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THE SOUTHERN PRESS.
WASHINGTON CITY. TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 19, 1850. Mr. So ale In Louisiana. We have been attentive for some time to the ourse taken in Louisiana, by the enemies of Mr. k>ui.e, her Senator, a uian who is an honor to | he body to which he belongs, and the State rhieh sends him. Throughout the late protracted session of Congress, eugaged in questions of vital consequence to the whole South, Mr. Soule distinguished himself by the ability, eloquence, and idelity with which he maintained the honor and uterest of his own section. Ho acted, voted, md spoke almost invariably with a decided maority of the Southern Senators. And his sourse was distinguished by a courtesy and diglity, which won the admiration of political foes, in well an friends. But there happens to be in New Orleans a i arge body of Northern traders, who go thither . is men go to California?to make their fortunes md return?only that the Northerners of New Orleans generally spend only the business sealon of the year in that place. This class of ueu, usually, but with honorable exceptions, extremely clannish, sectional, and wise in their own conceit, conceived a bitter hostility to Mr. Joule for his obstinate aversion to a shameful surrender to their Northern brethren. Throughout the session the course of Mr. Soule was assailed by the New Orleans press, conducted in subserviency to that clique. On the adjournment of Congress, and Mr. Soule's return to New Orleans, he was called on and serenaded b) a party of his friends, to whom he delivered a short address, in which he reprobated the Yankee influence of that city. Thereupon the organs nnd sympathizers of the Yankees were seized with a violent fit of indignation and horror ut the enormity of such a sentiment from a gentleman of French birth, although an old resident of Louisiana. We think the sentiment of Mr. Soule was perfectly true, and that its utterance then and there was perfectly proper. Louisiana was originally colonized by the French, and much of her population is of French origin. She came into the r Uu iLn zlouiro nf t.l?? ihun ai'iiitinir SJtntnc I ~ V v,....^ ? nnd s!ie came in as a State, with a right to uphold her own rights, policy, nnd interests ns u State, so far as they were not incompatible with the Federal Constitution. The population of French origin has not insisted on more than their share of State and Federal offices and honors; and in sending Mr. Soule to the Senate, they have given one brilliant proof at least of their title to a lull share. , Now, notwithstanding a somewhat prevailing cant to the contrary, we think it i9 well for each State, to preserve and maintain its distinctive character and customs, so far as they are not hostile to progress. And we deprecate the tendency to an imitation of the fashions, manners, policy, pursuits and opinions of one State or section by another. Tho Northern people as merchants and manufacturers, have a proclivity for cities South as well as North, and hence, ac quire an influence and control over the press, > which gives them a power to propagate their notions beyond what is due to their merit, or to the number and character of their people. A daily press engaged in a continual ding-dong of maxims and phrases, that are superficial, hut pluusible, will impress them on the mass of the thoughtless and shallow, to an extent which the wisdom of planters and sages cannot countervail. And hence, have we seen the notions of the North, in polities, education and religion, making n progress in the South, equally incompatible with Southern interests and convictions. The opponents of Mr. Soule commenced their operations against him after his arrival with that instinc'ivo Yankecism of asking questions?a sort , of cunning founded, we presume, on the axiom that a fool can ask questions which a wise man sometimes cannot answer. A correspondence was first commenced with i Mr. Soule, by Mr. C. N. Stanton, which was afterwards published, preceded by an address of , certain members of the Democratic party in that j city. The correspondence is as follows : , Mr. Stanton to Mr. Soule. , j New Orleans, Oct., 22, 1850. ; i Dear Sir :?I'ermit to observe that I approve < your recent course in the Senate of the United States, and view the late miscalled measures of . compromise in the same light that I believe you do. Reports are, however, in circulation which charge you witli advocating the dissolution of ( the confederacy. Your friends desire to vindi- j cato you from this accusation, if unfounded.? | You will, therefore, much oblige ine by answer- s ing the following questions in a manner to j enable your friends to place you in a position ) beyond the cavil of your personal and political enemies: Are yon in favor of a dissolution of the Union, j now or hereafter, because of the late action of t tin* Congress of the United States? , Are you in f tvor of the establishment of a ( Southern confederacy, because of the late action | ot the 'yongress 01 m<- unura oiaies: Are you in favor of the secession of the State of Louisiana from the Union, because oftlie late action of the Congress of the United States. An early reply to the above inquiries will greatly oblige your obedient se:vant, C. N. STANTON. Hon. Pierre Socle. Mr. Soule to Mr. Stanton. New Orleans, Oct. 26,1850. Dear Sir : I am just returned from a short excursion into the country, and now proceed to take up the note you were pleased to address me on the 22d inst., and to bestow upon it that consideration which, coming ns it does, from one highly respectable and deservedly honored, it is [so well entitled to command and to obtain. You ask me to answer several queries concerning my views with respect to the measures lately passed into laws by the Congress of the United States; and your request is predicated , uDon the desire which my friends feel "to place ; 1 me beyoivd the cavil of my personal and political enemies." You are welcome to it; though I fear much that, whatever be my response, it r will not appease the rank hostility which certain politicians, of all hues and feathers, have ever f entertained against me, and are now pouring out 1 with such an unremitting rancor and bitterness, c What! Speak you of my enemies ? I have c known them too long,and know them too well,! ever to have expected at their hands anything! but the vilest nbuse and the most unblushing t calumnies. Indeed, sir, I pride myself in their j 1 inveterate hatred; for it nas been one of the j humble glories of my life that they and I could never be found on the same platform. I do not misapprehend, allow me to say, the < ultimate object of the movement which has i prompted yo?i in kindness to me, to the step j that calls forth this letter from one who had wished to spend unnoticed and unobserved the brief respite left him to repair his weakened con- ' ftitution and shattered energies. i ' \ .1 That I should be singled oat from among the members of the Louisiana delegation who acted with me and voted like uie on the great questions which give occasion to this correspondence, may strike with some amazement those less knowing than 1 am of the dark strivings through which political jobbers but too often seek to assail and destroy an opponent 1 cannot be surprised, nor am 1, believe nte, sir, much moved, at being made the mark at which are levelled their poi suited shafts. But it may not be long before they discover that they have rather imprudently carried war ou a dangerous ground. For the preaeut let them attend to what I have to write in reply to your note. My opinion of the wrongs inflicted on tho South through the measures lately adopted by Congress is spread at length, and in terms tho meaning of which can neither be misconceived nor perverted, in the several speeches which I delivered from mv seat in the Senate of the United States during the debute in which tliev were discussed. I have not a word to retract from wliat I said of the merits of those measures, or of their bearing upon the future destiny of the South. I refer you to the speeches as reported by the Globe. And as to the policy which Louisiana should, in my judgment, nave pursued or still pursue in connexion with the same, I beg leave to state that my sentiments are fully expressed in a certain document41 w hich I, in connexion with other members of the Louisiana delegation, addressed to the governor of this State early in the session, and a copy of which I shall place in your hands as soon as received from General Walker, whom I have just visited with a view to obtain one, and who lias kindly promised to send it to ine with the shortest possible delay. Yours respectfully, and with all uiv heart, PIERRE "SOULE. Hon. C. N. Stanton, New Orleans. This document has not been received. Mr. Stanton lo Mr. Soulc. New Orleans, Oct. 31, 1850. Deaii Sir: Your reply to a communication which I had the honor to addres* you on the 22d inst., was placed in my hands yesterday. I regret exceedingly that 1 should have been the cause of eliciting from you sueh an equivocal answer to sueh important inquiries. Indeed, sir, I am sorry to possess an instrument so eminently calculated to injure your high reputation. 1 think I now. fully understand your position, and at the same time see the propriety of closing our correspondence on this subject. Accept my thanks for the kind manner in which you have been pleased to notice me, and believe me, &e., Your obedient servant, C. N. STANTON. Hon. Pierre Soule. \\r i Ai r i* nf- o_ / i ? ?v e kiiow uuimug ui iur. otahtun or oi ins relations to Mr. Soule ; but wo should beg to be excused from having such a friend. One who asks suspicious questions, regrets the answer* regrets that he has in his possession an answer so eminently calculated to injure his friend, Mr. Soule,?and then puts it in the possession of Mr. Soule's avowed enemies, who make it the basis of a public attack on him. Mr. Soule, it seems was not misled, for ho intimates his knowledge of the ultimate object of the movement. But this would not quite do ; so another letter is written to Mr. Soule, as follows: "Dear SrR: Great excitement prevails at the South and at the North at the result of the recent legislation of Congress. This excitement has progressed so far in several Southern States that a dissolution of the Union is openly advocated. The undersigned, a portion of your constituents and members of the Democratic party, desire to know from you and your colleague in the Senate, Mr. Downs, respectively, your views on this important subject. Permit us, therefore, to request your reply to the following questions, in a manner so distinct as to place beyond doubt or cavil the position you occupy. You will understand us, wo trust, as making these inquiries of you in no spirit of unkindnoss, but with the single \iew iu a lair nnu proper coinprenension of your opinions, and in the exercise %l what we regard as a right, which will be at or.ee recognized and conceded by you : Are you in favor of a dissolution of the Union, now or hereafter, because of the legislation of the late session of Congress ? Are you in favor of the establishment of a Southern Confederacy, now or hereafter, because of the legislation of the late session of Congress ? Are you in favor of the secession of the State of Louisiana from the Union, now or hereafter, because of the legislation of the late session of Congress ? This is signed by seventy eight persons who we are told, are members of the Democratic party in New Orleans. Among them we notice the. name of Mr. K. Wagner, late editor of the Louisiana Courier, and bitterly opposed to Mr. Soulf.'s course in the Senate. We presume the jther signers are like him. Mr. Socle answers these gentlemen as folows: New Orleans, Oct. 30, 1850. Gentlemen : I acknowledge the receipt of a ominunication which you caused to be placed n my hands on yesterday, and which I find is ;he same which has been hawked about in the itreets of New Orleans for six entire days, that t might obtain the endorsement of the seventy lames affixed to it. Here is my answer; WKonnttor ilin irru l*u mnffnra on !nl\nn4lir nl udod to in that paper shall come before me in .he only shape that can reach my official responsibilities to the State and people of Louisiana, lcpend upon it they will be met with n spirit not in worthy of the high station which I occupy, ind of the duties which I owe to the great interests confided to njy protection and guardian-' jhip. But, as I can regard you neither as the irgms of the people and State, nor, indeed, as the echoes of the party to which you say you j belong?as I ask neither your applause nor your I support?you will pardon me for taking no other notice of the queries which you have propounded to me than by assuring you that I am not to be I jjoved out of tlmt propriety which becomes a j niblie man, and, above all, an American senator, I >y the tricks of five or six disorganizers, who, 'or some time past, have been moving every rubfish they could lay their feet upon to kick at ne, and who can have no object but to distract ind divide the Democratic party, that they may J juild for themselves, upon its ruins, an importnice which they know but too well, they can-' lot secure as long us it stands by its principles j md remains united; Yours respectfully, PIERRE SOULE. | fiessrs. W. W. King, Charles R. Reese, John L Larue. We observe that the Washington Union In e-publishing this correspondence, calls this letter >f Mr. Soule, a " reply to the members of the ! democratic party"?thus manifesting the desire . >f that editor to injure Mr. Soule, and the ne-1 lessity of a misrepresentation to effect it. This asking precise questions of a public man, his demand of a reply, u so distinct as to place >cyond doubt or cavil" his position, and this too, n the assumed exercise of a right, to be "at once ecognized and conceded" by him, is a specimen )f modesty, which could not have originated any vhere but iu the head of a Yankee, and aocordngly, we find it so alleged in the Louisiana Courier. The right of asking questions, jf not in inalienable right of man, is by long usage considered the inalienable right of Yankees. = Mr. Soule does not deny the right But it seems he thought he had a right to answer or : not, oa he pleased. And he responds in the terms and with the temper which the true design and authorship ol' the interrogative epistle i most richly deserved. Mr. Soule in his reply to Mr. Stahtox, cited him to a joint letter of the Louisiana delegation to the Governor of the State, as an expression | of the views entertained by Mr. Soule ou the questions propounded him: and promised to send a copy of the letter to Mr. Startox as soon as it eould be procured from Gov. VValkeb, who had u promised to furnish it with the shortest possible delay." But, Mr. Staktok, the anxious friend, could not wait a moment for it, and be ! fore that copy was in fact procured, the letter J 1 from the seventy-eight appeared, propounding ! the same questions put by Mr. Stahtos. j Here is the letter to tlie Governor: Washington, D. C., January 7, 1850. Si* The importance of the subject to which j it relates, the action of other States on it, our de- j aire to know the views of the State authorities and j to be sustained by them in the approaching crisis in the affairs of the Union, are the motives which induce us to address you, and through you the Legislature, this letter. The agitating question of slavery, so far as the action of Congress is concerned, will probably be decided during its present session. Much depends j on this decision : The peace and safety of the South, and perhaps the duration of the Union.? We do not now propose to argue it. The people of the South do not require argument, and the North have refused to listen to it. The Legislature of every Northern State, except one, has acted on it, and have expressed the opinion that slavery ought to be prohibited by Congres.1 in all the new territory acquired from Mexico ; that it ought to be abolished in the District of Columbia, and that the sale of slaves from one Slate to apother ought to be prohibited, and have instructed their senators and requested their representatives to act in conformity with these opinions. Many of the Northern States have not only refused and neglected to comply in good faith and as they did ip the early days or union, with the injunction of the Constitution for the delivery up of fugitive slaves ; but have in utter contempt of it passed laws enforced by penal sanctions, prohibiting their citizens and officers from acting in compliance with it, and the laws passed by Congress under it. This is practical, admitted, successful aggression and not defensive nullification. The Southern States have long and patiently endured such aggressions and menaces, soothed by tlie sus't'eslions that thev uero onlv the work of fanatics and fnctionists, and confined to a small portion of the population. They now find almost the whole of the North arrayed against them. Not only Abolitionists, properly so called, but gorernors, legislatures, judicial tribunals, and delegations in Congress, and all other public functionaries and leaders of political opinion. But not satisfied with these encioachntents and menaces, we are reproached for our institutions as tyrants and enemies to liberty, and unworthy the association and countenance of mankind. It was not under such feelings thut the Union was formed and IT CANNOT BE PRESERVED IP THESE MUCH i.ongf.r continue. This is not the entertainment our fathers were invited to, when the federal compact was formed. Impressed with these considerations the legislature, we believe, of every Southern Stale that has assembled during the last twelve months, have solemnly protested against this aggressive course on the part of the North, It is now believed that in every case where such States have not acted, they will do so, in the course of the next few months. Will ml Louisiana/allow the example of all her other sisters of the. South ') Will she alone remain silent under aggression '/ We hope not. Silence under sxtch circumstances would imply acquiescence in wrong and injustice. We are proud of the high opinion entertained of her, for devotion to the Union. We love her the better for it, and tcould not do ourselves, or advise her to do any thing to change that opinion. But the impression we have formed here, at the centre of the republic, and after most mature reflection is, that decisive action on the part of the Souther n States at the present crisis, is not only not dangerous to the Union, but that it is the best, many think, the only way of saving it. If every Southern State unite in a solemn protest, the aggression will cease, and the Union is safe. But if we are divided?if Louisiana and one or two others remain silent or dissent, the aggressions w ill continue. This would not, how ever. prevent action by others. It docs not require our unanimous vote of the South to destroy the Union. Let three or four, or even fewer of tlie States fall front the Union, and it is ?;oiie! Louisiana, in such an unhappy event, which we devoutly hone may never happen, would find herself, whether we consider her us u part of the South, or as a part of the valley of the Mississippi, in the midst of u population where the adhesion of slavery would be sustained by so overwhelming a majority, that her destiny necessarily and in spite of her volition, would be indisaolubly connected with them. This great valley was united by the hand of Providence, and can never be disunited. An overwhelming majority of its people is, and long must remain, a slaveholding people, and Louisiana must and will remain, the great outlet and emporium of its commerce. We suggest no rush or violent action on the part of the Legislature. All we desire is, that the subject may be taken up and acted upon by the immediate reprensentntives of the people, with that calmness, reflection, and knowledge of facts, which the important and no longer to be deluyed crisis, respect for our own rights and honor, and for our sister States of the South, and a just regard for the welfare and safety of our posterity require. Will you therefore do us the favor to submit a copy of this letter to the Legislature, with such Suggestions and remarks as you may think the occasion demands. Respectfully your obedient servants, S. W. DOWNS, PIERRE SOULE, ISAAC E. MORSE, EMILE LASERE, J. H. HARMANSON. His Excellency I. Johnson, Governor of Louisiana. It will thus be seen that Mr. Soule, besides taking a decided part in the debates of the Senate, where he had spoken with the utmost frankness and precision, had in the strict line of his duty with his colleagues expressed himself piainiy 10 me uovernor, anu asnea inrougn rum the advice or instruction of the legislature. No man had done more to make known his sentiments in the legitimate and customary modes. But his course had displeased these inquiring citizens. Several of them had denounced it, and had attempted to show that it was factious and treasonable. They had not succeeded, how, ever, in making out their charges, and very coolly proposed to call him to the stand to undergo a cross-examination to help them out. If hi? answer had not been such as they wanted, they could have amended and increased their interogatories. i Now let lis sec how this system would operate. Suppose the people and the Legislature of Louisiana had considered the nets of Federal aggres. ; sion such as to justify and require a secession i of the State?and Mr. Socle did not. Would it have been proper in him?would it have been ( compatible with his relations to the State as a < Senator in Congress to interfere with an expres- i sion of a contrary opinion, to demoralize her in ] the estimation of other States, and to weaken 1 her capacity of resistance ' So on the other hand, suppose the people of that State did not 1 think those measures ware sufficiently aggressive ' or not nggressive at all, was it for him to pass V.. .< : I_ ' ociHciKc uii ucr uj mcupaciiy or 01 umiuiiy : in ; j either case such a course would be injurious to ^ i the State and to his own usefulness as a Senator. It is evident that these inquisitors, since tho leading ones were enemies to Mr. Soule, sup- | posed that he had com luded that secession was ( proper. They wanted his conclusion announced I % SB in a monosyllable without the argument. Now the argument on the various questions that had been decided by Congress was long and elaborate. It had been mode by Mr. Soulk in the Senate?in the proper place and time. If there had been great anxiety about Mr. Soui.f.'s opinions it could be gratified by examining his speeches. But these it was not the desire of his enemies to have exuoiined?lest they might lead the people to agree with him, or to believe that his views were not extravagant or his motives not bad. If they could obtain an answer in a word, they would have a much better chance of procuring his condemnation on their own argument, the caricatures of the New Orleans papers. Again it may be presumed that a gentleman elected as Senator on account of his distin* guished ability?and discussing for ten months great measures with the collective wisdom of the country, would have more foresight than a local body, even of such profound materials as the seventy-eight inquirers. These measures had been proposed and urged as peace measures ?such as would infallibly terminate agitation. Mr. Soulk happened to think differently, to believe that concession and submission would imi satiate aggression?and had opposed thein on that ground as well as others. Ho had a right to be judged by the event?and the event had not come, but was coming speedily, more speedily than these gentlemen desired. They wanted to precipitate popular judgment on his course. lie might have preferred to await the development. If his predictions were verified? if the peace measures brought no peace, if the exorbitant price were paid without consideration, ho would stand vindicated. But the movement against Mr. Soole failed. The address and condemnation of the seventyeight has been promptly met and crushed by the public approbation of eight hundred of Mr. Soule's friends of the same party?more than ten to one. And thus ihe attempt of the Yankee clique of New Orleans, aided by a few allies among the native population to put down Mr. Socle?has been put down. Correction. We were in error yesterday in stating Mr. Knight, one of the Georgians, so warmly re ceived in Boston, was a candidate for tho Convention at home, on the submission ticket. We are informed that l)r. Collins of Macon, the owner of Crafts, who employed Mr. Knight, is the submission candidate there, and that this movement was intended by him to aid the cause of submission there, by proving the cflieioncy of the law?every precaution having been taken to make it successful. The engineer, however, was hoisted in his own petard?and though Dr. Collins may be still politely "acquiescent" we scarcely think he will get many additional votes by his movement. A Bign from Mississippi. We have received so many letters commendatory of our paper, that want of room if nothing else prevented us from following the example of the Washington Union, and publishing them. And wo could not be so invidious as to print a portion only. But the following is so eloquent iu its brevity and its intelligence, that we must ( be excused for inserting it, as a model of epistolary writing, and commend it as an example for such portions of the South as have not yet subscribed: I , Miss., Nov. 4, 1850. Messrs. Editors: At the close of a meeting for Southern Rights, aye, and one of the right sort, I take great pleasure in forwarding twentythree names for your Weekly, for which see our draft. Your paper is "a trump?a trump? it is a brick!" 1 will forward you the proceedings of our meeting. Gen. told me that he never saw such a meeting, (not in numbers,) but in material, in his life.. We are getting right. I have been an ultra-Whig he;etofore, and the president of the meeting an ultraDemocrat. Yours truly, in the good cause, Ups and Downs. The New York Herald, which for a long time sought to prop up the sinking fortunes and the waning powers of the old party leaders, makes this candid confession at last. As the Herald is a Compromise paper, as w ell as "National," and all that, its testimony is con- ' elusive: It Won't Do.?The Boston Courier is vainly | endeavoring to explain to Mr. Webster that the ( election of Horace Mann was the work of the j Democrats. It won't do. The Democratic can- . didale got his proper vote. Horace Mann wus i elected by Whig deserters from Mr. Webster, |: against Mr. Webster, nnd as a rebuke upon his , patriotic course in the Senate. It simply amounts , to this?that Horuce Mann and nullification are j more acceptable to the Massachusetts folks than i Webster nnd the Constitution. The election cuts dow n his constituency to the merchants of Boston ; and for this last refuge in Boston, Mr. VV,.lw?or it, ;?rl..Kt../l fr, tlw, I. I can't be explained?better give it up?don't attempt to apologize. it won't do. Nullification is up, and Mr. Webster is down ; Dickinson is down, ('ass is down, Phelps is down, Clayton is down, Fillmore is down; und the prospect is, that before they rise again, the game will be played out, the stake- divided, nnq the company dismissed. Mr. Webster, however, Is to have a meeting in Boston, a la Castle Garden. That may help a little, but it won't do. The Whigs may try, the Detpoerats may try, to stave off the general smash of the old crockery. But it won t do. Nullification is up, secession is up, agitation is up, cotton is up; but the old politicians are down. We may try to raise them, but according to the last elections, it won't do, _ The Telegraph gives us the following [ from Naahvillo; i " General Pillow, of Tennessee, embraced the views of a majority of the delegates, and recommended that although the bills of Congress fell short of Justice to the South, that the convention declare its willingness to abide by the laws of the laud, thereby giving proof of their attachment to the Union?that the South demand that agitation of the slavery question at the North, cense, and that the repeal of the Fugitive bill would render all further association impossible. He recommended non-intercourse if tho North did not faithfully perform her part according to the action of Congress, and that if further inter terenoe with slavery he persisted In, the Legislatures of the several Southern States elect de- . legates for a general convention. At the close of the session of the Nashville Convention last spring, General Pillow gave j. the following toast at a dinner party: j " 36.30.?We will Like our stand on this line t ind extend the right hand of fellowship to our ( Northern brethren. We will never be driven t from it except at the point of the bayonet." n General Pillow can stand aside. Washington National Monument.?The r Grand Lodge of Masons of Georgia, at their re- s cent meeting in Macon, appropriated one hun- d rtred and fifty dollars towards the erection of the b monument to the memory of Washington. J 1 .! Remit of the Nashville Convention. We received last night the following telegraphic despatch, announcing the result of the Convention nt Naahville. It is from Gov. McDohalu, the Preaidcnt. That body has acted well and nobly. The position it has assumed, of maintaining Southern rights in the Union if possible, but if not, if maintaining them,?is wliat no Southern State or citizen can fail to approve. Nor are there but few that will defend the late measures of Congress. The meeting of a Southern Congress, is also the old fashioned and effective mode of proceeding, and we have scarcely a doubt thut a sutHeient number of States will aend delegates to render its decisions effective. Nashville, Nov. 18th, 1850. The Convention adjourned to-day, after adopting a preamble?the same as offered by Governor Clay, of Alabama, and resolutiona framed from those of Mississippi. They affirm the right of secession?denounce the sets of Congress as unjust, and recommend the General Congress of the Southern States to maintain the rights of the South, and if possible, to preserve the Union. No time for reassembling designated. chas. j. Mcdonald. Judge Berrien's Letter. The following is the letter of Judge Berrien, explaining his reason for declining the nomination to the Georgia Convention tendered hiin by the Resistance party of Savannah. It will be observed that his sole reason was the necessity for his presence here at the period of the assembling of that Convention : Atlanta, Nov. 10, 1850. Dear Sir : On my arrival here to-day, 1 had the honor to receive your communication as Chairman of the Union Southern Rights Party, of Chuthum, announcing to me my nomination by that portion of iny fellow citizens, as a candidate to represent the County of Chuthum, in the approaching Convention, and seize the curliest moment to offer to them, through you, my respectful acknowledgements for this mnnifestion of their confidence. 1 beg you, my dear sir, to make these acknowledgements acceptable to youraasociatcs, and to add to them the assurance, t hat with opinions and feelings unchanged, with an unfaltering conviction of our wrongs, which reflection only serves to confirm, and a lively ap? prehension of further aggression, which each day's intelligence but lends to strengthen. 1 would willingly have shared in the labors of the Convention, if such had been the desire of my fellow-citizens of Chatham, but for the reason which I will proceed to state. Before 1 left Washington, in a communication ~ u:~Ll 1? - J J !A .v.l 11uhi ii my 111 \ vjiiucu liit'iid, u was suggested to mo that 1 ought to be a member of that Convention. The subject having been thus presented to me, the deep interest which I feel in Mie result of its deliberations induced me to reflect seriously on tho propriety of accepting a nomination, if it should be tendered to me. And first it seemed to me that,as the uctsof the last Congress will constitute an important portion of the subjects on which the Convention will deliberate, it would be more appropriate for the members of that Congress to leave to others tho judgment to he pronounced on their conduct. This, however, is a consideration of mere personal feeling, involving no question of right, und no conflict of duty, and which therefore might be overcome ; but there is a dilliculty which 1 presume must have been overlooked in nominating me, which cannot be so easily surmounted. My official duty will require mo to bo nt Washington during the sitting of tho Convention.? This is a duty which ! owe to the whole people of Georgia, and the daily intelligence whicn we receive of tho agitation in the non-slaveholding States, and especially of the disposition which they evince to evade, or if that be impracticable, to resist the enforcement of the Fugitive slave law, seems to me, to render it proper tlmt Southcm representatives should bo early and steadily in their seats in the approaching session of Congress. It's true that it is not usual in that body to transact much business before Christmas, but this is a peculiar crisis, in which it would not be quite prudent to judge of coining events by the I recollection of past usage, and tho rule some ?,i.,j k- ?i-~ ..-c.-i-l-j i... i lime 01 11 ?uu|/wu, i ty vviih;ii uir u 11II11 I3I1UU UUsinesa of one session is continued to the next session of the same Congress, may furnish a motive for proceeding at once to its consideration ns soon as the committees are appointed. If nny measure hostile to the interests of Georgia, should be brought before the Senate, while I was absent from my seat by nny act of my own, I would feel that I had neglected a duty which I owed to my constituents,?to the whole people of Georgia. 1 have already declined to allow my name to be presented for nomination in one county, and have refused a nomination actually made in another?and my sincere belief is, that I will best fulfill the obligation which I owe to my fellow citizens of Chatham, by declining the nominati.n with which they also have honored me, and by repairing to my post in the Senate of the United States. I ask you to make known to them this determination, which, excluding every consideration personal to myself, i regard to their interests has induced me to ulopt. In assigning these reasons for declining this nomination, I desire not to be understood is expressing any opinion of the propriety of a contrary course, if any of my colleagues, taking i different view of the subject, should think proper to pursue it. They are simply stated as the motives of my own conduct. t Ill" Iwma, k.. Very respectfully, Your fe low Citizen, JOHN MACPHERSON BER1EN. To Dr. James P. Sorevf.n, Chairman Union Southern Rights Party, Chatham, . !>> ''Another Compromise Foreshadowed." This is the ago of compromise. But no sooner s one adopted, than another becomes necessary o maintain it. The Republic of yesterday says : "If an Abolition war is to be waged against he institutions and property of the South,who can >e mad enough to suppose that any man will be bund in the whole South to lift a finger to arrest he progress of a Free-trade policy for the bene- j it of the Northern and Middle States Then we arc to purchase the observance ol'j he Fugitive slave law, part of the late Compro-1 n'tse, by another law, a protective tariff, to proect Northern property. The Albany Evening Journal, accuses. fudgo Behkikn of being soured by disappointnent. We suppose the Journal thinks that every | Southern man is ambitious of National honors j fudge Berrien at least has not been so anxious j 'or them as to betray his own section, and then ' o insult the understanding of his people by de- j ending himself. The Washington Union has the followng remarks in an article headed: The Light of i rum ucnming oui. Tlie hour of disunion is advancing with fearul strides. Argument seems to be exhausted. | Reeling has been aggravated and outraged. If I he contingency of violating the terms of the Compromise arises, the people of the South will ( read the path reluctantly and sitdly, but firmly \ , i ml together. Col. R. M. Johnson, has taken his seat as a j J nember of the Kentucky Legislature, but is still offering from the effects of a protracted and | langerous illness, fVom which little hope hadI , een entertained of his recovery.?Cincinnati I t inquirer. j ] i?????????? From the Dtdham Democrat. ! Thm Usiveesalist Kegisteh.?From James 1 M. Usher, 37 Cornhill, Boston, we have received 1 a copy of the above work for 1851. It gives a ; list of the societies and clergymen of that dej nomination, in the United States. There are 1077 societies, and only 671 clergymen. The largest number af clergymen in any one State, is 115 in Massachusetts, to only 118 societies, showing that only three societies in the State are unsupplied. The largest number of societies in any State, is 204 in New York, but they only have 129 clergymen. Maine has 130 societies, and only 62 clergyman; Ohio 129 societies, and 70 clergymen ; Now Hampshiie, 70 societies and 36 clergymen ; Vermont 104 societies and 39 clergymen ; Connecticut 33 societies and 15 clergymen ; Pennsylvania 39 societies and 28 clergymen; Indiana 60 societies ' and 32 clergymen; Michigan 38 societies and 30 clergymen ; Illinois 31 societies and 21 clergymen ; Georgia 9 societies and 6 clergymen; | South Carolina 4 societies and 6 clergymen; Missouri 5 societies and 5 clergymen ; Virginia 5 societies and 1 clergyman ; Maryland 2 societies and 2 clergyman; Kentucky 13 societies and 9 clergymen ; Tennessee 2 societies and 1 clergymen; Alabauii) 1 society and 5 clergymen; Mississippi none ; Wisconsin 7 societies and 14 clergymen. Pi oin the .Yur/blk (Pi.) *1rgu>. The Pa*t and the Present.?If five years ago, a prophet had risen up and lifted the veil of the future, and drawn from its arena the scroll ,irw,ii !.?> ..r .1 C? ?I ?f?w? f uiv. IIIOIUI y *?I UICBC UVC CVCIUIUI years was written; if he had fortold to the South, you shall go into a bloody and expensive war; victory Hhall perch on your banner on every field; vast territorial conquests; an Ophir of gold, boundaries stretching to the Pacific shore, and a country of every varied soil and climate, shall be the fruits of that war. In it your best blood shall be spilled, the vulor of your sons shall be everywhere signalized, the cypress shall le freely woven in the chaplets of victory. Your brethren of the North shall be the partners of your toils? they too shall send their regiments, but not so many as yours by one-half; they too shall meet with you the shock of the battle, but the graves of your slain shall twice outnumber theirs. By and by shall come peace?the enemy is chastised, and within his conquered capital the terms are dictated by you, the victors. 1 he survivors of the gallant host that nchieved these wonderful triumphs are marched back to their native land?the Southern regiments, to throw off the harness of war and reap in the soft pleasure of home and country, the rewurds of toil and valor in the field; the Northern troops to their cheerful fireside and bright winter skies. Butlo! out of this war will rise a potentous question of domestic concernment! The North and the South will beat variance about the government of their common conquests, and as to the manner of use and disposition of the soil. The North will say to the South " brother! thou art not as good as I, your customs and inst.tutions are offensive to the prejudices of my education and the habits of my life; we cannot live in common on our domain ! 1 "The South shall reply in nn appeal to the reason 1 of the North, and argue that our rights should 1 not be sacrificed to your prejudices; but, inas- 1 much as you have these prejudices, let there be no strife between thee and me, for are we not ' brethren ? Let us divide our gains?draw a line I through them?lake even for yourself the longest 1 share; you go to the right hand, we will go to the left; and so there shall lie peace between us." If, ' then, the piophel should go on to read from this unwritten history the sequel of this controversy, and should relate how it was finally adjusted, and should unfold to the astonished South, that by a ! series of artful delays, intrigues and frauds, the North had contrived to appropriate to itself the whole of this princely conquest, not leaving one foot to compensate for the seventy-five millions of treasure and ten thousand corpses contributed by the South to the acquisition ; and should then pause and usk, " men of the South, shall f go on with this eventful stcry; or will your own hearts ' finish out the page and tell me what the South did ' on the consummation of this mighty wrong? Did you submit to it, or did you resist?" We ask what would have been the answer of the ( South ? Would it not have been the answer the Hunga- 1 rian Diet gave to Maria Theresa, when with her < infant child in her arms she presented herself a refuge from her Austrian throne, and claimed the ( protection of her noble Magyar subjects? Every i sword leaped from its scabbard, and those swords were never sheathed until the sovereign of their loyal affection was once again seated on her imperial throne. Such would nave been the answer of the South then?such is not the unswer that the craven voice of submission proposes to give now. From thr New Orleans Bee. To tiik Dkmockatic Paktt or Louisiana.? In our address to you of the 3d November last, accompanying our letter to Mr. Soule and his answer, we observed ; "A similar letter has been sent to Mr. Downs. As soon us the reply of Mr. Downs reaches us, it will be laid before you." We have this day received Mr. Down's reply, und we herewith present it to you. To Tiir. Hon. Solomon W. Downs : Dear Sir: Great excitement prevuils at the ' South and at the North at the result of the recent ' legislation in Congress. This excitement has progressed so thr in several of the Southern States, that a dissolution ofthe Union is openly advocated. The undersigned, a portion of your constituents and members of the Democratic purty, desire to know from you, und your colleague in the Senate, Mr. Soule, respectively, your views upon this important subject. Permit us, therefore, to request your reply to the following questions, in a manner so distinct as to pluce beyond doubt or cavil. the position you occupy. Vou will understand * us, we trust, us making these inquiries of you in no spirit of unkindness, hut with the single view to a fuir and proper comprehension of your opin- * ions, and in the exercise of what we regard as a right, which will he at once recognized and conceded by you : Are you in favor of a dissolution of the Union, now or hereafter, because of the legislation at the r iate session of Congress ? Are you in favor of the establishment of a South-1 em Confederacy, now or hereafter, because of the legislation at the late session of Congress? Are you in favor of a secession of the State of Louisiana from the Union, now or hereafter, because at the legislation of the lute session of Congress ? J. C. Larue, John M. Bell, W. W. King, Robt. : Mote, Thomas H. Howard, P. K. Wagner, M. M. Reynolds, Charles S. Reese, and others. / REri.V ov SENATOR DOWN*. Monroe, I.a., Nov. 2, 1850. Gentlemen : I have this moment received your letter of the 2Gth ult., propounding to me the three following interrogatories? 1 " Are you in favorof a dissolution of the Union, now or hereafter, because of the legislation at the late session of Congress ? " Are you in favor of establishing a Southern ] Confederacy, now or hereafter, because of the le- ] gislation ut the late session of Congress ? I " Are you in favor of a secession of the State of Louisiana from the Union, now or hereafter, he- ( cause of the legislation at the late session of Congress And fully recognizing your right, as n portion of my constituents, to do so, I answer unhesitatingly, to each and all of them, decidedly " No." My late Mobile letter, to which 1 refer you, con lama iny vic^muii inrhc junina mure ui inrge. Respectfully, your obedient servant, j I S. W. DOWNS. Messrs. P. K. Wagner, J. C. Larue, M. M. Reynolds, J. M. Bell, W. W. King, and others. I We subjoin the letter to which Mr. Downs refers: Washington, Sept. 29, 1850. | Gentlemen: I have just received your letter of i the 21st instant, inviting me tun barbecue and I chowder party proposed to be given on the 8th of October next, by tlie citizens of Mobile, without distinction of party, friendly to the adjustment first brought forward by the Committee of Thirteen of the Senate of the United Suites, " that in a social way they may meet together and congratulate it each other on the cheering prospects of returning u hurmony and good feeling through the broad ex- s tent of the Union, and, as fur as possible, cement those kindly feelings so essential to the perpetuity of the Union," and regret that a previous arrangement to return home by another route wi|l n prevent my being with you on that occasion. But b I shall be with you in spirit and feeling, and i c leartily congratulate you on the final success of! he adjustment, which has, I hope and believe, J riven a new charter and guarantee of our glorious Union, and shown that if it be not perfect, it is us j icar it as anything human, and under the protec- I don and guidance of that kind Providence which pi lias so often favored us iu our greatest danger*, j I That we have not gained all we claimed or were entitled to, le not a sufficient retMn why we should war with our brethren of other section* incessantly. In a republic?especially a confederated republic?all cannot always have their own way There must often be dissatisfaction, excitement and complaint, which can be soothed and quieted only by that spirit of compromise and concession in which our institutions originated ; but this is no reason why we should make war on each other or secede from the Union. We do not raze to the ground, or give to the dauies, the bornateads of our childhoods, because all the family do not precisely agree in opinion nlwaya in the management of it. We do not sever the conjugal ties for every little disatisfkction or discontent. Why should we then dissolve the Union on slight ground ? We of the South have gained much by the adjustment, it was proved in the debates, and time will demonstrate it. We have loa^nothiug certainly of principle. But if we had lost in fact, what is it? Is it sufficient to justify civil war? This is the issue now raised in Ama nnurinrs I m if lisiiiir rtfOVPllfprl fnilil tTHI Mf " """ft f" "p B with our slaves to California? We were prohibited not by Congress, but by the people of the Slate, in the same way as we were previously prevented from going to fifteen other States. We were satisfied with fifteen free co-States, but the moment another comes in, shall we secede or fight? But California, it is said, is a laige State. True, but she is not half so large as Texas, a slave State, brought into the Union five years ago. Our Northern brethern complained of that as we do of this, but they did not make war on us, nor ought we now to make war on tlieni, nor will we. Why not secede or fight because Illinois and Indiunaare free States, as well as because California is ? They are much nearer, more important, and valuable to us than California with all her gold ; and so of the other free States. But I will pursue the theme no further. It is too clear to leave a doubt, or make argument necessary. I have the honor to remain, respectfully, vour most obedient servant, 8. \V. DOWN'S. To Hon. A. F. Hopkins, and others, Committee. Cincinnati, Nov. 15. Indiana Constitutional Convention.?Test votes by the Indiana Constitutional Convention, indicate the insertion of a clause prohibiting the emigration of negroes, or purchasing property iu the State, by a large majority. CissM Rebuked!?Buel, who represents I he Detroit District, and who voted for the Fugitive slave law, is beaten by 1550 votes! Hascall, another of the same kidney, in the 3d district, is whipped by Cosher some 650! In tbe 2d district StUART, Joco foco, is elected, probably by 150;?making tbe majority in the Stiifft ncrnSnaf Caau nnH HniKrltfiuuHm DiT?r 5000 ' This will do. FOR C AL1FCRNl A, via CHAGRES WITHOUT DETENTION JIT PANAMA. THE United States Mail Steamship Company will despatch the splendid double-engine steamship OHIO, on Tuesday, November 26th, at 3 o'clock, p. hi., from the pier, foot of Warren jtreet, North river, New Yorlc, with the Government mails and passengers for Sun Francisco mid intermediate ports. The connexion at Panama will be carefully kept up, and passengers for San Francisco ure guaranteed that they will not be deluyed at Panama beyond the usual stuy in port. The books are now open, and passage can he jecured at the following rates : FROM NEW YORE TO CHAGRES. State-room berth $100 Standee berth, forward sulooon - - - 80 Steerage berth, found bed & separate table 50 FROM PANAMA TO SAN FRANCISCO. State-room berth - - $3tM) Steerage berth, found bed &, separate table 150 FROM NEW YORE. State-room. Standee. Steerage To Charleston or Savannuh $25 $20 $10 To Havana 70 55 26 1*0 New Orleans - - - 75 GO 25 Freight to New Orleans 30 cents per cubic fbot. Freight to Havana will be taken in limited quantity at reasonable rates. Passengers for Chagrea will be transferred at Havana to the new and splendid steamship PACIFIC. To secure freight or passage, apply at the office ft the company, 77 West street, corner of Warren stect, to M. O. ROBERTS. Special Notice is given to shippers by this line, that the company have prepared a form of bill of lading adapted to their business, which will be furnished to shippers on application at the company's office, and with which they are requested to provide themselves, as no other form will be signed by the agents of the company. All bills of lading must be signed before the sailing of vessel. Nov. 19, 1850. MARYLAND STATE LOTTERIES, for december, 1850. F. MORRIS & CO., SOLE COXTRJ1C TORS .1X1) JVMX.1GERS. (successors to n. paink t co.) ?TJf* All Schemes of-the .Maryland Lotteries are exumined and approved by the State Commissioners, and all Drawings conducted under their personnl superintendence. Bonds to a heavy amount arc deposited with the State Commissioners to secure the payment of all Prizes. GRAND CONSOLIDATED LOTTERY, Class No. I. To be drawn in Baltimore, December 7th, 1850, $40,000 capital.?20 prizes of $5,000. Rich Schrmc. 1 Prize of $40,000 is $ 40,000 20 Prizes of 5,000 are 100,000 JO Prizes of 1,000 are 20,000 Tickets $12?Halves $6?Qunrters $3. Certificate of Package 26 Whole Ticket, $160 00 do do 26 Half Tickets, 80 00 do do 26 Quarter Tickets, 40 00 GRAND CONSOLIDATED LOTTERY, r> i A \-/in?a a. ro be drawn in Baltimore, December 14th, 1850. 75 Numbers, 14 Drawn Ballots. $52,500, Capital Prize. Rich Scheme. 1 Prize of $52,500 10 Prizes of $1,500 1 do 22,500 10 do 1,000 1 do J 1,500 10 do 750 1 do 5,500 10 do 500 10 prizes of 2,500 300 do 250 10 do 2,000 I Ac. &c. Tickets $15?'Halves $< 50?Quarters $3 75. Certificate of Package 25 Whole Tickets, $190 00 do do 25 Half Tickets, 95 00 do do 25 Quarter Tickets, 47 50 GRAND CONSOLIDATED LOTTEIIRY, Class No. 2. To be drawn in Baltimore, December 21st, 1850. 75 Nos. 13 Drawn Ballots. Splendid Scheme. , I Prize of $40,000 j 1 Prize of $5,000 I (Jo 20,000 I (Jo 4,005 I do 10,000 20 do 1,000 I (Jo 7,500 20 do 5JMI Tickets 510?Halves 45?Quarters *<2 50. Certificate of Package 25 Whole Tickets ?130 00 do do 25 Halt' Tickets, 05 (XI do do 25 Quarter Tickets, 32 50 GRAND CONSOLIDATED LOTTERY, Class B. I'o l>e drawn in Baltimore, December 28th, 1850. Capital Prize ?61,370.?2Q0 Prizes of 2,000. lowest Prize a ticket with three drawn Numbers on, can draw, is ?2,000. Magnificent Scheme. Frizc of ?61,370 5 Prizes of ?7,500 do 35,000 5 do 5,500 do 25,000 5 do 3,500 do 15,000 200 do lowest do 10,000 3 Nos. 2,000 &.c. AcTickets ?25?Halves ?12 50?Quarters $6 25. ertificate of Package 96 Whole Tickets, ?350 00 do do 26 Half Tickets, 175 00 do do 26 Quarter Tickets, 87 50 do do 26 Eighth Tickets, 43 75 SCf- Orders for Tickets, Shares, or Packages, 1 any of the ubove magnificent Lotteries, will leet with prompt attention. All communications trictly confidential. ? Address MORRIS & CO., Mamauers, Baltimore, Md. J 5C^-0u(stai>di?? Prize* in Lotteries under the nsiuurement of D. Purnt & Co., will be received iy ns in payment of Tickets, or we will pay the ash on presentation. ,"r 16 F. MORRIS 4, CO. wanted to rent. t DWELLING HOUSE, suitable for a small \ family. Situation near Pennsylvania Avenue referred. Enquire at this office. Also, an office, suitable for a Lawyer.