, and be obliged to earn a living by attending to their own business, instead of that of other people. Philanthropy would perish for want of nutri> ment. What is Government in fact, but the. science of meddling with everybody's business? Mr. South.?Well, if what is called philnnthrophy now a days, were to be starved out, instead of levying contributions on the industrious poor, for the use of idleness and profligacy, I don't think it would be moch the worse for it. It does nothing but meddle, meddle, meddle with everything. I ? - .. Mr. North. South, I have told you twenty times, you know noihipg of the modern English tongue, or the true names of tiling,. What you call meddling with other peopled affair*, is nothing but moral responsibility, which if rightly understood extends to all mankind, who are embraced in the widely extended anas of Philanthropy. We of the higher law, hold that every man is responsible not only for tfie sins of his neighbor, but of the entire human race, and that we have a perfect right to decide oil wiiat is good and what isevil,forall our fellow oreatures. We of course claim to meddle, aa you call it with civil, political, ai.d religious matters at pleasure; to make war on all the abuses of society, and act in defiance of all law, whenever our consciences come in competition with its provisions. This is the doctrine established in the British high court of Philauthrophy, and I hope you are not hardy enough to demur to its jurisdiction. I had almost forgot to say that this responsibility does not comprehend our own transgressions, because it is presumed that a man who has got the sins of tl?? whole world on his shoulders, has a fair right to clap his own on the shoulders of his neighbors. It is not to be presumed that he has leisure to attend to such topics. This is the higher law. Mr. South.?I tell you what, friend Nortlwfor all I cun see, your higher law inplies a complete subversion of all law and gospel too. When fairly stript of its cunt and absurdity, it meana nothing more than that every man has right to sacrifice his neighbors to a conscientious scruple, and that he may sin as much as he pleases, provided he uses all his influence to correct the sins of other people. Mr. North.?Well, my dear South, 1 see wo agree perfectly in everything but names, and wo wont dispute any more about that. I wanted to see you on the subject of the division of our land, and am in hopes you are more reasonable than you were the other day. Iley! what say you my inestimable friend ? Mr. South.?I repent what 1 said the other day. Either allow me an equal share of profits, or I shall dissolve partnership. I stand up for equality. Mr. JSorth.?You do ? That's a good one. You pretend to equality, who are living in the daily commission of not one, hut all the seven deadly sins in a lump. You who deal in nothing but human flesh and man-stealing. You, who neither belong to the i\utional Abolition Society, the Rights of Woman Society, nor any other society recognizing the higher law. You pretend to bo my equal?the equal of William Lloyd Garrison, the Rev'd. Ward Beccher, the Rev. Mr. Charming,Cuflfee Douglas,GerritSmith, Sain. Ward, Billy Seward, Lucretin Mott, Abby Folsoin, Deliverance Mercy, Horace Mann, and old Slievegmnniou, the rest of the shining lights of this age of progress. Why, you are no better than a candle under a bushel. The British newspapers all say so, and what they say is law and ..........1 ... i ..... ...m.ilai. twu, KJk M am iiiiavunviK Mr. South.?I have a great mind to knock you down for your impudence, but as you have scruples of conscience about fighting, that would be cowurdly. I will, therefore, only say to you, and these are my last words?you and 1 part forever, so'sure as you persist in keeping mo out of my share of our common property. Mr. North.?Pshawall bluster and brag. I know you, friend South, all to pieces?as they say out West. Saying and doing are two things with you, that never come together?but this won't do?I must tickle him a little. (Aside.) My dear, my inestimable friend, what nonsense for you and 1 to quarrel. We that have lived so long together like brothers, and slept, as it were under the same blanket. We that have labored and prospered together; we that have grown up from youth to manhood ^together, and ought to live and die together.?It is a sin and a shame to talk or even think of parting.? Give ine your linnd, my dear, my iuestimublo friend?my brother I might call you?and be assured, that nothing but my conscience shall ever induce me to say or do any thing to your prejudice. But conscience?conscience, my dear South?you must not expect me to go against my conscience?mind that. [Enter a Servant.} Servant. ? Mr. Garrison, Orator Douglas, Abby Folsom, and Senator Seward, wish to speak to you sir. Mr. Norlli.?Blows ine! What shall I do ?? They must not see South here. They say I ought not to keep company with him. (Aside.) South, my dear friend, as I know the sight of these people will be disagreeable to your feelings, you had better go out at the back door? quick! quick! my dear, my inestimable friend? I hear them coming.?[Pushes Mr. South out at the back door. BY TELEGRAPH.1 [Telegraphed?For the Southern Press.] New York, Nov. 5, 10 o'clock, p. m. Kinuslamd, Whig, has been elected Mayor of New YoJk, by about 5000 majority. FOR CALIFORNIA via CHAGRES, WITHOUT DE TENT I OA* AT PANAMA. 11HE United States Mail Steamship Company . will despatch the splendid double-engine stenmshipGEORGIA,on Monday, November 11, at 3 o'clock, p. m., from the pier, foot of Warren street, North river, New Yojdc, with the Government mails and passengers' for San. Francisco and intermediate ports. , The connexion at Panama will be carefully kept up, and passengers for San Francisco are guaranteed that they will not be delayed at Panama beyond the usual stay in port. The books are now open, ami passage can he secured at the following rate* : , . FROM XEW YORK TO CUJIGRM State-room berth #100 Standee berth, forward salooon - - - SO Steerage berth, (bund bed & separate table 50 FROM PAJH'JLHJI TO S.1X FR.IXCISCO State-room berth ------- $300 Steerage berth, found bed & separate table 150 FROM XEIV YORK. State-room. Standee. Steerage To Charleston or Savannah $25 $20 $10 To Havana' <1 ... - 10 55 25 To New Orleans - - - 75 60 25 Freight to New Orleans 30 cents per cubic foot. Freight to Havana will be taken in limited quantity at reasonable rates. Passengers for Chagres will be transferred at Havana to the new and splendid steamship PACIFIC. 'I [ To secure freight or passage*apply ?t the office ' of the company, 77 West .street, corner of Warre,, steet, to M. O. ROBERTS. Special Notice is given to shippers by this line, that the company have prepared a form of bill of lading adapted to their business, winch will be furnished to shippers on application at the company's office* and with which they are requested to provide themselves, as no other form will be signed by thehgents of the company. All bills of lading must be signed before the sailing of vessel. Nov. 6, 1650.