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The southern press. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1850-1852, January 01, 1851, Image 2

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DAILY. frlO 00
TRI WEEKLY. ........ 5 <
WKIiKLY, !i 00
H hunt the II uWnn. t,.,, Ktjinhln
El'rorkan Aftaikb.?Those who u erf renders |
H of the Republic at it* commencement will. froui
B t le initials,if not from the style, have no difficulty '
B mi reiHMllilhn the able pen of one of its original J.
editors to the following editorial correspondence
of the New Orleans Picayune. J
I'ahis. rsI I cnil't-r ill, Infill
The institutions and customs of our own coun t
try have been no vilely caricatured by professional
book-maker*, w li? serin in nave riiiuainru m
eign travel the better to palm olT, upon European '
credulity, opinions conceived in ignorance, and
prejudices indulged from the cradle, iih the current
impression* of a sojourn in the United States,
that 1 am admonished against the example of those
writers who imagine themselves capable of absorbing
the apiritofa people by crossing their territory
upon a railroad, or comprehending the ge .
nius of a nation by promenading upon tne boule- .>
vards of its capital. Anyone prone to disparage <
whatever is new, or even inconvenient in u foreign i
land, may find in (he peculiarities of n people, i
speaking a different language, and governed by .
different laws than those he has been nccustomeil i
to, enough to feed fat whatever grudge the indulg- <
ence of a spirit of intolerant criticism may appease. <
It is sufficient, as it I as been an abundant excuse i
for foreign commentators upon American constitu- <
tions, and social organizations arising under them, 1
that they differ from those of their own country, i
to condemn without stint or discrimination. They i
' seem to have forgotten tlrnt the greatest advantage
promised by distant travel was an opportunity to i
judge of the val.e ofpublic institutions by witness- i
tng the blessings they confer, and not by narrowly
estimating the differences in manners which they i
produce; and, moreover, if it were not for these i
very differences, they might just as well have re- i
nmiued at home, for all they could gain from ae
quiring fresh knowledge, or the means of compar- I
mg methods of government and industry designed ]
for the advancement and happiness of the human i
race. Whatever progress the United States have's
made in the good opinion of Europe, hna been <
1 owing to the progress she has made in the nris i
whicn extort admiration, and especially in the <
power which commands respect. The gibes of ;
Cockneydom make a sorry array in presence 01 i
the American men-of-war and merchantmen which
are no joke, whilst the annual statistics of the <
Treasury Department overlays the small wit of I
itinerant censure-mongers. . These are the provo- I
cations of European esteem; and it is to be doubted i
if the liberty our institutions secure to us would
j produce the least appreciable sensation, this side i
of the Atlantic, if the nntional ensign did not wave
over cotton bags and tobacco as well as freemen.
I would be obnoxious to my own censure if I
were to write of European politics as one speaking
by authority. Apart from newness here, the office
of prophecy is a hazardous one at all times; n
would he especially so to one desirous of the credit
of predicting events 011 this continent six months
in advance of their coming. There is just as much
reason, to all appearances, to suppose that this
lime ne*?"year there will be no vestige of a repub- <
lie in Europe, as there is to apprehend a war lie- 1
tween Prussia and Austria about the affairs of the 1
German Confederacy. But whether there e\ist a 1
republic a year hence, or war be declared ere this I
Cposses the ocean, the claims of the people and the <
righi* of man will receive equal rpspect in each
conlin2?ncy?Bn(' la none at all. It is impossible
to appreciate the interests which a hun 1
dred millions of people have in the question of am- 1
bilion between the courts of Berlin and Vt-nnn,
about which they may be called upon to cut each 1
Others'throats, just us it is to discover the value 1
which a restoration of either branch of a defunct 1
dynasty would confer on the franchises of French- I
rv,?i> It would he marvellous to contemplate the 1
chancre which have inade two princes, lately out- s
caata or supplicants for popular recognition, arbi- t
tera of the fate of Germany, or the peace of the t
world, if the restoration throughout Europe did <
not deprive these examples of theii aingularity. i
? With the exception of Franoe, there is noplace |
where there is any semblance of popular advantage
left from the revolutions of '48; and in the i
Italian States?especially in the dominions of the i
church?the recoil has been greater than the pro- i
If it would be imprudent to attempt to analyze
and collate the causes of the retrogude movements
in their detail, it can scarcely be so to assign a
general reason for the failure of the liberal move- ;
ment, which is as painful in recital as sufficient
for the catastrophe?the unprenaredness of tbp^
people for free government. The convulsions;:
which for a season crimsoned the soil of Europe,
if they have not proved successful' in establishing
free governments on solid foundations, have suf- i i
ficed to prove how great a boon liberty is where i
?i?-J i, u,wi,
ciyjrcu. .. .=
vaulted into; it must l>e won by loop training and
liabila of free opinion, handed down from generation
to generation. Were it otherwise, no people
would remain in bondage longer than was necessary
to mature a plan of resistance to tyranny. It
in by contemplating the bloodshed, the civil wars,
the iirendful slaughters which the struggles for
liberty elsewhere produce, that we learn to estimate
the inheritance which the men of the Revo- |
lution bequeathed qs. They won and we enjoy
it; and, whilat we rejoice in our possession, we
should regard them us the accumulation of long
years of patience, sulfering, and daring,and which i
none others can possess who do not go through,
or succeed those who have passed through like
k trials. The world is yet destined to witness other
failures to achieve liberty by a coup lit main. It
requires the sacrifice of life rather for its prescrva- ,
tion than its creation. It does not originate with |
the sword, nor is it humanized by it. it must first i
have being and a resting place in the hearts and <
understanding of men; it must exist as a senti- ,
ment and a principle. It must summons its sup j
porters to its defence, and marshal its votaries in j?
the field. Its victories then establish lasting forms {
of government, and promise perpetual increase of j t
happiness. But I apprehend that no amount of J \
sudden success can metamorphose the Neapolitan | j
lazzaront or Roman banditti into nations of free- j j
men. II win noi answer inai me icnurrs ur animated
by a love of freedom, and comprehend its
^ responsibilities and exactions. The musses must
likewise be ready for the duties ns well us the licenses
of free government, else the hopefulest be- !"
ginning* will be likely to end in reverses similar '
to those which have overtaken the revolutionary "
cause in Europe. I
I did not purpose, in commencing this letter, to <
select any of the transactions of the last two years j
for special comment. I designed merely to inti- |
mate the impressions of the result, in actunl ad- ,
vantage to the cause of liberty, of the desperate |
struggles which the people have had with their
princes. If I have been unable to see the same fa- '
vorable omens which others have discovered in I
them, it is not because I feel less than they for the 1
many, or detest more heartily the few, who have
kept the knowledge of good from their reach. If i
my anticipations of the near future are gloomy in
respect to the uneducated masses of this continent,
they are compensated by the glow which our own
aheda upon its destiny. I have not sought to describe
the habits, customs, and social slate of any
of the countries which I have visited, either to
praise or disparage them. I see nothing wonderful
in novel habits, as I could reco-nize nothing in
Italian sunseis more magnificent than the phenomena
of American skies. But I have sough1 to ,
ascertain in which and how much the cause of
free gov in lent h s been advanced bv the ironhiss
of ih- <i 'wo years; and, whilst I am far
from ex i? that nothing has been nehie"ed, I
? . am s ire lliu no American can recv:ni-e n
free Stale in si v "f the countries of ibis continent '
wh' a I have i. I through. The people have
learned to some extent their power; but the greater |
Tff-nti is yei to learn?how 10 u-ie n, how in ore
iiiu it mm hi n -limit frma of public rule, i
Whilst the tfsw s and sin w* of the Sis e are withdrawn
from Industrial pursuits m waste in parades,
or demoralise in barracks, where the women
do the drudgery of the cities in presence n broth
vrs ritiu nii?niniif *thp ivhuh in., tnorriiign- '
fares in cocked hum and tobacco | ipi s ; whilst the
mm abandon for the tavern ihe wine nnd cornfields
to ill* culture of ihe gentlei sex ; whilsl those
who are most concerned in the establishment of
free government vibrste between the extremes of ,
treasonable discontent and iff noble repose, beneath
M the compulsion of liayonets, is not a thriving sen
son for manly opinions. The reforms which
Kurope requires should begin at the fireside, with
the education of the rising youth, and end on the ]
battle-field, if need Ire. But so longer the first '
indications of a desire for free government are he '
f held in the supremacy of the moh, it may be fear <
ed that revolutionary effort will end in the sup i <
pression of some temporary evil, or the mere tieposition
of some obnoxious dynasty?far short of ,
the erection of a permanent form of free govern |
ment, the construction of a system of laws which
secure the liberty of the citizen whilst they enCourage
national progress and prosperity.
A C. 13, I
fVoui lh* .iahmlle (?V. C.) -A'l 1 ' I. I
Mi K*?in'? SouTiir.rn Riuui* Hill.?Below
a ill l>r fuu ml All Mi win'a Hill, wliu.li we herniate
nit to ttuy will meet tlie general upj onballon of
;very true hearted Southern man.
lie lakes the right view of the rase. Cut oMT
ill trade with the violators of the Constitution and
lie disturbers of our peace, and they w ill soon
earn to respect the rights of the South. We
earned a few days ago that one of our merchants
dieted to go into a bond of lifty thousand dollars,
ioI to purchase any thing manufactured in a free
Slate, provided all the merchants in town will
oiu him. We Nhould like to see such an assoiation.
It would have a great eil'ect, und we
rust something of the sort may be adopted in
tvery Southern town and city.
\ HILL to insure the more faithful observance
of the Constitution of the United Stales?to uss
rt the riglil of the Southern Stales to a fair
ahare in all the benefits of the Government?to
encourage domestic industry mid direct trade
with foreign nations.
He il ntacled by the General .'hiembly qflht Stale of
Worth Carolina, That, ill addition to the proviiions
of the existing revenue lawa, every nier:bant,
pedlar, factor, and trader of whatsoever de
icriptinn, shall be subject to the following reguln
ions: Every such person shall, on the first day of.
Funuury, in the year of our Lord, 1832, or as i
loon thereafter ns may he convenient, stale upon j
>uth anil in writing before 'lie clerk of the court
)f pleas and quarter sessions, in and for the coun- I
.y in which he resides, or in an other where lie is t
Engaged in trade, the value of ull the goods, t
wares, and merchandize, of every kind, which he
may have on hand for sale; and upon the sum so |
set forth by him, there shall he imposed n tax of
ten per cent, ad valorem, which said tax shall lie
collected and paid to the State in the same manner .
as all other taxes are collected and paid. Provided,
nevertheless, that if he shall state upon affidavit
that the whole or any part of said goods is
the growth, produce, or manufacture, of any one
of the following States, viz: Delaware, Maryland,
Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, North Carolina, (
inulh Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, |
Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Missouri, Florida,
>r of any foreign country, then the aforesaid tax
)f ten per cent, due upon such purt shall not be
collected; and said merchant or trader shall be exempt
from paying the same, leaving him subject J
only to the tax on such articles as may have been i
oroduced on manufactured in any of lite States of I
his Union not named in this act.
And be it further enacted, That on the first day ,
of January in each and every year succeeding the
time specified in the above section, or as soon
thereafter as may be practicable, every such merchant,
trader, &c. shall in like manner state upon '
nut It before the clerk of the court of pleas and '
quarter sessions, as aforesaid, the value in cash of '
all the purchases of goods, wares, and merchan- i
tlize made by him in the preceding twelve months
of each year, upon which a similar tax of ten per ,
cent, ad valorem shall he imposed and collected in ]
like manner as hereinbefore provided, and subject f
to the exceptions aforesaid.
Be it further enacted, That if after three months 1
from the first day of Junuury in each year after
the year 1852, any such merchant or trader shall 1
have failed to comply with the above provisions t
af this act, it shall he the duty of the Sheriff of I
the county wherein such failure shall have occur- t
red, to collect double the said tax from such per- j
son so failing as aforesaid. Provided, neverlbeess,
the courts may release him as in other cases,
:>f double tax.
Be itfurther enacted, That if any merchant, Ira- '
ler, &.C., shall make a false statement under the
trovisions ol this act with an intent to defraud the '
Stale, he shall be deemed g ;illy of perjury and '.
shall be proceeded against as in other cases of like i
tature ; or if any sucli person by any shift, de- ,
vice or evasion, shall a'teinpt to avoid the pay- |
uent of the tax hereinbefore imposed, be shall be ^
ield gu'lly of a misdemeanor, and upon bis conviction
before any court of record in the State, it
ihall be the duty of the court in behalf oftheState F
o render judgment against, hint in double the sum r
>f lbs tax which be lias so fraudulently endeavor- I
'd to avoid the payment of ; and in addition to c
laid judgment he shall be liable to fine and im- <
orisoninent us in other cases of misdemeanor. t
Bt it furrher enacted. That every such merchant, |
or truder ns above described, shall in answer to
any enquiry made by any customer or purchaser,
state truly according to the best of his knowledge '
or belief the place where any article which lie '
may offer for sale was protluced, grown, or manu- '
factured ; and if he shall intentionally make a t
false statement in this respect, he shall forfeit and I
nay the stun often dollars in each instance, to be <
L t... ?. i,..r...... ...... ?c .u?
pence, one half of which said penalty shnll go to j
sny person who may sue for the same, the other ,
lo the Slate.
Be it further enacted, That evrry such merchant, '
trader, Ac., as aforesaid, from and after the first <
Jay of Junuary, in the year of our Lord 1853, I
hull he liable to nil annual tax of one hundred t
dollars. Provided, nevertheless, that if such person
shall make it appear by his own onth, or oth- t
rwise, before the cle,lt of the county court nforetaid,
that his purchases for said year have been
wholly made in any of the above named slaveholding
Ktiiies, he shall then be exempt froni the j
payment of said lax,
lie it further enacted, That if within three years
fro.n the passage of this act, all the above tilaveholding
.Slates shall not have passed a law or laws
similar to this, then the exemptions herein con-'
mined shnll be held to extend only to the productions
of such Stales as have adopted similar laws
Be it further enacted, That the provisions of this
law shall remain in fores until the territories of
the United States shall be opened to the citizens of 1
North Carolina, in the poBsesRion and enjoyment
of every species of property which they may now i
lawfully hold within the limits of Raid Slate, and |
tntil the constitutional provisions relative to the |
1 elivery of fugitive slaves shall be faithfully car- |
ied out in practice throughout the United States
Be. it further enacted. That his Excellency, the
governor of this State be, and lie is hereby respectully
requested to transmit a copy of this act to *
he governor of each of the States above named, '
villi a request that it belaid before the legislatures it
if the same, in the hope that they will pasH n sim- c
Inr law or laws. I
from the Cherokee J.Idvocatr, i
Abolition ix the District.?There cnn.be i
io question that the next nssnults of the Abo- (
itionists will be, directed particularly against ,
ilavcry in the District ot ( oiumhw. inervium ,
ins been pledged again nnd again to resistance
>n tliis point. From the Hrst agitation of the 'i
inti slaverv men, it 1ms been well understood
hat they have aimed at abolition in the District i
vith a view to affect the institution in the States i
in the late convention, there was a manifest
jiving way on this point, perhaps for the very
jood reason that the question will have verv
<oon to be met, and the convention were not
willing to pledge themselves to resistance except
in some remote contingency. The action i
i>r convention is a virtual abandonment of the 1
Southern ground, and an encouragement to the ,
North to press on to the abolition of slavery in ]
the District. In the firs', place, the committee |
of thirty-three adopted a resolution admitting
that Congress might abolish slavery there, with
fhe eoi scot and petition of the slave owners '
thereof. These were prominent men of tin
i-institution al Union patty. As Mr. Harlow, i
tie of that committee, well remarked, hy the I
terms of the resolution, we invite the nholilion
f si iverv in the District, and offer overv facility i
or it. Mr. Flournny with truth remarked, that '
f the convention were to recognize the power 1
t ( anigre-H to .abolish slavery there, upon the 1
million and consent of their owners, a millioi
f doll irs could be raised in twenty-four hours
to pay for their freed in The convention he i
une s tisrte.l that this would not do. Tiiev
nneiided the report so that the fourth resolution
ihould read, that the State of ' icorgia, in the 1
mlgment of tois convention, will aiid ought to <
'esist even, lis a hist re-or", to a disruption of '
very tie binding her to the Union, nnif acini
"'ingress alntlislnng slater if in Hie Dislrid " I '
"nInmbtn, or ant/ act <\re. I fere was something
lefinite,? too definite it would seem for the con '
?r.uiiomii union party.
On the motion of Mr. 'ten.) Hansell ofCohb. 1
tic words in italics were struck out l?v the con- <
.cntion, and in lieu thereof tlie following was '
nscrtrd : " Any action of Congress upon the
uihject of alnvcry in the District of Columbia,
tr in pli.ces subject to the jurisdiction of Con- <
jress, incompatible with the safety, the rights, t
ind the honorof the slnvcholding States." What h
i giving way was here \ The question of nbo- ?
ition in the District was to be evaded. And t
to ronvention took the position tbat such itho- I
in, n might not be incompatible with tbe safety, n
he domestic tranquility, the rights, und tbe honor t
of till' slaw-holding Stales. lieu. Utilised was
hurged by Mr. Kenan of Ilaldwtii, in eonveu- i
lion, with the purpose of "dodgiiw the question," j
'bucking out from the issue," and other similar :
Lertns. This was undoubtedly true, not only of 1
lieu. 1 Innaell, but of llie 1 bb members who voted
with hint. For the very question at issue, and
to be determined by the convention, was whether
the abolition was, or was not incompatible w ith
the rights and safety, &c., of the plavoholding
States. \ et, instead of deciding this question, j
the convention, by adopting the amendment of
en. llanaell, have admitted that if Congress
ean manage the abolition of slavery in the District,
with the previously acquired consent of;
the circumjacent slave States, and of the slave
owners within the District, and without any eir-uinstuiices
of insult, they would not resist to a
disruption of the ties that bind us to the Union. !
Such a positioiidiivites abolition in the District.
It is better for party purposes tliun the position .
' ?-Ul,.,. it UM /lutinitu :
But it it* no less u giving way to anti-slavery
ntsuulls. Some in the majority in the conven.ion
took different ground, honorable to tliemiclvcs
and ju?t to tin* South.
From the New Orleans Picayune.
The Russians of the South.
" But tlio honorable Secretary and the other i
jontlemen who sell their men to work on the |
:otton plantations and their women lor some-1
.hing worse."
" Hem. Ah! Did \'OU ever meet a Russian !
[11 your own country, I mean?"?(England.)
" Yes, 1 met one ut dinner once."
" Did you go out of the way to be uncivil to
till), because ho owned serfs !
" No, but I don't go out of my way to be particularly
genial with him."
" Exactly. The cases are precisely parallel.
The Southerners are our Russians. They come j
i|) to the North to be civilized ; they send their
joys here to be educated ; they spend n good
ieal of money here. We are civil to them, but
lot over genial?sonic of us, at least, are not."
This precious extract is from an article in
Prazier'a Magazine, (London,) called "Catching
i Lion, by a New Yorker," and republished in
Stringer &. Townsend's International Monthly
Magazine, November, 1850. We doubt not the
source of the article; the pen-holder out of
which "this dainty driblet ran," was held in the
so-called "Metropolis" of the Union. There
ire natty phrases, cant terms and " ear marks"
unough to show that the writer knew the locality
well; although he may bo one of those
ink-pot bandits from England, who migrate to
New York and hire out t .eir pens for a living : i
or possibly a genuine American, honestly believing
what he writes?for that the feeling of
many in the North towards the "Russians"
>f tiie South, is duly described in our extract,
will not bear denial among those who have lived
much in the North, especially with the teachers
ind literarv circles. Let the paternity of the ex
r.ict then be eiiher alien or domestic, we believe
he ideas developed to be those of a somewhat
nfluciitial class of our own countrymen, and
ihall so consider them. That there is a ludic oiis
tone of annoyance, and a lordly disdain of
ach other in the literary cliques of the three
treat Northern cities has long be mi evident to
lie outsiders, 'J'he " Mutual Admiration So.iety"
of Boston? an od't mix of clergymen who
neddle least of all with divine things, rampant
dil maids and sweet singing poets?hold the tar.
nllow, calico and Wall street aristocracy, whom
rVillis has scented with essences and baptized
ntu " Japonicadom," kid gloves and French
intents, in great contempt. The huge pumpkin
egards its brother vegetable, the "Dutch e.ib>age,"
with eye nskaut and rolls over to the
itherside. Meanwhile the "Philosophical No icty"
clique of Philadelphia now and then dip
heir fingers into Uncle Sam's mint, and dilate
argely on the days when the right-angled city
,vas not altogether provincial. Curious it is iniced,
to behold a "VVIiistnr-pnrty" ut this latter
ionic of all the talents, grave professions, erulite
editors (sometimes,) potential officeholders,
md sucking poets, gather over the groaning taile
of oysters, terapin and chicken salad, and
settle the fate of doctors, medical schools, magazines
snd humble aspirants to "the club," which
laborious duty done, the lucky recipients of the
Teed of the lions," may at times, low down in i
the small hours, be seen following irregular
lurves round right-angled corners and have been [
known to go off" at a tangent o\?r the curb-;
"These he your gods, oh ! Israel." To these i
tets of worthies?to Cambridge and Yale, to
Saratoga and Broadway, to the medical schools
of Philadelphia?do we, the Russians of the
South, go yearly to lie civilized and educated. !
" f 1
>Vt MJirilU UUi IIHMifj nun , iu^ui, UU iill
civilly treat*d, hut not genially. Oh! no, of
course not. lint our dollars are gcninl enough !
Now, without alluding to the slander on
slavery implied in the commencement of the extract,
or giving undue importance to the i in per
tinence of its writer, wo nek our readers if there I
is never to he a time when t: e South will ho independent
in mind, society, and manufactures ?
Why may not New Orleans, hy cn r iugouther
contemplated improvenn nts, stand forth the exponent
of Southern civilization ? Are our colleges
always to he f/fele, and our schools hot- 1
Is'ds for Northern universities ! Jfave we no
telf respect which will spare those who think
.villi the magazine contributor, the need of.apologizing
for keeping our company ? It is useless
o say sueli feelings ?'o not exist. They do :
ind tlie evidence of the catalogues of Northern
colleges, the millinery hills of Southern ladies,
he rush of Southern planters to Northern warring
places, and the publication of such articles
n a Kuropean magazine of note, copied for
ionic circulation into a popular New York perineal.
We have no desire to fan the present
vectionul excitement; and, so far as that is concerned,
we can afford to laugh at the stories of
'chaining negroes at night in gin houses; and
feeding them on boiled cotton-seed," of Secretaries
of the Cabinet at Washington vending
I.llf'ir Hiavun ui inv v/rinun hm jm u^hi im iv/ii ,
nnd similar amiable stories of tho Hutchinson
family, Wliitlier, Itiissoll Lowell, and other Abolition
poets. Hut we are earnest for a total
secession in matters of education, and for independent
thought on what is best tor Southern
manners nnd interests. A few more kicks in
the face like the one we have copiod, and possi.
bly we may have a beginning made nt home litT'ture,
and our planters will discover that the
South Is " genial" as well in summer as in winter.
The editor of the I'irayunr, commenting on
his article, says :?
It is understood, we believe, that these papers
ire written bv Charles A. Kristed, erandson of
the late J hn Jnu >h Astor, nnd heir of no ioconddt
rable part of his Wealth. He is the same
iiersonnife who not long ago appealed to Rng
1 1 ? . . ,i. .1
aim rum \ mencn, m i uie n jinn-, i
upon "American hospitality," in hi-* pern n, by
th'' r.Tna il of the Honorable Mr. i.nw, a mem
Iter of I'.irll mont, to repay money which j
Mr. Hristed hn l lent in New York to the son of
Mr. I.'iw.n scape grace whom the toadies of
New York hud lionized as a sp-:;r of nobility.?
Mr. Printed knows as much of the feelings of
the North -is he does of the intellectual and so i
11 slate of the South, and thnt is about what
ie enn gather within the walls of the brown tone
palaces on the Fifth avenue, in which p r
renues gather themselves in exclusive uote-los,
mil encourage each other to forget that they
ive in a Republic. He has t ken up his resi
leiice in Paris, we believe, rs better suited to
lis tastes as a man of exquisite refinements than
jven the tippi rrnost circles of New York pretention.
Free Soil is Michigan.?The Tribune foots
ip tin' remit of the Into Mongrcssional elc"ion
in Michigan as follows; Whig and Freeoil
vote, 30,873; Democratic, 39,240: Whig
ind Free-toil majority, 1,013. In 1818, Taylor
l Van Huron find 31,329, to Cass's 30,087.
.V'liig and Free-soil majority, 3,01 A [Whig
ind Free-toil Ions, 2,029.J The Tribune calls
hi* "doing well!"?,V. Y. Globe.
OI u f'tunmUler afifiuiiUsti by the no-tubers of
tut /jegiBlature friendly to Southern Rights, lo
the people of Mississippi.
Fillow* Citizens:?li hu* now boon upward*
of sixty year* since the formation of our
present Constitution. That iiiHtriiiiiont wua
trained by separate and feeble States, to give
mem greater sirengi.i amongst me iiuuuun ?i
the earth. Jt w^h adopted with groat reluctance
on tin- part of the 8ouili, at tlie earnest solicitation
yf the North. For a number of years alter
its adoption, an extraordinary struggle was going
on in Europe. The wars oi the French
Revolution shook every throne to its centre. It
was witli great difficulty that the United States ,
could avoid being involved in these collisions, i
Each of the great belligerent powers endeavored :
to force them from neutrality; but the wisdom ,
of our revolutionary sires preserved the peace
of the country. The pressure from abroad kept
the people united at home. The slave question,
which even before the udoption of the Constitution,
had been a source-of difficulty, was permitted
to sleep in the presence of a more pressing
danger. France ended Louisiana to the United
States, to keep it from falling into the hands of
England. This produced no extensive agitation
of the subject of slavery, because all
thoughts wore occupied by our foreign relations.
Rut after our ability to resist aggression from
abroad was established by the war of 1812?after
the increase of our population and wealth had
given us 11 high rank among nations?and after
the Union wus thus felt to he less necessary for
defence against foreign powers, our dissensions
on the subject of slavery were renewed. The
general peace of Europe removed all fear of a
foreign war. When a Slate, carved out of the
territory of Louisiana, applied for admission into
the Union, the question of slavery appeared in a
more menacing form. The existence of the
Union was threatened, and the Government was
shaken to its foundation. The wisdom and patri..c
(i,?t ,r... c,i
the difficulty, but at n sacrifice on the part of
the South, which fully evinces her attachment
for the Union. That sacrifice was rnude with n
hope that it would put a final end to the question.
The subsequent spread of our domain to
the Pacific Ocean, was not foreseen. If it had
been, no one doubts but that the line of 36 degrees
30 minutes would huvo been extended
ucrosa the continent. That would have ended
this question forever in its application to territorial
But this prescience was not accorded to tiie
men of that day. It remained for the. events of
the present time to develop fully the evils which
grow out of an inference by Congress with a
subject not entrusted to it by the Constitution.
The Missouri Compromise gave quiet to the
country, but for a very short time. In fifteen
years from the time it was made, the halls of
Congress were filled with petitions praying for
legislation upon the subject of slavery, in many
other aspects Such power of legislation was
denied by the South, and this topic has been the
source of a constantly increasing agitation, from
that time to the present At the last session of
Congress, it absorbed its entire attention, and
excluded almost every other matter from consideration.
A bitter warfare is waged against
the institution, which will not stop short of its
destruction, if it be not stayed and arrested by
the action of the South. The General Government
under the control and in the hands of a
Northern majority, is arrayed agiinst it, and the
institution must perish if the States who are inWrested
in its preservation do not protect it.
A sagacious Southern statesman, years ago de- ,
clared, that it was the settled policy of Congress,
never to admit another slave State into the
Union. Had Congress alone been consulted, '
that policy would have been carried out to the
letter. But in 1844 the desire of'.he people for '
more territory, by a popular vote, brought
about the annexation of Texas, and the settlement
of the Oregon boundary. It was thought,
that by the resolutions of nnexation, a vast oxtent
of territory was inalienably secured to the
South. Although the South conceded the whole
of Oregon to the North, without a murmur, a
reckless majority of the last Congress, by an
offer or #10,000,000 and by throwing the sword
into the scale along with the purse, succeeded
in dismembering Texas, by which Free-soilisin
makes an immense stride towards accomplishing
the avowed object of its advocates, in surrounding
us with a cordon of free States. The same
determination to prevent the admission of any
more shtVe St ites, induced the North, during the
war with Mexico, to refuse to vote appropriations
to carry on the war, unless the territory to
be acquired should be previously devoted to
Frec-soilisrq. The policy thus early developed,
has found its consummation in the recent acts of
Under all the disguises which the act has been
been made to assume, it is easy to be seen, that
the admission of California was brought about
by the Federal Government. The convention
which framed the constitution of California, was
called by an officer of the United States, who
prescribed the qualifications of the voters, and
put in mot'on nil the preliminary proceedings,
lie was but the agent of the Federal Govern
ment. It is an established principle, that every
government becomes responsible for the net of
its officers, if, when those acts are complained
of, they bo not disavowed, the agent punished
and reparation made. The Government of the
United States lias done neither of these, although
the South has bitterly remonstrated. The whole
series of measures, from the proclamation of
(Ion. Riley to the Admission of California as a
Slate, finds nothing to redeem them from the
character of usurpation nnd revolution but the
action of the Government of the United States.
It hence follows that the act of California was
but the avt of the Federal Government, and that
the adventurers who gathered upon its shores,
and seized upon the soil and the sovereignty
without right to either, were but instruments in
the hands of Congress, to carry out its determi
nation to exclude slavery from the shores of the.
Pacific. Though Congress has the undoubted
power to admit new S ates, it is vain to look in
tho Constitution for a sanction of these irregular
proceedings?thev were unauthorized, fraudulent
nnd void, nnd we have yet to learn that the
confirmation of a void act can give it validity.
The bills forming territorial governments for
Utah and New Mexico, aro no departure from
this line of policy, to exclude all further ndmis
sion of slave States. Congress was ready
enough, by intervention, to shut nut slavery
from California ; but was firm to the principle
of non-intervention as to the repeal of the
Mexican Inw in rop.iru to slavery in leeso territories.
Tim Inw was deemed as effectual for
the exclusion of nlnvcrv a* the \V ilnjot Proviso.
The territorial legislatures nre forbidden to touch
the subject, nnd it is thus rendered certain, n?
anything future can he. tint these territories,
when tliev come into the Union, must come in
as free States.
Rv this action of the Government, the Southern
States have been deprived of all benefit
from the oountrv acquired from Mexico. Tie
man of every clime under Heaven, has free aec.ess
to these regions, with all his capital, except
the citizen of the Southern St teg. His capital
consi-ts chiefly of slaves, and if ho shonid go.
he must leave them behind. The blond, a'd
treasure, and valor of the South, did more for
the neqnisitinn of the territory, than nnv other
portion of the Union. II id these vast acquisitions
been made in the absence of a Constitu
tion of union, by thirty States, as equal sever
ci'/ntics, what would he said of tile attempt of
sixteen of these States to appropriate the whole
of these territories to themselves, to the exclusion
of the people of the fourteen shivcholding
States < Can anv legitimate action of the Government
of the Union result in what, without
the Union, would ho undisguised plunder? Is
this discrimination ngainsl the rights of the
South just? And if not just, will the South
uil /loivri iinrtjir il in liilramntiminn
? k "> '|"I' T
Rut it is not in regard I" territory alone that
the recent nets of Congress have done injury to
the South. By this same action of the (ior
eminent, tlie balance of power betw een the twi
section.") of the Union has been destroyed. I
permanent sectional majority in lioth brunclie
of < 'ong ess h is been secured, hostile to the in
stitution of slavery The struggle for e?|uili
brio in, which lasted Ibr thirty years, tins tieei
ended. The Nortli lias now the power?liu,
it likewise the will to Crush this institution ! If
must lie blind to the warnings of the past, win
docs not see unquestionable manifestations o
this will. The church, the pulpit, the school
master the press, the public meetings, the legis
lative hulls of the North, and all the department
of their State governments, with a few brigli
exceptions, ure all aguiust this institution.?
Where, then, is there room for hope, except ii
the united action und counsels of the South !
We puss over the abolition of the slave tradi
in the District of < 'oliimhia, with but a single re
mark. It is a porteutious sign of the times. 1
is the carrying of another outpost, preparatory
to the final attack, upon the citadel itself.
Another most significant sign is the opposi
lion,so generally manifested at the North,aguins
the f ugltive slave bill. 1 ins right to rccupiun
fugitive slaves, aire idy guaranteed by the eon
stitution, was the only semblance of good ex
tended to the South, by any of the measures o
the last session ; and this will not be permittee
to remain on the statute book a moment louge
than fanaticism can gather strength to take it oil
Even now it is in practice, to u great extent
nullified and set at defiance.
The habit of discussing slavery in Congress
without any \iow to its protection, tills tin
country North and South, with agitation. In
deed, agitation is pursued as a system, and then
seems to be a fixed determination to keep it up
to continue it and to increase it, till slavery i;
swept from the land. The object of the Consti
tut ion as declared in its prean.ble,was"t-> ostahlisl
justice, provide for the common defence, end in
sure tranquility." It has failed in securing thesi
vitally essential ends. North and South thi
country is rent with dissensions on the suhjec
of slavery. Congress, so fur from providing
means to bring about tranquility on this head
is but the arena on which the passions find pluci
for their exhibition. What a spectacle is thui
presented to the world ! The institution ofsla
very is assauea ana me surety 01 me ooutneri
States endangered, not by any foreign power
not by natural causesoperatingamong ourselves
but by the fanaticism and lust of power of ou
associates in a confederacy, constituted for ou;
No one nation or State is permitted to inter
fere w tli the domestic institutions of another
This principle was propounded at a very earl)
Jay, as especially the policy of this continent
It has kept out interference from abroad. It if
quite as applicable to the sister States of this
Confederacy as to foreign nations, except in re
i/ard to those objects which are confided to Con
gress by the Constitution. Yet, in violation o;
this principle, the people of the North do nui
hesitate to seduce our slaves from our service
to protect tlieni from recapture, and to prepare
their tniuds for insurrection. The national legislature
will afford us no redress, because i
permanent sectional majority is against us. Il
a foreign nation were to do these nets, and
make no reparation, it would be just cause ol
war. This principle has been more than onct
asserted by our Government in relation to tliu
very description of property, and as often recognized
by Great Britain.
VVitliout the Constitution, and without tin
Union, the acts of the Northern people above
set forth, would he cause of war. As it is, the
constitution is the rampart behind which aboli
tionism affects to entrench itself, and commit;
these acts with impunity. So far from the eon
stitution affording protection to slavery, and jus
tice to its owners, as it was intended to do, it it
converted into an instrument by which deadl)
assaults nre made upon the institution. If thi
compact ol union has thus failed in practice, ti
attain the ends for which it was created, it is
time to seek for security in Amendments of it;
provisions, or in sotne other mode.
Is it right that those who have 110 pecuniary
or social interest in the subject of slavery, slroulc
be permitted constantly to agitate the questioi
of slavery in Congress, solely with n view to it!
destruction ?
Is it right that slavery and the slave trade, s(
far as they are connected together should b<
abolished in the District of Columbia?
Is it right that the Fugitive slave bill, and wit!
it the Constitution upon which it is founded
should be disregarded and set at nought?
Is it right that the common treasure of tin
States should lie expended by a free-soil majorih
in Congress, in the purchase of the tcriitorv o
a slaveholding State to a line south, which i
extended east to the Atlantic would leave uior<
th in half of the State of Mississippi north of it
Is it right that the North, which in a spirit 0
injustice to the South restricted its institution;
to the line of 36 degrees 30 minutes by a com
promise, thirty years ago, should now be per
initted, in a spirit much more unjust, hut hj
another compromise, to drive us to a line furthei
South by about two hundred and seventy miles
Is it right that the people of the South shouk
he excluded from the territories acquired fron
Mexico ?
Is it right that they should acquiesce in a ays
tern which restricts the institution of slavery t<
its present limits, which will result in creating >
free-soil barrier west and south beyond whiel
it cannot pa^s, and which nuist end in its linn
destruction, involving the people of the Souti
in universal and irremediable ruin ?
It' all these are right., then tin South has nr
present cause of complaint, ai.d should not uttei
a murmur. But if tiiey are wrong, it behoove
the South to consider how its rights are to In
maintained, and what are the means of reined}
and redress.
The first obvious step in the progress of rem
edy, is the call of a convention of the people.?
By this step the State assumes her highest at
titude of sovereignty, and is prepared to call hei
whole resources into exercise. That convention
may ask for redress with some hope of sue
We would suggest that it should ask amend
mcnts of the constitution, by which either ol
the two great sections of the confederacy, should
in the future, be deprived of the power of op
pressing the other, by unequal and unjust taxation,
whether direct or indirect:
By whioh fugitive slaves shall be delivered up
in the same way that fugitive, from justice,are
and that the State authorities shall assist in, and
cotnpel their delivery :
By which all future discussion or agitation ol
the subject of slavery in tin* h ills of Congies?
shall be excluded ; unless with a view to extend
to it the protection given to other description!
of properly:
And that it should ask that Congress shall extend
the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific
(Venn, and to that end, obtain the consent ol
California that such line may constitute her
southern boundary; andth.it the right of the
people of the slaveholditig States to carry theii
slaves to nli territory -.onth of It, ahull be acknowledged
and secured.
If redress like this can he obtained, the whole
d ffieiiltv will he erfded by means which cannot
meet objection front any quarter,
The iip.jTcssions of which we complain havr
no doubt reached their fearful magnitude, froir
the opinion entertained at the North, that vt
dared not carry our resistance to the point of r
serious disturbance of the present orgunUntior
(if our system of government, even in defence o!
our most sacred rights. Seeing our division!
at lioine, tliov supposed our weakness woulr
prevent resistance front being formidable or ef
If the action to which we have referred, sltnl
satisfy them tlmt we are determined to main
tain our rights at all hazards, and that we have
the power to do it, we may still hope that adis
solution of the Union may be avoided. The re
ntnining patriotism of the North, and much mon
their interest, in preserving n trade and com
merer, festered and cherished by an unrest ruin
ed intereourae with the South, will induce then
to recognize ami guarantee our equal and jus
rights, both as political communities, having dls
r> | tinet iattmU, find its States united under the
V | compact ?>t' the Constitution. Tliua fur Miasisa
aippi la bound to go and lake her aland ; and
- | tliua far, we think, ber?i?ter Stales of the South
- I may go with her, and atand by iter aide. If the
ii 1 North ahull act in the spirit of good faith and
a justice corresponding to the niomcntuous ques
b tions involved, by redrawing our grievances, a
j great result will have been accomplished, peace
f i and fraternal kindness restored, and a guarantee
- a Horded of the perpetuity of tlierd'niou.
If the North shall refuse ha accede to our
s just demands, then will come up for decision
t | the question, whether we shall submit to griev
| oiis wrongs, and take the position of inferiority
i ' assigned to us in the Union, or look to ourselves
for the proteetion of cur rights and our
t institutions out of it. The evidence of hostil.
ity on their part will be complete?the cup of
t submission on ours will be lull. Non-action,
/ beyond that point, will be unconditional sul>miaaion.
If we would remain a free people,
. we must then resort to such remedies, as, under
t existing circumstances, should then promise to
? be most eH'ectuul.
The Federal Union is formed of equal, indi
pendent sovereignties. The Constitution is the
f bond of union. When that is violated, the
1 Union is broken. It is the right of the States to
r judge, in the list resort, of infractions of the
' Constitution. The Union must rest on the con,,
sent of the parties to the compact. As each
Stute ooceied to the Constitution, and became a
i, member of the Union voluntarily, each one may,
j in the exercise of its high, sovereign right, with
- draw from the Union, without any violation of
j obligation to those?which remain; and if justice
i, and good faith shall govern their intercourse,
s there can he no occasion for hostile collision.
This is the doctrine of the fathers of the Coni
stitution. Mr. Madison says: ' It appears to he
- a plain principle, that when resort can he had to "
e no tribunal superior to the authority of the par>
?uw tl... ?l,oi?u?1vnu 1... II... _t.-l.7l-.. I
t I judges in the last resort, whether the bargain i
r i lias been preserved or violated."
, j Mr. Jefferson says: "In this, as in other cases
j of compact among parties having no common 7
4 judge, each party has an equal right to judge "
for itself as well of infractions, as the mode 0
i and measure of redress." Several of the States s
, at the time of the adoption of the Constitution *
, also expressly claimed the right to resume the
r power granted under the Constitution. Hence s
r it follows that ih : right to secede belongs to '
every member of the Union, and that it is a
. right that is never given up. But the expedi.
eney of tiie exercise of this right is quite a difr
ferent question. Wo arc by no means prepared ^
. to recommend to the people of Mississippi at i
this time, to take this step in advance of her '
) sister States, even should our complaints go un- ,
heeded; hut as a measure of precaution, it will '
- become the duty of the convention to act with '
f reference to the consequences of a refusal, on
t the part of the Government of the United States,! ^
; to redress these grievances, and to nfford guar- i
> uutees for our future protection and safety, and "
to that end to provide for the appointment of
i delegates, whose duty it shall be, in case of
I' such refusal, to meet the delegates of the other
I Southern States in convention, and jointly to
f consider of the grievances and the mode and
s measure of redress, 'l'he plan of action thus
i to be devised by their united wisdom, to be laid
before the people of the Status therein represented
for their final adoption or rejection. A
) If that convention, with all the lights which
s may be thrown upon this subject by the events
! of the past, as well as those which may have
transpired in the interval, shall then come to the
) solemn conclusion that the safety of the South,
the political liberty of the Southern States, the
- existence of their institutions and the honor of
t their people, can only he preserved by a seces 1
r sinn from the Union, and the formation of a
s Southern Confederacy, and should recommend 'j
> that course, we know no power hut that of the
4 people in these States, who would have n right
4 to question the justice or propriety of adopting
the recommendation. In such case, this course
r would he dictated by the truest wisdom, and by
i the most exalted patriotism. The interests and
i policy of tin: States composing such a confed
4 eracy, would he identical. Their ability to sustain
their position and maintain their rights, can)
not be doubted. With annual products of the
J value of one hundred and fifty millions of dollars,
and with nearly a million of fighting men.
i the South has the capacity to maintain a nn,
tional independence against all external pressure.
Such a people, with all the elements ot
11 power, cannot be expected to surrender their c
11 rights.
f \Vo have no desire fur a several ee of thb
I Union. Long may it survive, if it can be brought
1 back to its pristine purity, to dispense equal jus
' tiee, and insure domestic tranquility, to a fre.-.
r united and happy people. We arc ready to sur'
render much to preserve it. But we could not
- qrot rid of slavery, if we would. We have not
- the means of sending them away, if we were 1
' I willing to pait with them without compensation '
r And let it be borne in mind, that if a payment j
' to us of anything like the value of our slaves be .
I made the condition of their removal, it is simply
) impracticable. As it is evidont upon the len??
| reflection, that the appropriation of a sufficient
' amount of capital to this object and its cons '1
> qucnt abstraction from the commerce of tin C
i world, would derange every branch of busi
> ncss,agricultural, commercial and manufacture).
1 throughout Christendom. There can be no
i! equality of the races. They cannot live amongst g
! us except as our slaves, or as our masters 1
The whole history of the past proves this. Otu
r or the other must have the ascendancy. We I
j must either maintain onr superiority, or surren- '
i der the land of our fathers. Between these two *
' alternatives no one would hesitate. The past ^
success of the Abolitionists only makes them
more keen for future victories. If they are not
stayed, post after post will be carried, until they
nre ready to make the final attack upon the in- o
r stitution in the States. Northern fanaticism r
trends no step backwards. A few more onward '
steps will brush the scales from all eyes. We I
trust it may not then be too Into.
Fellow-citizens 1 we have thus endeavored to
I" place facta plainly before you. When your
. minds become convinced of these truths, there ^
will no longer he dissensions among ourselves.
If the people of the whole South onee l>ecome
united, tlio crisis will he passed. Divide, and
, conquer, lias Wen the policy of our opponents 1
If to this policy you oppose a united front of '
I firmness and of patriotism, the country may yet *
he safe. In our opinion it will. But if in this
couiflct the Constitution alinll perish, we may R
i appeal to the civilised world to l>enr witness lo ?
I the tryth, that it fell not by the hands of the 0
i South; hut thnt true to its instincts of freedom, il
the South gave up the Union only when it no
longer secured to us the blessings of a rational n
liberty. ?
.1. M, C i. ay to ft, n
J. 1. Uvion, A
Roger Barton,
T. Jonf.s Stewart,
J. J. McRaf.,
C. R. Cl.irTO!f, ?
i C, P. Smith,
J A. Quitman, 11
Jo. Bfli.,
> On hrhalf of the. Committee.
i Jackson, Dec. 10, Ifl.lo.
North Caroeina.?The Ashn ille Mossrngrr 1
says, "If it is found impracticable to enforce
P the provisions of the constitution, or impossible 0
( to enforce the laws of the land, we go for n F
I I'tii/rd srcssiun of the whole Southern Stairs. ,,
The Messenger further says: "And lastly, if |,
the non-slnveholding States ever interfere with i>
I slavery ns it now exists in the States, we then
go for "disunion,"' and if need he, war, blood ''
shed, and death! And if the South cannot (
l stand, our countrymen may expect to find us 11
i "With our hack to the field and our feet to the
, foe," 11
" I ? ,
-i Amkricas Brandt.?A Mr. John A. Seott,
-1 of Washington county, Miss., is successfully
i manufacturing brandy, which is pronounced as
t pure and good ns the Iwst French article, from
-| the Seuppernong grape. o
The youug and beuutiful Countess Derabinaii,
wLu came to this country In July last, with S
ler husband, who is now honestly end nobly V
tupporting himself by selling segaro in Nutuu 9
tlreet, next door to the office of the Evening
I'ost, who born the I'riuceaa Csartorisko. It ta
.otncwhul singular, that while foreigners are 9
10 uiuch caressed ill our faahionuble circles, 1
ilia very lovely and accomplished young woman 1
itiould raeeive no attention whatever. 1
Cost. 1
It doea not strike us ?o. The lady, however, j
liglily born, however lovely and accomplished,
ins done nothing to muke her the cynosure of
;yes which ace only through the glass ot' fashon.
She lias never obtruded herself on public
lotice?has never eloped?has committed no
>reach of decorum, and challenged admiration
or it, on the ground of her rank?ahe has lived
lie life of a true-hearted woman :?what is there
ii this calculated to attract the attention, or ? >. ,
1st the sympathy, of "fashionable circles !"
The Count, her husband, presents but another
iistance of the capricious fickleness of populur
diilunthropic lion-hunting. Though a young
nan, lie was among the most effective and devo
ed defenders of his country in her last struggle
ind sacrificed everything, rank, position, fortum
ind employment in his patriotic devotion to hei
iglits. He is an accomplished practical engineer
?able to discharge all the duties of that pro
ession; and yet on reaching this country, iu> ,u>
utile, seeking a subsistence for himself and fkml
ly, he is compelled to open a segar -hop as thj
mly feasible method of accomplishing his pur>ose.
We wisii that some of our railroad or
ither corporations that have need of such scrvid s
ould give him un engagement where his duties
vouhl be more congenial to his tastes : hut if
hiH cannot bo, we hope, at all events thut ae
vill lie abundantly successful in selling segars.
?Courier and Enquirer.
University of Virginia.?The Charlottesville
lrtfcrsvniaii publishes a list of the board of vistors,
the faculty and olficers, and of the stuents
of this institution, for tve session of 1850
'51. It appears that the number of students
t 365?a number exceeding that of any prcvius
year of its existence. Ninety-five of these
tudents are from other States, and, strange to
ay, six of them are from Northern States.
I'here have been 5,368 students in the Univerity
since its establishment, or an avenge of
99 per year. The Jeffersonim gives the foljwing
table, showing the States from which
lie students hail:
'irginia - - - 269 New York - - 4
Albania ... 25 North Carolina - 3
,ouisiana - - 11 District of Columbia 3
lississippi - - 8 Florida ... 3
louth Carolina - 8 Missouri - - - 2
'ennesseo - - 8 Kentucky - - 2
Hiio - - - - 8 Pennsylvania - 1
laryland- - 5 Texas- ... 1
ieorgia - - - 4 Connecticut - - 1
ill drawing conducted by Slate Commissioners
* r r nm ,ri ' - . - ~ ~
p.>j,juu : <tu prizes 01 $3,000!
Class C.
To,be drown in Baltimore, January Uih, 1851,
1 Prize of 55,366 dollars is $55,366
40 Prizes of 5,000 dollars are 200,000
79 Prizes of 600 dollars are 107,400
Lowest three No. Prize iri the Lottery, $600
Nckets $15 00?Halves $7 50?Quarters $3 75
Certificate of Package 26 Whole Tickets, $220
do do 26 Half Tickets. 110
do do 26 Quarter Tickets, 55
Class 4,
To be drawn in Baltimore, January t8th, 1851,
1 Prize of 20.000 \
1 Prize of 20,000 I
1 Prize of 20,000 J- Dollars are $100,000
1 Prize of 20,000 I
1 Prize of 20,000 J
5 Prizes of 3,000 dollars ore $15,000
5 Prizes of 1,750 dollars are 8,750
5 Prizes of 1,332 dollars are 6,66'J
Tickets $10?Halves $5?Quarters $2 50.
Certificate of Package 25 Whole Tickets $130 00
do do 25 Half Tickets 65 00
do do 25 Quarter Tickets 32 50
Splendid Scheme, for 25th January, 1851.
Class D,
To be drawn in Baltimore, January 25th 1851,
JL5=*20 Drawn Ballots out of26 Tickets.
Grand prize of $80.000 1 Prize of 3,000
Spl'd prize of 40,000 1 do 2,500
do do 20,000 1 do 2,000
do do 10,000 10 prizes of 1,750
prize of 7,500 - 10 do 1,500
do 4,000 100 do 693
1.0000 nrir.es of ItJIMI ??. !.
Lowest three Drawn Numbers, $41)0,
Eckels $32?Halves $16?Qunr. $8?Eighths $ t
Certificate of Package 26 W hole Tickets $48t)
do do 26 Halves, 240
do do 26 Quarters, 120
do do 26 Eighths, 60
?0 be drawn in Baltimore, January, 29th, 1851,
irittlio leisni. M
Prize of $40,000 1 Prize of $4,S()'I
Prize of 12,497 UK) Prizes of 1,000 I
Prize of 6,000 100 Prizes of 500
Tickets $10?Halves $5?Quarters $2 50, I
'ertificate of Package 26 Whole Tickets, $14(1 I
do do 26 Half Tickets, 7D I
do do 26 Quarter Ticket*, 35 H
Order* for Tickets, Shares or Packages, in nnv 'H
f the above Magnificent Lotteries will meet w ith I
romut attention. All communications strictly H
MUtltlill. Address \ / H
K. MORRIS A. Co., Managers, ?
Unit mi . Md. 9
Is Exhibited, in the cities nf Ilostov, I'liiliidiljihia, I
a rut elsewhere. I
[REPRESENTATIONS of the most beautify
[\ Scenery of all parts of the world, with a great
ariety of Ancient and Modern Structures, Ruins,
lities, Castles, &c., which are produced in a truly
ronderful manner. The most beautiful scenes
row into proportion and ncain disappear, but s?
ndden and mysterious is the transition that it can
nly be compared to the magic of a dream seen by
lie eye.
Commencing Tuesday evening the 2-lth instant,
l?o every successive evening through the week;
nil Wednesday and Saturday afternoon, conilencing
at 3 o'clock.
l splendid Series of Views, nmong which several
rcpreseentations o' White Mountain Scenery
in New Hampshire.
Doors open at half-past 6; exhibition commence*
I half-past 7 o'clock.
Tickets 2.S cents; children half-price. Reduc10ns
made for schools dec 23
impuuei ami ueater in IJry Oaodi, ill
BMJ'OTTLP call the nttentinn of p/sntrn visitine
WW Charleston for their supplies, lo his stock
f Drv Goods, which is kept constantly full, and
nihrao.es a complete assortment for families an 1
ilsniniion wear; and, in Ilress Goods, from the
iw-priced, to the richest, latest, and moat fasl unable.
As a large pnrt of his stock is of hi* men imptuition,
he is enabled to compete with any Per
ioods establishment in the United States, either
ti price or variety.
All Goods of Southern manufacture, he will par- Be
iculnr'y keep. j
No. 224, bend of King at., Charleston. j
dec. 4?-Ait Ma Ha
I A CASF.S of fine frenh PerAimerv from lh? #
1* houeee of Lubin, Preroet, & Pirer, noyj Bt
pening ni PARKER'S jB

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