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THE SOUTHER* PRESS.
WASHINGTON CITY. TUESDAY, DECEMBER 3~~!858* Tlx* Mewagei. W? publish to-day the Message* of the Governor of Mississippi aud the President of the United States. The Message of Governor Quitmax is one of the most able, dignified, and triumphant expositions of the late measures of Congress that we have seen. It also evinces a high and noble spirit, well worthy of the position he holds as Chief Magistrate of on injured State. He announces that Mississippi will not submit?and proposes that unless the wrong which lias been perpetrated by the Federal Government is redressed, the Htate shall renounce all political connection with the aggressors. If such hud been?if such were even yet? the sentiment of the other Southern States, or even of a majority of them?the Uuion would be preserved: for justice would be done. And if it should be destroyed, the event will be due ulmost us much to Southern submission as to Northern arrogance. The Message of the President is, in the main, a very clear and elegant statement of the condition of the several departments of Federal affairs. So fur us any principles are set forth, it is done in very general terms, and the measures it recommends, except the alteration of the taritf, are of little consequence. The doctrine of nonintervention in the affairs of foreign States, though trite, is well and aptly set forth. The announcement that the laws shall be faithfully executed with all the power of the Executive, is, after their recent successful defiance in Boston, and their continued disregard in -a ? -1 a. Ul!- 1 J. J Uie occupancy aim waste ui me |iuune inuuo m California, a piece of humor, or of irony rather too frivolous for the gravity of such a paper. We learn, however, that some companies of troops and a sloop-of-war have been sent to Charleston, and presume that this part of the Message may be designed for a Southern latitude. The Message passes over as smoothly as possible the late measures of Congress, and is remarkably unconscious of the discontent with which some of them have been received in both sections of the Union. The Message treats the recent measures as a compromise, and regards hostility to it as existing only among men of extreme opinions. There are some tilings that cannot be compromised. Such things as honor, eijunlity and right, can neither be divided nor abated. A Constitution cannot be compromised?for it is itself a compromise?and to compromise a compromise is to violate and destroy it. But the late measures were not a compromise. A compromise implies the concurrence of both parties, in the controversy. The late pretended compromise has received no such concurrence. The admission of California, which is regarded on the one hand as the most clearly right, and on the other as the most foully wrong, and is considered by both as the most important measure of all, was carried by the undivided vote of one party against almost the undivided vote of the other. It was a naked ex <erci?e of power?of the power of numbers. Nor Wiia there any oquivolent or any concession whatever given for it. The right to recapture Jfugitives was not even questioned, could uot be questioned, and therefore was not in dispute. 3t could not therefore, be regarded as a concession .to the South, or as the price of any thing "wrung from the South. The only one of the measures that bore the aspect even of compromise was the purchase from Texas, and the Utah territorial bills. The South asserted the common right of colonizing Utah with the North, and this the Nortii disputed. And to secure this right, a majority of Southern mem bcrs in the House at u late hour, and after protesting to the contrary, voted with Northern .members to transfer a territorial right of Texas to New Mexico, and thereby interposing a free oil State between the South and Utah, practically surrendered at the instant it was bought, and extravagantly paid for, the concession of the right to enter Utah. The late measures were 110 compromise?and lflhey were, it has been practically violated already, in the .only thing that is even pretended to be a consideration to the South, for the power, i the domain, the gold, the commerce, the honor, ihc equality which have been wrung from her weakness and infatuation. All that is left to lier of the mighty interest, she lately bod in cou1 troversy, is?the abstract declaration ?f tfce Executive, that the laws shall bo faithfully executed ?the pity of her friends?the derision ,ftf ,h?r enemies. Since writing the above we find the following tin the Charleston Mercury: The Tkoops.?It is said that the troops landed 'here the other day, are on their way to Texas, ?whether to help the Texans, or the New Mexicans, or the Gamanches, we are not informed. By the. way, a telegraphic despatch in a Northern paper states that the rumor of this "movement on Charleston," produced a great excitement in "> - --? ta-ul- i 1 .Kavnnnaii. we are nut HO exciuime uere, niiu Mr. Fillmoia might send the whole of his disposable fovees without raising muc.'i unxiety. f-gT'VVe find in the Woochille (Miss.) Republican, the following letter to Senator Davis, with two whole newspaper columns of signatures : To Hon. Jefferson Davis. Dear Sir :?We, the undersigned citizens of Wilkinson, hold it to be our duty under the circumstances, jib well as it is our highest pleasure, to assure yon of the great approbation and admiration wilU- which your course in the recent struggle between Northern wiig/u and Southern right, has bpen viewed by us. We havo seen you in every attack, and though surroundedhy defection, stand up manfully and J with judgment for our rights and honor. When itlie Compromise bill of the Committee of Thirteen was brought in as the deceptious instrument for our destruction, we beheld you, searching out its fallacies, exposing its cunningly concealed snares, and overturning the arguments built up with skill and labor for its support. The bill wns defeated, but the measures composing it have since, in effect, become Jaws. We regret that there was so little sense of justice left in the American Congress; but your efforts, dear sir, deserve still the same praise. What will bo the course of the Southern people, remains to be seen. Mad it been necesaarv or proper for us, daring the contest, to have expressed these our oentiments. we would unhesitatingly have done so; but we were conscious that you had instructions from the Legislature ; that you acted, guided by unerring principles ; and that to encourage you to continue on your course would be unnecessary, and to instruct you, improper. With assurances of augmented confidence and esteem. Your Fellow-Citizens. for Uu Southern i'rttt. Fourth Dialogue between Mr. North and Mr. South, after settling their Partnership Accounts and restoring peace and harmony to this distracted country. Scbhb, Lobby of Cobobbss. Mr. North and Mr. South meeting : Mr. North.?Ah! South, how are you? I have not seen you since the late happy adjuatiuent of all our difficulties. Mr. South.?Why,pretty well, I thank you? that is to say, as well as could be expected. Mr. North.?Ah ! South?I see you are not . I UL - a a. I a _# bausiieu wiui our iumj tHjiuemeni 01 uccouuib, though everybody?that is, all my neighbors? say, you have got the best of the bargaiu. But some people are never satisfied. Don't you sec I have got a nest of horuets about my ears for consenting to let you come upon my land to recover your property 1 And yet, you are grumbling, and threatening to cut my acquaintance,? dissolve partnership, and set up for yourself in business. What the deuce has got into you, friend South ? Mr. South.?Why?hem?why?I am partly satisfied, and partly not satisfied. Mr. North.?Indeed?that is rather an odd position, something like a certain animal between two bundles of hay. Are you most satisfied or most dissatisfied ? Mr. South.?Why, to be candid with you, I can hardly tell myself. Some how or other, 1 can't exactly say how?I have lost all the land, that's certain, and have got nothing in return but a covenant for the delivery of my runaway negroes, which I find can't be carried into effect. Mr. North.?Ah ! yes?that's what I want to talk with you about, my dear friend. I tell you frankly, that my conscience begins to be very troublesome on that score, and the higher law trips me up at every step. Besides, my tenants almost to a man, denounce the law as a covenant with hell?that's you?and swear to resist with the bowie knife and revolver. I'm afraid we must cancel that part of the compromise. Mr. South.?With ai my heart, provided, all tho rest goes with it Give me back my share of the land, and I will srive ud your concession. as you cull it, which I find is not worth a cheese paring. Mr. North.?That is impossible, my dear friend. The thing is done,and can't be undone. Vou are legally divested of every acre of it, by the Mexican law, the law of the land, the higher law, and the conscientious scruple, as well as the decree of Providence, the marriage contract of Resanoff and ChickukoiT, and the Log Book of the Russian Vice Admiral, Krusunstam, as the Colonel says. The thing is impossible. Mr. South.?I don't see that. If you violate the only condition of the agreement at all, favorable to my interests, I have a right to demand thnt the whole may bo cancelled. Mr. North.?Tut, South, you talk nonsense. Were not the original articles of our partnership the result of a compromise of interests, and have they not been broken all to flinders? Answer me that, and then tell me whether a breach of the original compact in one instance, docs not furnish a justifiable precedent for all succeeding ones ? Your acquiescence in the first, sanctions all other infractions, by showing either that you did not value the right, or had not the spirit to defend it. Mr. South.?But, I did defend it, 'till I was overpowered by numbers, and betrayed by deserters. Mr. North.?Well?a man overpowered by numbers, has nothing left but submission. If lie can't, or won't defend his rights, what business has he to be making such a rout about nothing? Mr. South.?Then, after all, I perceive your higher law is nothing but the right of the strongest, and your conscientious scruple is to take everything by force. Mr. North.?No?no?by no means. You aro guite wrong, South. I am too great a lover of freedom, to recognize the law of force. What I mean by the right of the strongest, is the right of the majority, not exorcising what is vulgarly called club law, but peaceably voting a man out of his rights, after due argument and deliberation, at the same time consulting the higher law and the scruple of conscience. The right of a majority is indefeasable. It is the groat fundamental principle of all free governments. It is supreme. Mr. South.?The Government of the United States is not supreme. It is circumscribed by a written Constitution, which prescribes the limits of its power, beyond which a majority cannot pass. Without this cheek, it is mere government by right of the strongest. Mr. North.?Pshaw?what's a written constitution t?mere words?mere waste paper. An obsolete idea, as the god-like man says. Do you think that a majority of the sovereign people goring under the sanction of the higher law and the scruple of conscience, will sulFer themselves to be fettered in their flight to perfectibility* by a written constitution ? Can you stop a bullet with a piece of wnatc paper! Mr. S-mlh.? Certainly not?and for that reason all prudent men get out of its way if they can. This is what I contemplate doing in case your higher law and conscientious scruple become more rampant. Mr. North.?South, you are an unreasonable man?a very unreasonable man. I may say a man altogether divested of the higher instincts I of the law of nature and the divine impulse of the conscientious scruple. YV hat under the sun have you to complain of? j Mr. South.?Why, in the first place, you have diddled me, some how or other, out of all our new lands. Mr. Aorth.?Diddled you ? What do \ on mean by that ? Didn't you and I discuss the matter nine months before arbitrators, and were you not fairly voted out of them by a decree of Providence?in other words, u majority of the arbitrators? Mr. South.?I never gave the arbitrators a right to deprive inc of my share of the profits of the partnership, which was guaranteed to me by the original articles. Mr. Aorth.?Pshaw?South?don't be forever harping on that old worn out string. Haven't 1 told you over and over again, the old agreeI inent is cancelled by the higher law and the ) scruple of conscience ? What's the use of alI ways ripping up that old, musty, obsolete piece | of parchment, which has been completely nullified by the march of mind, the progress of the age, the higher law, the scruple of conscience and the British high court of philanthropy. Mr. South.?Well, in that case, common I 1 mow and common juatiee tell ine that our agreement having been thua cancelled is no longer binding, and that the partueraliip is already dissolved. Mr. Worth.?Common sense! Common justice ! What have they to do in the business ? Away with such trumpery. They don't weigh a feather against the higher law and the scrapie of conscience, with those who have been enlightened by the inspiration of William Lloyd Garrison, Abby Polsom, Sojourner Truth, Lucretia Mott, Cuffeo Douglas, the Kcv. Mr. Beecher, the Pev. Mr. Channing, th<? Rev. Theodore P rhor, the great missionary Thompson, M ' ?think of that bouih?and fifty others I could ..aiiic, who think no more of common I UPnfin itAmmnn ?1?? *1 ? d* I wv?.0v, wuiiijvu juonvt) ur cuiquiuu i?w, innii ui | uny other old musty worn out (rush, only fit to be stowed away in a garret, as memorials of the ignorance of our benighted ancestors. If you have any regard to my feelings, or any respect for the higher law, the scruple of conscience, the will of the majority, or the decisions of the British high court of philanthropy, pray say no more on the subject. Mr. South.?Well, as there are so many authorities against me, I suppose I must submit to be spoiled of my share of the land, and to be mobbed, buflctted, fined and imprisoned, when I come among your higher law people to reclaim my property, not only under the Constitution, but under a provision of our lute compromises. But I tell you what, Mr. North, if you choose to act under the higher law and the scruple of conscience, there are two that can play at that game. If we are no longer to be governed by the conditions of our partnership, nor the compromise lately forced upon me, I have the same right as you to adopt a higher law, and a scruple of conscience of my own, and say to you, as I now do, that I shall no longer be governed by the original articles of our partnership, which you have just declared obsolete. In one word, you must decide, and ubide' by our compact yourself, or by Heaven J\fr. i\orlh.?Keep cool, 1 beseech you. Don't swear?reapect my feelings. You know I have scruples of conscience against swearing. Mr. South.?And yet you swore a little at your protegee Pompey, the other day, if I re member right, and got into u passion, too, for all it goes against your conscience. Mr. North.?Ah, South! I've had u greal deal of trouble with that boy?and could never make him thoroughly comprehend the higher law. The fellow mude free with everything that came in his way, and when 1 tried to awaken the scruple of conscience with a cudgel, set fire to my barn, stole my best horse, and galloppcd away to Boston. Here he was taken in hand by the law-abiding, and made a speech at nn abolition meeting, at which the mayor presided, and Judge Somebody was secretary, in which he proved beyond contradiction, that a runaway slave is absolved from all the obligations of mankind, and therefore has a right to defy both law and gospel. Mr. South.?Well, this is only carrying out the principle of the higher law, nnd you have no right to complain. Mr. North.?Yea?but iny dear South, you look at only one side of the question. You? hem?you don't bear in mind that there is a radical difference in principles when they are brought to bear against ourselves or others. To tickle and be tickled are two different things. Mr. South.?Undoubtedly. And this should be a lesson to you how you tickle others. Mr. North.?Well, well, we won't dispute that matter. But now iny dear, my inestimable friend ? you won't dissolve partnership, my good fellow?will you ? Come now, be reasonable?can't you ? Everybody in our parts, says you have got the best of the bargain; and the f#V J -11 At.- at a a 1. i imes, una un tue nriusn newspapers uiat lane auch a deep interest in our partnership concerns, are praising our lute compromise to the skies. Only think of the inestimable value of such testimony, and of the approbation of the British High Court of Philanthropy. " Good name in men," as the great poet says?but 1 never read such trumpery now?"is the immediate jewel of the soul"?and I have no doubt that if you would only give up your negioes, all the British newspapers would treat you with great civility. Our partnership, which they have so ofteundenounced, with all sorts of hard names, would, I dare say, become quite popular among them.? Only think of that, my inestimable friend. Is not that worth a trying sacrifice ? Did not the great Gott, in his famous resolutions, give this as one of the principal reasons against slavery ? Ah J he is a great Bug?a very great Bug! Mr. South.?Perhaps so?but I don't think the approbation of British newspapers an equivalent for the sacrifice of my property, my safety, and that of my family. Mr. North.?And then the blessings of our partnership ; tlte inestimable advantages we the partners derive from it, and?and?all that sort of thing. You wouldn't sacrifice nil these? would you ? Mr. South.?A word in your ear, friend North. If you value the partnership so highly* why don't you make some sacrifices yourself to preserve it? Why do you call on me on all occasions to pay the price of its preservation ? All the land to which I had an equal right with yourself, and execute faithfully the condition on which, as you pretend, it was taken, and I shall never think of a dissolution of the partnership. * Mr. North.?But 1 can't, my dear friend?it is against the higher law and the scruple of conscience. Mr. Smith.?Then, why did you consent to it at first ? Mr. North.?Why?hem ? why ? hem !?It was in compliance with the higher law and the scruple of conscience. It was what we call a I pious fraud for a benevolent purpose, i Mr. South.?And so you first dodired the higher law and t^e scruple of conscience to gain your ends, and now dodge thern again to evade the consequences. Mr. North let me tell you, j on are either a fanatic or a hypocrite?or both. But, Congress is in session, and I wish to hear the debate, as I take it for granted it is on the subject which has occupied it for the last two years. One word, Mr. North, before we part. If you violate the only article of our compromise which was in any way agreeable to me, I j declare to you most solemnly, from that moment | the partnership is dissolved. Mr. North.?Pooh?pooh South?don't come to me with that old story. You've sworn this a dozen times before, and will swear it a dozen times more, and every time you swear 1 shall , only laugh the more ut your threats. i Mr. South.?Very well, sir?very well?rc- ' member the wolf who so often cried came at < last. Good morning. [?xt/. 1 Mr. North.?Solus?(Laughing on the wrong side of his mouth.) Hah?hah?hah?hum ! 1 i wonder if the fellow is really in earnest. If 1 J thought so, I'd yield a bit of the higher law and i the scruple of conscience. I can't well do with- ' out him. Ho is a most invaluable partuor, for , be does half the work, furnishes halt' the capi tal, and gives me all the profile. All?no?1 J can't itart with my inestimable friend. I must chime in with Governor Huht, and go in for a 1 modification instead of a repeal. One is just as good as the other for my purposes. [Exit. < GOV. UUITMAN'S MESSAGE, Delivered to the Senate and House of Representatives of the Slate of Mississippi. Gentlemen or the Senate and House or Refeesenatives: A high sense of duly has induced me to convene the Legislature in extraordinary session. Were 1 disposed to shift from myself the responsibility of tnis act, I might point to the firm and patriotic resolutions of your honorable bodies, passed at the last session on the subject of our Federal relations, as a full justification of my course-, btt, inasmuch as the constitution confides this impj^nt power solely to the discretion of the Governor, 1 am quite content to rest the propriety of niy action upon reasons and considerations, which I shall proceed briefly to lay before you, and which, i doubt not, will be deemed satisfactory both by you, and by our conimou constituents, the people. 1 shall study to present them with simplicity, candor and truth. Probably no free representative Government has ever existed, which has not been agitated by the contests of rival interests. When these happen to be scattered and diffused throughout a whole community, the excitement thereby produced, is healthy and beneficial; but, when these interests are local and sectional, growing out of diversity of climate and productions, the contest soon becomes a struggle for supremacy, too often attended with jealousy, bitterness and hatred, esEecinlly when the rival sections are distinguished y dissimilar and incongruous social systems. The contest which has long been waged by the Northern or non-slaveholding States, led on by 1V?U/ lvnivlfln/1 Mirninot flin Ni/-?ii flioeo ulauAlvrvl/l ing Stutes, has begun to partake of the latter character. It commenced in a conflict of interests, about manufactures, navigation laws, local appropriations, Ac., and has ended in a war of extermination against the institution of domestic slavery, or rather, against the States in which the system exists. This hostility to slavery has now become the all-absorbing, all controlling element of political action and party movement, both in Congress and throughout the Northern States. Political parties unite, separate, and are modified with reference to it. Political platforms are built upon it. It is the main question in the selection of candidates for all offices. It is the active element of religious, benevolent, charitable, and even literary associations, and the spice which seasons private society. The Constitution of the United States, the rights of the States, the gravest questions of public policy, all are construed and determined with reference to this question of domestic slavery ; and the Congress of the United States, whose powers are limited mainly to the regulation of national and external objects are now found devoting nearly all their time to subjects of a domestic nature, over which it was never intended that they should exercise jurisdiction. It might be interesting to trace the progress of the abolition, or anti-slavery excitement, from its small beginnings to its present overshadowing influence, when it actually sways the whole machinery of the Federal Government. But it is sufficient, in this connection, to state the question as it was, during the last session of the Legislature, and to present forcibly the changes which have since occured. By the war with Mexico, we had acquired a vast and valuable territory. Its area is large enough to constitute fifteen States of medium size. A portion of this territory, fronting for more than 1,000 miles upon the Pacific ocean, abounds witli good harbors, which command the rich commerce of the Indies, of China, and of theSouthern A rchipelago. It contains too, within its boBom, inexhaustible beds of the precious metals. No country ever discovered, has suddenly presented so many brilliant attractions for adventurers, and none has risen into notice with more rapidity. The exclusive possession and enjoyment of this vast and rich territory, soon excited the avarice and lust for power of the North, and for a time, all anti-slavery schemes were merged in (he leading one of excluding the South from its joint possession. The whole force of the contest was turned upon this point. The North determined to excluue slavery. The South seemed equally determined not to submit to such insulting and unjust discrimination. The firm and decided position of the slaveholding States enforced respect, and for a time, seemed to promise security and protection aguinst the contemplated outrage. In the meantime, while the rival sections maintained this attitude, a deep political intrigue was devised and set on foot, to effect indirectly the purpose of excluding the Southern States from the common territory. The transient and floating population which had poured into the country, were instigated and encouraged to usurp the sovereign domain of the best and most valuable portions of that country, cut qff the Southern States from all participation therein, and to demand from Congress the sanction of their illegal proceedings, and admission into the Union as a State. Encouraged by the Federal administration, in the way of whose political schemes these questions lay as stumbling blocks, this stupendous plot to defraud the Southern States by an abuse of the power to admit new States, notwithstanding its monstrous injustice, was beginning to develop its progress during your last session or tne Legislature, wo palpable did its real purpose appear to those who nau closely watched its progress, that both of our senators in Congress, and all our representatives, in an official communication addressed to me, to be laid before the Legislature and the people, declared, that they regarded this measure, the admission of Cultfornta, as the Wilmot Proviso, in another form. It was too grossly unjust to be urged as a measure by itself. Its deformity was too apparent. Even its principal sponsers did not in the commencement, venture to advocate the proposition alone. To break the force of the blow, and to palliate its effects, they connected it with other measures, some of them objectionable, and others practically useless and immaterial. It was called a compromise, an adjustment, and many patriotic men in the South, were, no doubt, misled by the false, hallow, and deceptive appliances, which were, without scruple, resorted to, to bolster up and sustain it. Such was the slate of the controversy at the period of the adjournment of our Legislature. It was still hoped that the outrage would not be consummated ; ut any rate, the Legislature did not think fit to anticipate so important a contingency, but deemed the precaution sufficient to leave tt, with other causes of complaint, to the consideration of the Southern Convention, then shortly expected to assemble at Nashville. The Legislature indicated no disposition to fall back from the positions which hnd been assumed by the October convention, advocated by both great political parties in the State canvass, and maintained wiLh great apparent unanimity in numerous popular meetings. Those positions were, that we were j entitled to a just participation in the use and en- j joyment of tne territory conquered from Mexico, | and that we could not, without dishonor, submit to be excluded from it. The National Cotiven- j tion, whose determinations were by anticipation, j adopted by our Legislature, had most formally in Nisieu upon llirsc leiTiiumu ii^iiw, mm tmu v?III/, I for the sake of peace and union, agreed to acquiesce in a division of the territory by the line of 3fi deg. 30 min. with the express declaration that this was to be the extreme concession of the States therein represented. All these protests and determinations were before Congress, and would probably have commanded respect, and secured the rights of the South, had the same firmness and unanimity been maintained, which marked the commencement of the contest. But unfortunately for the peace of the country, defections from our ranks occurred, the attitude of the South ceased to command respect, and the obnoxious measures, which had been debated by Congress, for nine months, became laws. By these means, the slnveholding States have been absolutely excluded from the greater portion, and by far the most valuable part, of all the territory acquired from Mexico, comprehended within the limits of California, and comprising the whole coast of the Pacific, the gold mines, and an area large enough for ten States of medium size ; and although the leu important Territories of Utah and New Mexico, have been organized without the Wilmot Proviso, yet in both these cases the majority in Congress expressly refused to repeal or suspend the Mexican laws, which were supposed to interdict the introduction of slavery into these regions. The doubt and danger, therefore, which surround its introduction into these territories, amount to an actual prohibition, and so it was considered by the majority in Congress, who itood ready, had the emergency required it, to Inn the ?Yl#niion of alawneu ker nAaitl.s -hi j j j/uom? c prum* bition. May I not, then, be justified in asserting that by these measures the slave holding States huve been virtually excluded from the use and enjoyment of every acre of the vast public domain acquired from Mexico. Even this is not all we have to complain of. By one of the bills of the series, ten millions of dollars of the public moneys, raised by taxation from the industry of the country, have been voted to purchase from Texas a portion of her soil, for no other apparent object than to convert it to " FreeBoil purposes." Would it be a greater stretch of power to apply the Federal treasury to the purchase of their slaves, to make them free ? I will not, however, dwell upon these incidents. My purpose leads me to examine the act of Congress admitting California, with reference to its character, its bearing upon the political destiny of the country, and its effects upon the Southern States in a pecuniarypoint of view. To commence with the last. The value of slaves depends upon the demand for their labor. The history of the cultivation of our great staples shows, that this value is permanently enhanced by the opening; of new fields of labor. The immense profits which have and still continue to reward well directed industry in the gold mines of California, exceeding those which have ever flowed from mere labor, unmixed with capital, or mechanical skill, would have furnished a demand for the application of slave labor, inexhaustible in extent, and infinite in duration. Had this wide field for investment been open to the slave labor of the Southern States, wages would have risen, and consequently the value of slaves at home would have been greatly enhanced. Many hundred millions of dollars would have been added to the capital of the Southern States, had they been merely permitted to avail themselves of the benefits to which they were entitled under the Constitution of the United States. Had the common territory acquired by joint valor, and purchased by joint treasure, been honestly and fairly open to their use and occupation as joint proprietors ; had equal, even-handed justice been extended to them, they would now be rejoicing and exultant in the activity, energy, general prosperity, and, above all, confidence in the future, which would have been imparted by such expansion. To this estimate of the pecuniary interest, lost to the South by the unauuiorizeu interference of Congress, may properly be added the probable enhanced price of our great staples, caused by the Abstraction of a portion of the labor, now employed in their growth, and threatening in time over production. Hud these profitable and permanent fields of labor been left open to us, all fears of such results would have been forever dissipated. These estimates of pecuniary interest are fair and just. They are founded upon the fixed opinion of almost every well infoimed person among us, that had the Government dealt justly, and left these territories free and open to the people of the slave-holding States, for a reasonable time, a large portion of them would have eventually come into the Union as slaveholding States. But deeply as this measure may have affected our pecuniary in*terests, it is far more important when regarded in its political aspect. The admission of California has furnished ibr all time to come, a most dangerous precedent of Executive interference, in the creution of Slates. By its admission, it is now conceded, that the first body of adventurers who may chance to assemble on the public domain, may usurp absolute dominion over it, and appropriate it to themselves, reirnrdleHs of the rights of the people of the sovereign States of this Union. The precedent is now set that no legal authority, civil organization, enumeration of inhabitants, qualifications of electors, or other formalities, are necessary to constitute a State, or to admit her into the Union, provided the institution of domestic slavery be excluded. Who cannot see in this violent, hasty, and unprecedented act of ushering a Suite into this Union, the purpose of unsettling the equilibrium between the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States.' And how lon^ will it be, before this monstrous precedent will be resorted to, to create and introduce other new States for the purpose of attaining other anti-slavery objects. The whole character ??.i ?r .1?i 1 > 1 emu on uvmit mi wui V*\j i ci iiiiiciii. una uvcn ciiuugeu by this act, and the principle admitted that new free States may he created ad libitum. And how has this been done? I assert, by a most flagrant violation not only of the principles of justice and equality, but also by a breach of the constitutional compact between the States. I mean to say, that the act of Congress admitting California, although not a question cognizable by the judicial department, was irregular, unconstitutional and void, as to the other States. The power granted to Congress over the territory, or other property belonging to the United States, necessarily excludes the assumption that the right of empire or of sovereignty resides in the inhabitants of the territory while such, because the authority delegated to Congress is utterly inconsistent with the existence of such sovereign power in the inhabitants. This right of sovereignty over the territory, not resting in the inhabitants, under the Constitution, must reside in the States, or the people of the several States of the Confederacy. Their ownership of the soil, right of eminent domain, and sovereignty, are joint and equal. The Constitution of the United Slates confers upon Congress the right to admit into the Union, "new States, not territories, and as they are to be admitted on an equal footing with the original States, they must be necessarily at the time of their admission political communities, possessing all the rights and attributes of sovereignty. As the inhabitants of the territories do not possess sovereign power, there must be some act on the part of the States, who do possess it, equivalent to a grant, by which that power, before residing in the States, becomes vested in the inhabitants of the territory. This act must be performed by Congress, the constituted agent of the States, nnd the power to do it is included in the delegation of nthority to "admit new States." The act of California, erecting herself into a State, and assuming the attributes of sovereignty, being without such authority, was not predicated on her territorial relation to the United States, nor by virtue of authority derived from the Constitution. It was in fact a revolution, a seizure of sovereignty and a confiscation of the right of soil, which belonged to the States. 1 am aware that it is cluimed, that as.Congress possesses the right to admit new States, und as no specific limitations are placed upon the exercise of ttiat power, they may at option overlook any irregularity which may have occurred in the preparation for admission. But this right must necessarily be governed and limited in its exercise, by the spirit of the Constitution. The assumption of the right of Congress to admit new States without limitation, and without reference to other pro visions of the Constitution, would imply the power in Congress, in the case of California, to give validity to an act, which by the Constitution is not only irregular, but absolutely void. This involves a palpable absurdity. The assumption implies the ability on the part of Congress, to adopt as their own, on act void and forbidden by the instrument, from which they derive their whole power over the subject. It seems, then, too evident to admit of dispute, that nil the acts of California, the assumption of sovereign power, the creation of a State, the fixing of her extensive boundarie*, and the exclusion of slavery therein, if valid, derive their validity solely from the ttciion of Congress. In fact they are the acts of Congress ; and, as Congress have no power to create States, or to prohibit slavery either in the Territories or the States, the acts are unconstitutional and void, and as such, should forever be resisted by the aggrieved States. The great purposes sought to be attained by these acts, are but too apparent. Independently of the cogent reason nrising from her enormous territorial extent, the motive avowed in the California convention for including within her limits the whole extent of territory, lying between Mexico and Oregon on the seaboard, rendered it imperative on Congress to interfere. That motive was, by the exclusion of African slavery, to settle the question of the Wilrnot Proviso as to that territory. Nor is the motive of Congress, in ratify i ing the nets of California a subject of doubt. It was to prevent the extension of the institution of 1 slavery. The indirection of the process cannot conceal its character. It was an exclusion by the action of Congress of the people of the slavehold| ing States, from an equal enjoyment j>f the common property of the States. It was, in fact, the J application of the "VVilmot Proviso" to this territory. Before 1 pass to other subjects, I must not omit to call your attention to another act of the last session of Congress, passed since the adjournment of the Legislature, which, though not so vi tally important aa that laat commented on, haa been properly regarded by the Legislature, as one of the evidences of a design by Congress further to interfere with the institution of slavery, and therefore dangerous to the rights of the alaveholdiog States. 1 refer to the act abolishing the slave trade in the District of Columbia?an act which not only forbids the introduction of slaves into the federal District for sale, and their being placed in depot to be conveyed and sold in other States, thereby in reality preventing the transit of this description of property through the District as merchandize ; but, by declaring slaves free under such circumstances, the act has established a precedent for the abolition of slavery in the District. " The limits of a message do not permit me to detail other measures which have iustlv caused alarm and excitement in the South; tor, however, some of our own people may, from anxiety to allay excitement, aeelt to excuse these measures, there are few whose breasts are not filled with a dread of the dangers which from these quarters lower in the horizon of the future. In my opinion it would be weak, timid, and disastrous policy to shut our eyes to these dangers?it is the part of wisdom to meet them. Let us then survey our position and that of our opponents. There is nothing to encourage the hope that there will be any respite front aggression. Never litis hostility to slavery been more distinctly marked or more openly asserted. Shades of difference in opinion mny distinguish Northern statesmen, but all unite in stern opposition to the extension of slavery, and in declarations of their fixed determination to confine it to its present limits, and forever to close the public territory aguinst us. The North has just triumphed iu every claim she has asserted; und yet at this moment of our humiliation, their people, less patient than we, are in a blaze of excitement at every attempt to execute the bill to secure the return of fugitive slaves. This plain compliance with one of the clearest injunctions of the Constitution is not only disregarded, but conventions of both political parties, formal meetings of the people, and deliberate addresses of distinguished men openly take ground, that being against the public sentiment of the people of the North, it should not be executed; and persons of all classes, with a pliancy of conscience which characterizes abolition philosophy, adapt i their morut code and their constitutional duties, to their prejudices and their interests. Such, then, is the triumphant altitude of nntislavery. It now controls the entire Government. No questions arise in which it does not intermingle. And wherever it exhibits itself, it controls all other subjects. Every great interest in, this Government is now directed and managed by it.? It has broken and sundered the strong lies wkich bound together the religious denomination North and South. It has even now severed the bonds which for sixty years have united parties, and in the place, it has sown the seeds or hostility nnd hatred. It now stands the stern, unyielding despot, consigning to the bed of Procrustes every ob What ib to be the fate of the institution of domestic slavery under such government? this great interest, with which the civilization and refinement of man on earth is connected?upon which so much of the trade and commerce between Europe and America depends?which employs the lubor of millions, and distributes tha comforts of civilization to so many families?this great social interest upon which are founded the prosperity, the happiness, and the very existence of the people of fourteen States of this Union ? What is to be the fate of this institution ? If left to the tender mercies of the Federal Government, its fate is doomed. With the prejudices of the age against it, it requires for its kind devclopement a fostering Government over it. It could scarcely subsist without such protection. How then can it exist, much less flourish "and prosper under a government hostile to it? A government organized upon principles of hostility and opposition to the institution? Ih it proper? is it philosophic? Is it not absurd, to entrust the prosperity, the protection, and even the existence of a great anil delicate interest to a political po-wer having its origin in and drawing its vigor from the very element of hostility to this interest? To state the proposition clearly : The Government of the United States is now hostile to slavery. It will hereafter lie selected witli reference to its hostility to this interest, and its activity in the use of doing injury. If this great and vital interest then, remains subject to the government and control of its enemy, it must perish '! Sooner or later, I repeat, it must perish. ' To save it, to preserve it from destruction, or at leust from a sickly, lingering, distempered and precarious existence, it must be protected by guarantees more available than the present Constitution furnishes, or it must be wrested from the control of a power which is hostile to it, and which seeks its destruction. It must, like everv other great interest, be placed in charge of its friends. In speaking of the destruction of slavery inrT' Southern States, I would not he understo' supposing thut summary abolition could feeted even by all the power of the non-sla ing States, unless they could succeed in ei natiog the white race in the South ; but 1 the disastrous and fatal consequences, ths befull an institution, 'which, when props lated and protected by n fostering gover the most benificient and udvantageous 1 labor that has ever existed, from interferences, agitations, disturbances, und injurious regulations, carrying in their train poverty desolation and eventual ruin to the Southern Slutes. The assumption by Congress of jurisdiction over the subject of slavery, the constant evidences of growing hostility to it, and more than all the declaration sent abroad, and now received as inexorable law, that the area of African slavery is never to be extended?that whatever may be the wants of the country, however the slavery district may be crowded with population, whatever vices and evils may result from redundant population, or labor unemployed, this doomed district is to be hedged in by a wall of tire, and the common, natural and national right of expansion to be denied to it, are startling fuels. Notwithstanding temporary countervailing causes, the close observer tun already perceive the injurious effects growing out of these indirect assaults upon the institution of domestic slavery, in the necessity of more vigilant police regulations, and in the withdrawal of capital from the country, indicated by decaying towns, neglect of public improvement, and comparative depreciation of real estHte. IIow much will not these injurious effects be hastened and increased when time shall have more fully developed the fatal fact, thut the Federal Government is now, and is forever after to be organized, upon the principle of hostility to slavery r The depression which follows n sense of political degradation, the decay of public spirit, the deterioration of public morals, not a little promoted by the demoralizing effects of the temptations to treachery, held out by the splendid patronage of the Federal Government, all will lend to the decay and ruin of the South. Such then, gentlemen, I am called upon, by an imperious sense of duty to declare, is the present condition of Mississippi,in common with the other Southern States. The prospects before us ure gloomy indeed. The times demand the firm and energetic action of every patriot. To permit ourselves to float down the stream, without a struggle, would inevitably seal our doont. To resolve again that we will not submit to further aggressions, after our former resolutions have been so contemptuously disregarded, and after we have been virtually stripped of every acre of the public domain, would but invite further aggressions, if it did not justly subject us to the scorn and contempt of mankind. Let not the timid and the wavering seek to cover the indignity by alsophistry. History will vindicate truth, and w>ll hereafter record the admission of California, as the application by Congress of the Wilmot Proviso to the vast and rich domain encircled by her broad ! boundaries. ! The practical good sense of Mississippi discnrds the shallow excuse. Reiving unon truth and jus j tice, she dares meet the question, and look it in the face. Her resolutions have long since been proclaimed to the world, that she would not submit, She will not submit. She will, however, select her mode and measure of redress, with firmness but with wisdom and prudence. Neither her Legislature nor her Executive, have power or authority to proclaim what will be her remedy. Their duty will be discharged, by calling into acj tive operation the sovereign power of the State, ' facilitating the fbll exercise of its authority, nnd I providing in the mean time, that the State snail be I prepared for any probable emergency. Since the acts oP Congress above referred to, exj eluding the Southern States from all share in Cal| ifornia, abolishing the slave trade in the District I of Columbia, ana actually asserting the right ol ! liberating slaves therein.?I have never for a mo ment doubted that it was my constitutional duty ! in consonance with the resolutions of the Leguda I ture to convene that body. Not that I, at any | time, supposed that the remedy, or the mode ant measure of redress was within the power of tha body ; but because, without their aid, the sov i ereign [iower of the State could not be legally "n , voked. It is therefore for you to determine, | whether in your opinion we should patiently and meekly submit to the wrongs which have been inflicted upon us, acknowledge our inferiority, and throw ourselves upon ihs generosity of the aggressor ; or whether, as freemen ana equals, we shall take steps to redress past wrongs and provide adequate protection for the future. Believing as I do that submission to wrong and injury tenas but to invite further aggression, and that no evila could befell us, so great as those which would be certain to flow from an acknowledgement of our inability or went of courage to protect ourselves, I shall at all times advocate the measures best calculated effectually to oorrect the evil and redress the wrong, and best suited to the temper and spirit of freemen and equals in the Confederacy. To devise and carry into effect the best' means of redress for the past, and to obtain certain security for the future, 1 recommend that a legal convention of the people of the State should be called, with full and ample powers to take into consideration our Federal relations, the aggression* which have been committed upon the rights of the Southern States, the dangers which threaten our domestic institutions, and all kindred subjects ; and jointly with other States, or separately, to adopt such measures as may best comport with the digniiv xiirt sflfotv of the State, and effectually cor rect the evils complained of. A convention thus assembled, and representing the sovereignty of the State, would of course possess plenary powers, uncontrolled by any instructions or restrictions which the Legislature might interpose. It might therefore be sufficient for me, to recommend the passage of proper luws to bring into existence such a convention, leaving the mode and measure of redress entirely to their wisdom when thus assembled. To this high power, representing the majesty of the people, and constituted the proper exponents oftheir deliberate will, ull public authorities and all good citizens would yield cheerful and prompt obedience. I claim not for my opinions any weight or influence to which they are not intrinsically entitled, or which does not belong to those of any other citizen; but the position in which I have been placed by my fellow-citizens, would appear to justify, if not require that in such a crisis, 1 should step forward, and add my advice to the common stock of public opinion. I shall, tlierefoie, present it freely, frankly, and without reserve. Having grown up with the State from its infancy, the father of a family, a property-holder, often honored wilh high office, I am bound to the State of Mississippi, by every tie which can unite man to the spot of earth which he calls his home. 1 desire her prosperity, her security, and repose. Her interests ure mine. Her fate must be mine. From these considerations, 1 claim not exemption I from error, but sincerity of purpose in theexpression of the solemn conviction of my mind, that, for the reasons which have been hastily glanced at in this message, the union of these States has been so grossly perverted from its original purposes, as to render its further continuance incompatible with the honor, the prosperity, and the safety of the slaveholding Slates, unless some correction of past aggressions, and some additional and more effectual guarantees for our future protection, be obtained from our associates in the Confederacy. When 1 reflect upon the pertinacity with which the assaults upon our rights have been for years prosecuted, the evident increase of antislavery sentiments at the North, and the excitement there pervading nearly all classes against (he law to provide for the extradition of fugitive slaves, I have little hope left that these guarantees, indispensably necessary to our safety, will be yielded by u majority, flushed with recent victories, and encouraged by apparent divisions among ourselves. Yet, to leave no effort at conciliation untried, and still further to unit:. with us those of our own people, who still look for a returning sense of justice in the North, let the propositions be distinctly made to the people of the non-slaveholdlng States, to remedy the wrong so fur as it inuy be in the power of Congress to do so, by obtaining from California concessions south of 36.30, or otherwise; and to consent to such amendments of the Federal Constitution, as shall hereafter umply secure the rights of the slaveholding States from misconstruction, and from further aggression. But, in the event of refusal, 1 do not hesitate to express my decided opinion, that the only effectual remedy to evils which must continue to grow from year to year, is to be found in the prompt ,and peaceable secession of the aggrieved States. The probability of the ultimate necessity of a res?|t to this effective and unquestionable right of sovereign Ktates, should be kept in view, whatever measures may be adopted by this State, either nlone, or in concert with her sister States, to remedy existing evils. In the meantime, and as early as practicable, it in of the highest importance that I some common centre of opinion and action should I be authoritatively established.?This may be efj fected by the conventions of the several assenting I States providing for the organization, and subse' quent periodical appointment or election of u com tee of safety for each State to consist ofa nuniqual to their Senntors and Representatives in, These committees, whose duty it - eriodically to usssemble at some cenvhe transaction of business, should h adequate powers, absolute or con" their respective States, uppn all ;<ed with the preservation and r.Election of their domestic institutions and their equal rights as sovereign States. Such a body of men, even if clothed with the authority of but two or three Stales would Command respect, and secure quiet and peaceuble results to their determinations. I have thus ventured to present some suggestions, for which I am aloneresponsible. They may be modified or changed by the result of the Nashville convention now in session, and the action of the Georgia convention, which will shortly meet for the purpose of taking the same important question into consideration. Under our system of government, happily the right and privilege of determining these grave and momentous questions, involving the honor and safety of the Slate, and the happiness and prosper| ity of all its citizens, whether rich or poor, slaves I holder or non-sluveholder, belongs alone to the people. To them the appeal must be made, and their deliberate voice must control and direct the destiny of the State. J therefore respectfully recommend to the Legislature, to provide for an expression of the will of the people, by the call of a convention at an early day. In this, there will be safety. When the sovereign power shall hn^ spoken, all good citizens, whatever may be their opinions, will acquiesce. All will vie with one another in patriotic zeal to maintain the dignity : and authority of the State. Mississippi will then be united, and harmonious counsels, and wise energetic action, will secure her safety. The very important and vital character of the questions, which are forced upon our consideration has led me to look sole/v to remedies, not merely palliative, hut effectual ard permanent. There may he some temporary remedial measures, within the power of the Legislature. If such can be devised, it will give me great pleasure toco-operute with you in their application. Although called together for special purposes, the Legislature, when ussembled, possesses its constitutional powers to legislate upon all subjtctH. I shall therefore take occasion in further special communications, to invite your attention to the propriety of some improvements in our pre! sent militia and patrol systems, and to the eorrecj tion of some defects which experience has pointed out in the school and levee laws of last session. As this meeting of the Legislature occurs 111 the | middle of the fiscal year, I have not thought it nei cessary or udvisable to call for reports from the accounting officers of the goverment, or to lay before you in detail the condition of the finances of ths State, especially as no material changes, except those produced by the ordinary receipts snd dis I buraemems nave occurreu. mc nunc. <?? ' liowever at hand, nnd the reports can be promptly furnished if required. I*, gives me great satisfaction to announce, that with sev eral trifling exceptions, the whole revenue of the past year, has been paid into the Treasury, and to bear testimony to the ability and fidelity with which the principalStateofHoeeconnected with the Executive Department have been conducted The State arsenal and the improvements on the penitentiary buildings, directed at the Inst session of your honorable bodies, have been substantially anu economically completed, nnd the repairs on the State capitol and the building for a lunatic asylum, are io progress. At the last session af*lhe Legislature the sum of - ? ? subject to mv twenty tnouaana aonnrs wa? , ? control, under certain contingencies, connected with our Federal relations. Tnia sum remains in the treasury untouched, subject however to a mall bill for printing expenses,not yet liquidated. I In conclusion, gentlemen, our gratitude is due f to Divine Providence for many blessings we have been permitted to enjoy, and for the privilege of , this reunion It is only saddened bythemelan choly re/lection that death has summmoned from r your counsels two distinguished senators, whose I wisdom and virtues aided your deliberations, and II adorned tlia Senate Chamber. I allude to the late - Dabney Lipscomb, President of the Senate, and Benjamin Kennedy, the able and usefVil senator from Carroll. J. A. QUITMAN. Executive Chamber, Jack$on,.Vov 18. 1850,