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SOUTHERN PRESS. JW!WASHINGTON CITY. MONDAY, MAY 24, 1862. Mr. Israel E. James, of Philadelphia, Mr. C. W. James, of Cincinnati, and Mr. Hehry M. Lewis, of Montgomery, Alabama, and their as. siatanta, ate oar only travelling agents for colleotiona. are Urate gems u4 Rpelli. We learn from a reliable source that a new coalition of printing and politics, intended to have a retrospective as well aa prospective operation, is now eoncocting. The questions of nomination and organahip are said to be dove tailed togsther by this arrangement. Fair play, gentlemen! and no more secret understandings for the benefit of private interests. We have already blown up one coalition, and it this is persisted in, will do a like favor by it. Falstatf did not corno dirtier out of his buckbasket than detected end frustrated intriguers must at sueh a time as this. We shall stand by and see fair play. The Baltimore Convention. The approach of. the Baltimore Convention admonishes all who wish to act and vote understandiugly, to scrutinize their component parte, an? consider what course prudence and policy jjfflrtWW each division of each party to take. 'mljuwigb the day has passed when the action oTWoh bodies (never contemplated by the framers of the Constitution, but in reality more potent than the legislative body,) wss final, and a nomination was equivalent to an election?yet they atill possess sufficient power to render their aetion a matter of the gravest import. Every body now understands the machinery by which the friends of particular aspirants smuggle their advocates into these bodies, and they know further that such assemblages often echo the voices of the politicians only, not of the people. The appeal now through the press from the verdicts of political packed juries is easy rand even National Conventions have been taught the lesson that their business was not to manufacture opinion hut faithfully to represent it. Their judgment is not final, and it is not now regarded as high treason for a party man to repudiate u nominee whose principles, or position render him unworthy of the choice. Still the recommendation of such bodies as the two Baltimore Conventions, must necessarily carry great weight With them : and should knlh Pnnvnnlinn, miua off harmoniously?of which there are doubts? such nominations would secure tbe support of the bulk of the old parlies respectively, provided proper selections were made. It was our first intention to have remained silent nntil after the meeting of the two Conventions, but recent developments have induced us to alter that determination. Representing, as is well known, a large majority of the Southern Democracy, with a portion of the Whig party, also distinguished for talent and in- i fluence, we feel it our duty at this stage of af < fairs to define our position?and theirs also? < as we understand it. In doing this, wo desqp t it to be distinctly understood that we do nof ] speak from the dictation nor echo the voice- of c any particular person or clique, but utter what c we believe and know to bo the predominating h sentiment among our constituents?the State c Rights party?a party now holding in its hands t the destinies of all other parties, and the future t fate of this country. We expect to give offence s by the frankness with which we shall Bpeak, c but "the truth must be our warrant." Lord a Bacon's maxim, that a man may have his hand- t full of truth, vet chnHfl lint. In nnnn !.! litllu . ,v 1 finger," may be the policy of "organehip," but it r does not suit us, nor our renders, and therefore c we shall open our whole hnnd. These are no i times for truckling timidity or for trimming i politicians with mouthB all agape for spoils and i the fruits of victory. I As the Democratic Convention is the first to look to in point of time, we confine our remarks chiefly to its position and action. Contrasting the published creeds of the Whig and Democrats parties, we see that of the latter alone has had any effect in restraining within bounds the action of the federal government. Stern and harsh have its teachings seemed to many of its pupils?-.yet it has secured a practical and important resistance, even if with imperfect success, to the march of rapacity in practice, and of consolidation in theory. No frank man can deny that it has failed to accomplish its mission in full?that in recent contests the Democratic party, as a party, has not been found arrayed in full force against the insolence which introduced into our national legislation distinctions, as un- : known to the Constitution as they are invidious, between the interests and institutions of < the different portions of our confederacy. Yet, in this respect even, they stand in most favora- i ble contrast with the antagonist party. If Northera Democracy is not free from the taint of abolition, Northern Whiggery is becoming utterly corrupted by its embraces. It is not to I k. a ?i? >1 ' r\? - I vo uio^uiauu mail uio i/OIHOCrHllC piirty |M | now in danger of defeat and even of dixbandtnent. In the co operation of the State Righto party of the South alone can it find hopes of victory. We propose to examine what will be the effects of their standing aloof from the Democratic organization, what the results of their onion with it, and upon w hat terms, if any, that union ought to be concluded. The separation from the Democratic organization of the State Rights or Southern partyi dooms the former to inevitable defeat, and must result either in the election of Scott, or the failure to elect by the people. This fact ia too palpable to require argument. It starea in the face the most sanguine Democrats, and none so blind as not to see it. In the same event, whatever may be the actual , opinions of General Scott or his future policy, it cannot be gainsaid and must not be forgotten that his forces, under whatever banner they may march, will have been recruited under the black flag of Anti-Slavery. To the supporters of that flag will enure the victory, and the election of Scott will, in moral and political effect, prove not a Whig, but an Abolition triumph. Whether or not the fugitive slave law shall be actually repealed, or essentially modified, a new impetus will have been given to agitation for its overthrow and resistance to its execution. A Northern candidate will have been elected, on issues notoriously if not avowedly sectional. !"!' *ggagg&?astt? by ? sectional vote, and a sort of Motional domination over the South for the first time established. Such a transfer of the source and of the seat of power will in all likelihood never fie undone. No President will ever again be selected from the South. The relation of conquerofs and conquered will huve been virtually established. The arrogance on the one part, hatred on the other, will increase till the burthen becomes intolerable, and tlio bonds ot this Union will be rent with a violence the more destructive as it shall have been longer accumulating. The immediate etF-ct of Whig success at the ensuing election will be a virtuul destruction of the old antagonist organization, from the ruins of which nothing so good can be re-constructed. There is much looseness of feeling, and sometimes of action, among certain portions of the Democratic party, even now upon the constitutional principles and the strict constructions which interfere with local schemes and local popularity. The States Rights element of the party is the sail which gives it savor and preserves it from corruption. Decompose this union, uiid the residuum will be converted into a spoilsseekirg party, whose principles will be consoli dation and plunder. Their morul strength will have disappeared. The old doctrineB of strict construction, federal limitation and States rights, which they have been wont to re-attirm nt Hal timore as the articles of the party creed, will have lust form and vitality at the North and West; und the Mouth, in a hopeless minority, will have to fight the battle on those points also alone. I If the Democratic party in convention shall < so act as to render the co-operation of the South ' practicable and honoruble, the election of their ] candidate may be confidently predicted. With i the South united in his favor, he may defy the 1 Abolition influence. New Hampshire and Illinois havo proved that they can be relied on for ( his support. Iowa and California too are not < to be doubted. Maine and Indiana and proba < bly Pennsylvania and Connecticut may ho fairly counted. Defeat is hardly to be regarded as a ' possibility. In the event of the election of such a candidate, anti-slavery will at least have gained no substantial, far loss an avowed, triumph. Nor can agitation have received any new impulse, for there is no question of the soundness, as to the future, of any candidate who is likely to secure the nomination, as fur as the fugitive sluve | law is concerned. Should the Democracy or its President, after victory, provo false to the South, the Stute Rights party will be in still better position to break them down. It will have, gained additional strength, numerical und morul, by the new disappointment of the South. If on the other hand the elements thus combined shall continue in successful harmony, the Influence of the State Rights party will be potent to recall and to restrain federal legislation i within its appropriate limits and to check the c progress of consolidation. a That in ordor to secure the affiliation of the t friends of the rights of the Stutes, the Demo f cratic party in convention must distinctly re-affirm its heretofore cardinal principles, is obvi- r dub. But something more ia essential. What 0 sver platform they may atlirm or re-affirm, mere n impty words will not suffice. Tliey must pre- c lent a cundidate who is known as a Democratic lepublican, not merely as indicated by Roman n ir Italic type in published lists of legislative f, lassification, but by his history, his affinities, p lis position and his acts. While the Demo- Vl ratic creed continues to repudiate partial and ? lenefieiary legislation outside of the Constitu- t, ion, they must not present as its exponent any C tatesman who is found the persevering advo- ^ ate of partial legislation and special bounties, it the expense of a treasury filled by general ^ axation. Nor while they proclaim the equa ights of the various portions of our confeder icy, must they offer to our support the apostle >f the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty?that niserable and flimsy pretext fashioned to cloak in outrage upon Southern rights, otherwise too ndecent to have been contemplated by any but Lhe most shameless. Let them leave in retirement those whose adverse fate has doomed them to an unlucky absence, whenever called upon for a vote that might serve to save something for the injured South, now pressed almost to the wall. Let them offer us a man, orthodox, firm and consistent in his views, and neither timid nor unlucky in their expression. Such a man could be supported by the State Rights men with confidence, and audi may be i found in the ranka of the re-organized party, j whose paat history nnd preaent position ofTcr n J sufficient guarnnty for the future?men not only " of sufficient ability but of sufficient nvailabilty '. also. Let them adopt any other line of policy, ] or aeek to thruat a different candidate upon the ] South, and disaster, defeat nnd destruction ' await them, their parly and their nominee. . With reference to the collateral issues, that inny ( come before the convention or be forced upon | it, we have nothing to say, because circurn- ' stances must control the action of the State ' Rights men in that respect,from whatever quarter r they mny come. This ia a matter which must i be confided to their discretion nnd judgment. 1 They will have the guardianship of their principles and their consistency in their own charge, and we cannot doubt Hint they will acquit theinselveR faithfully of those grave obligations. We ought say much more, hut wo think we nlr^u ?? _ -i > i?tv n?.? niiuiLivui? iu nnuw juamiy where we stand, r.nd where the State Rights party must also stand, unless faithless to its pledges and to itself. Still Later from Mexico.?The New Orleans Picayune has advices from Vera Cruz to the 7th inst. On the day previous, a Mexican man-of-war brig and three cutters left Vera Cruz with troops, bound for the Coatsacoalcos river and the Isthmus of Tehuantepee. The Mexican steamship State of Mexico wns taking in powder and guns for the same destination. The great bone of contention, the Tehuantepee road, was still being discussed in Congress. They demand #2,000,000 for the right of way over the Isthmus. A passenger who conversed on the subject with the American consul at Vera Cruz, on the morning of the 7th instant, states that the mass of the lower orders of the Mexican people are opposed to the confirmation of the reliuantepec treaty in any form. Business was very dull at Vera Cruz and the city of Mexico. The case of Alderman Salomons came up incidentally on the night of the 4th inst., in the House of Lords, when Lord Derby said that it was the opinion of the government that if the alderman presented a petition respecting the grievances to which he was subjected after the legal decision against him, he would be fairly entitled to an act of indemnity. ' lb" 'f 1 II lilUIJiillll Mlfterfl lni| tut jr. Atlolbef split is threatened in the Constitutional Union partios of Georgia and Alabama, 1, the extent of which we have no means ofjudg- t ing. Candor compels us to say that we do not c believe the bulk of either of these parties to be I implicated in this movement, which is to send ? delegates to the Whig convention. v An article signed "it/any Voters" appears in 1 the Chronicle tf* Sentinel ofthe lfldi, and in the a Savannah Republican and in the Southern Re- ? carder of the 18th, respectively, calling on the 1 friends of Fjllmoke to send delegates to the s Whig convention to support his pretensions for e the Presidency. I The Southern Recorder goes in for the move- f 1 i. "1*7.. ? .. nf mi'rii. jl nnyn . o uniuiwb occ objection to this procedure." The Chronicle if- 1 Sentinel opposes it. The Savannah Republican a dodges it, one way or the other. These three are among the leading Constitutional Union p:t- * pers of the State. t Here is the proposition referred to : v "Perhaps it is now too late to call a State c convention of the friends of Mr. Fillmore to ap f point delegates, hut there is yet time to hold t Congressional district conventions, and each o Congressional district can appoint its own dele- n gation, to consist of one or more persons, as f may be thought proper. g It is proposed, then, that eacli Congressional v district appoint delegates to the convention at h Baltimore on the 10th of June next. There is a yet time to do it, if each district will move at s once, and call a convention. h To this course of the friends of Mr. Fillmore, a no one can properly object. They simply claim c the right which belongs to every freeman of our d country?the right to indicate whom they pre- 'I Fer as a candidate for the Presidency. It is pro il posed and intended that the dulcgate be sent in- ( jtructcd to vote for Fillmore and the eompro- tl mise measures, and if these be overslaughed in the convention, then to retire." s "Action."?Under this head the Mobile Ad- ? vertiser copies and comments upon an ar ielo n From tho Journal urging a representation of the * Whig party of Alabama in the Whig national H convention. n The Advertiser closes its comments with the following emphatic and gingerly announcement, f of which, let all Union men take due notice: 11 "This State will bk represented in the Whig ^ national convention. It is a "fixed fact," and a those who don't like it may let it alone, or scold 0 on, just as they pleuse." '' The small caps are its own. 1 We would just ask these very enthusiastic " l^i f r iusii) c.inou (liron mioilinna u Has Mr. Fillmoke ever recanted the Aboli- q iion doctrines of his Eric letter ? c, Did he not sign tiie fugitive slave law only ifler publicly and fortnully obtaining tho opinion p jf his Attorney General, as to its legality .' o What proofs has he ever given that he is a J, whit sounder on the slavery question than Gen. ?j Scott ? is ? a Baltimore Convention. tl Tho New York Post has prepared the follow- Cl ng table show ing the complexion of the different lelegates. We have examined it and find it ni ccurate, as far as it goes. Of course the com illations that have been and will be made, w urnish material for speculation. J1 "The names of all the delegates have not eached us, but enough is known to enable us o determine pretty accurately the complexion f the first ballot. Though it is probable that 81 o two persons who will be presented to the onvention have fewer chnnces of a nomination lan the two who will start with the highest umber of votes, yet it may be interesting to our p8 >aders to see how the States appear to stand af s ;cted towards the several candidates. We have w repared the following table with great care, nnd tr enture to predict that the vote in convention, V|1 n the first ballot, will not vary from it ten votes, ()f nless a certain bogus delegate, who professes jn > have authority to cast the vote of South re 'arolina, is admitted. The fact that he is un- _ erstood to have pledged himself to Douglas , .til rv/vKuVtlu rtvuvanf liSa nrlmiaainn SthnnM t .. 'Ill | -"J" l|l ie convention decide to receive him, 10 should e added to the Douglas vote, making it 36. ? J Ml bo >, ca d zj 0/1 5 o b: ? . . S ? S m % a J | & ?i' opacasahfsa' f ? ? S. .2 .2 cL .2 * ? | ? j s = a s s ? | s tlbama ? 9 trknnRna ? 2 2 l': California ? 1 2- 1 ^ Connecticut 3 3 ? c( Delaware 3 w Florida 3 el Jeorgin ? 10 ? * '' ndiana 13 Ilinois 11 w owa 2 ? 2 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? bi Kentucky 12 C( jouisiana 6 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 'n Maine 3 5 Maaa'setts. 7 ? 3 3 ? ? ? P Maryland 3 >n Michigan 6 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Mississippi ? ? 7 ? f" Missouri 3 3 3 M Ilam'ehire? ? 5 ? a' Mew York 14 21 BJ Mew Jersey 7 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? '' M. Carolina ? 9 1 ? ? ? Jhio 7 ? 2 ? 2 1 ? 11 "I 'ennsylv'a. ? 27 ? ? ? jj1 it. Islai d 4 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? " i. Carolina Not represented. li rVnnesseo 12 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? *-r r exns ? ? ? ? ? 4 ? ? ? ? 0 Vermont 3 ? 2 ?J Virginia ? 15 ? " kViaconsin 3 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 2 a p Total 91 7(> 28 24 24 14 13 II 5 2 ? Whole number of votes 288 <r Necessary for a nomination 192 jj Geh. Butlf.r?Col. Humphrey Marshall, in 8 me of his recent speeches in Congress, speaks P n the following generous Rtrain of Col. Wil- "| inm O. Butler, a political opponent. (I "Though General Butler is ray constituent, a *nd therefore, entitled to my attention upon ll proper occasions, I recognise the fact that tiis t< interests are in hands more competent than a mine to do them justice before the tribunal of Democratic opinion. I will remark, however, p that a long acquaintance with William () Butler f< mables me to say of him?and it aftbrds me h pleasure thus publicly to say?I never have en- p tertained the idea for a moment that he would r? >e a tame and quiet tool in the hands of any set U if men. I have never heard dissimulation at- ci tributed to him by political foes or personal w ?nemies. I believe him to be a manly, straight si forward and honornbl character, conspicuous for r< the purity of his private life, and his fidelity to ' p< svery observance of a personal honor, which is g' lot only unstained by reproac h, but above bus j di jicion. Whatever political opinions he may m ntertain, I cannot doubt the sincerity with in vhich he maintains |'hero or the candor with ai vhich he always expresses them, for though we t! ire political adversaries, separated by opinions . tl vhich are irreconcilable, I must say, that f do o| tot believe any office could present a prize b; efficiently precious and tempting to compen- ri, ate Wm. O. Butler to atoop to deliberate de- j ta eit. I waa not surprised to aee hia letter, but j alcnlated upon something from his pen which w vould state his true position." I fi' rf-'T" r r^ lltlfirili iM lUtfcrf. I The.bill which has passed the California legU- I aturejn relation to fugitive slaves, provides for ' he surrender, to their oiiginal masters, of all | olored people in California, who were slaves ' < >efore they were brought into California, thus I < iitually repudiating the doctrine that California ,1 vu as free teriitory by virtue of its old Mexican j aw, and that slaves could not be held there to ervice after the conquest. Mr. Van Buren, s ! neiuber of the legislature, who figured in New i fork at the last Presidential election, us a freeoiler, voted for it; while Mr. Broderick, fornerly a New York hunker, bitterly opposed its lassage. It is said there are no sluvea in Caliornia to which the hill will be applicable. The Sun Francisco correspondent of the N. fork Herald under date of April 18th, writes 1 s follows: The intelligence which this steamer will con- ( ey, will be two weeks later, provided the funderbill line do not anticipate it; but within he two weeks that have elapsed, since I last rrote, nothing of striking importance has ocurred, although much has transpired which nf. j nrds room for thought and consideration. In his connection 1 may refer to the final pussage ' fthe slave bill in this State. This is not, as ( light be supposed, an endorsement of the | ugitive slave bill, or of the compromise measures enerally, but an act referring to slaves which, rere brought into the country by their masters. >efore the adoption ot the present constitution j nd at a lime when it was undetermined whether lavery would be tolerated in California. Tiiis I aw provides that within one year after its pass- I ge the owners of slaves shall have the privilege j if removing them from the State ; if they do not | o so within that time, the slaves to be free, ""his measure was violently opposed by theabollionists, of whom there are a great many in California, but it passed nevertheless and is now lie law of the State. C This leads to the necessity of referiing to the i lavery question in another form. Kvery steam- | r that arrrives here, brings to California more | r less slaves from the Southern States; and if t he importation of this species of property ( honld continue in the same way for a few <, lonllis to come, a lares addition will he. made _ [> the slaveholding interest of California, snfti- t ient, perhaps, to counterbalance the nnti alavery i lterest. It' thiH should be the case, the State t i.aunioniatc?those person* who are in favor of i division of the State into Northern und South- ? rn California?will succeed in their enterprise; c lit not until then. There is no agitation on a lie subject as intonse, and marked by as much u eerbily and bitterness as nny agitation on the n rune subject that ever took place in the United Itates. A* it is, there nre two parties on this e uestion of slavery hore as elsewhere; but no t ontest has yet taken plneo between them. The u imp, however, is not far distant when this sub- o jet will, of itself, be the dividing lino between ii oliiical parties. The result will be a division Ii f the State, and the incorporation of Southern California as slave territory. Now 'ih the time I; ir philosopher Greeley to blow the trumpet p 'he Philistines will soon be upon him, and he n i expected to, at nil events, make an effort to t vert the calamity witli which California is t ireatened. He might, perhaps, make some a ipital for his friend Seward out of the matter, s The Seward organ enuffj danger in this 1 lovement,and thus alludes to it; c California a Slave State.?The article |, Inch we publish to day under this head, forms 0 strange chapter in the history of the times, f, he action of the legmlature practically rtcog- j, zee the existence of slavery anterior to the rj loption of the State constitution. The discus p on will he found of unusual interest. ,s: For the Soulhern Prta, ^ den. Joseph Lane.?Ills Services. The writer of this article has just seen n imphlet purporting to be a biography of Jo- [( ph Lane, in which the author, commencing ill. t ha t.aflvifit nf hia "J """J"-, L.. nee down minutely and definitely til! tin* |v ried and valuable services of this gallant old ^ fieer. This pamphlet, although strictly clear point of facts, is sadly deficient in all those . quisUes which make a history worth rending ', the dates and occurrences nre all briefly and uly quoted, whilst everything relating to mo- ^ re, reason or result, is most carefully avoided. I comprehend fully the injustice of permitting * brave and good man to 6utl'er from such omis one, and it having been my good fortune to rry n sabre under the General in several of his *j lions, I thus endeavor to repair this uninten- ^ onal wrong. ^ But three officers of the United States army rer enjoyed the privilege of commanding in a ir stand-up struggle with the Mexican general. (| anta Anna. These were Taylor, Scott and ane- . . in In the action at Ilucna Vista, the first at which ^ 10 President commanded in person, Brigadier ^ eneral Lane opened the battle with his own ^ iramand ; and the action at Huamantla, which as the last in which Santa Anna was personally lgaged, was planned and fought entirely under y le ordersand superintendence of Gen. Lane. It is( upon this action at Huamantla, that I ^ ish more particularly to dwell, conscious that t( it very few persons in the country have any t| inception of its brilliant character and most iportant results. P Up to the pericd of General Lane's arrival at erote, the Mexican general, although defeated j every action, had still n considerable force at rf s disposal, and was most untiring in bis ef- ^ irts to impede the progress of the conquest. ^ urirg his investment of the American garrison , Puebla, he commanded eight thou and men, id the almost daily despatches from Colonel ^ hilds to Colonel VVynkoop, proved how terri- ^ ly effective fiis unceasing attacks had been | pon that small hut devoted body. It was at this ^ incturc when the besieged, weakened by a large ^ st of killed and wounded, and straitened bv ^ ib absence of provisions were at the last ex- ^ emity, that General Lane arrived at the Castle f Perote. liere, being informed of the peril- ( us situation of the garrison, at the earnest so- (j citation of tin ir commander, he took with him (| II the troops which could lie spared from that oint, and, leaving tiis disabled and siek behind (i( im, stretched out rapidly on the Camina Real 1 the direction of Puebla. Having arrived at le hacienda of S ir. Isidro, about 25 miles from uebla, he halted on the afternoon of October j tli, and put his men in camp. The celebrated t ass of Pinal was in advance of liitn a distance _ f 14 miles, and from information received on ae road lie had every reason to expect the enely at that point. Immediately upon his arrival j t this place he sent out his scouts to ascertain ( le whereabouts of Santa Anna, nnd superin nded the preparations for an action, which, with II of ns, was understood to be inevitable. liarly the next morning (Oct. 9) the General ^ lit his troops in drill, and made his dispositions >r the coming strugglo. During the night he ^ nd learned that Santa Anna was not at the ass, but had moved back towards him, upon a ^ aad leading directly from the Vcnta del Pinal ^ ) Huamantla. Me also learned that a consid ruble force, with scvernl pieces of artillery, ere stationed at the latter place; and with a ^ igacity which proved his wisdom, ho had nl ady resolved upon attacking Huamantla, ex- | ecting certainly to draw Santa Anna into a j oneral action. The result was wholly as he I csired. At the first demonstration upon Ilua-1 laotla, Santa Anna left his position, which wnal i a village about three miles from San Isidro, | ^ ad hastened, with his whole force, to possess | P le town before our troops could reach it. In j ^ lis attempt he was foiled, and the nction, first! j liened by Walker, being carried on vigorously ! " y Gorman on the left, and Wynkoop on the! glit, aoon resulted in the complete and precipite retreat of hia whole force towards Tlascala. | j Thus, without enumerating detailed cvent?,'v| as the battle of Huamantla commenced and! . rished, and now for the result. It wna the last uitls Bantu Anna fought against tittr republic-*- i rrom the hour of his defeat by Lane he never attered another order to hia troop*. The morale t sf hia command was gone?the old prestige | liad departed ; it seemed aa though (he man i who had first Hung back upon him hi? insolent cohorts At Buenu Vista, was thus reserved for the \ glorious task of totally destroying him. His I officers and men huving lost faith, deserted hinn | and in six days after this most memorable action, < with a meagre body guard of ]50 men, he went ( into voluntary exile at Tehuacan. It was, i therefore, the crowning battle of the war ; and < the credit of all the important results springing > from it, belongs to, and ought to be enjoyed by I Brigadier General Joseph Line. i Of what avail ia it to chronicle brave deed* in t the abstract? Actions in themselves gallant ' are only valued by their consequence*. To light a battle successfully is one thing, bat to I produce a result conducing to the great object t of the war?declaration, is another. The battle of Huamantla was then the closing scene of c the great drama; and when the curtain fell t upon that struggle, the spirit of hostility de- * parted with the exit of its principal actor. I I am attached to J >seph Lane by strong feel- f ings of respectful affection. Apart from his I diivalric gallunt'rv.and almost desperate courage, t [ love the individual man. I honor the earnest ? patriotism?single hearted integrity, and modest c iffibility of the gentleman?whilst I admire the I inund intellect, strong judgment, and fervent c heart of the statesman. M. i t A Northern View of Southern Duties. f The following interesting letter has been c landed us by a leading member of the State 8 Itights party. It was written to him by a gen.Icrnan who formerly tilled a high public posi r ,ion, was a leading member of Congress, but r ins retired from public life. 11 Fur the Southern Press. ' Ohio, April, 1852. Sin :?What I am going to offer for your o mnsideration, and that of the whole delegation h n Congress from the slave labor States, is this : a I' the faclionista should ultimately succeed in u ircaking through the late compromise measure ii hrough the action of a majority in Congress, and is| it certain that they may not?thirst for ti ilTice is so rife?) what position, in that case, si hould the delegation from the slave States e nkc and determine to maintain, in juutico to ir lie. Union and tlieir States'? VVIiat I Hin going L o offer for the reflection of Southern gentlemen n n the premises, shall he intended only as defer- ft ntial suggestions. To make myself lightly o inderstood though, I must go into merits thai rt omo might perhaps think, should not be stirred n ip this day. We know that it is easy to com- A nent on dilficulties that we h ive not been en p ;aged in ; studying the errors of the past, how- ir ver, enables us to improve and profit in the fu ure; at the same time, what may be an error d inder some circumstances may not be so under hi ithers, unless where fundamental principle is di nvolved, in which case, error leads, more or m p.sh, to deleterious results. si It is unfortunate that the posture of the slave U nbor States is, and has been for some time (I >ast, rather an anomalous one; they are not. tli lor have been, true to themselves. And how ar hoy shall get into a deeifedly elevated attitude tfi hat may not be assailed with impunity, get into m condition that will give them due sound ra trength in their interunional relations, is the te uextion. I have long felt satisfied in my mind ol hat the integrity of the Union?the chief se- ol urity towards conserving the prosperity and te appiness of the American people?depended di 11 the slave labor States, asserting their rights qi rom a stronger posilion than a merely defens- at re one; from a position solidly utilitarian, and st ightly political, as 1 will explain. And in this ftoint of view, it iB incumbent on the Southern ca ll In!., f... 'vutoo ?u oui.hi.mhi aaw I??i 4 ICOlUUIlt ur III 'ice President, but such as will honestly con- dr true the Constitution literally as it is, and pi mintain the equal rights of ;he States and their m eople in uud to the territory in their full lati- Je ide, without proviso or reserve, or other aa bi Jtnptive schemery whatever. lo There is no in'elligent honest hearted man wi ut will acknowledge that the slave labor if lutes have been, of late years, incessantly per ah icuted and wronged by factions and unprim i ha led politicians of the other States, interfering, an ithout a particle of right or cause whatever, th ith their slave labor polity, moved in general sp y gross venal motive; and consequently, the in empathies and best efforts of all honorable gc utriotic men are with them?the slave States,? A >r securing justice. And in this there is no tic pecial merit; it is only acting out the fealty of tat all United States allegiants owe to the 'nion, observing their duty to the Constitu- th on. pr One advantage (explaining a "position solidly C lilitarian,") the Southern States possess over ra re others, and that is, a superiority of climate b< nd commercial situation ; and since I have been pi squninted with Southern gentlemen, I have d:i een endeavoring to impress on their attontion g< ie importance of carrying this advantage into ht ill use ; and that if they would do so, it would v? mder them far superior in prosperity and pow- lit r to the other States. Climite enables the ol oulh to grow all products that the North does, b< ud to grow all important products that the ra lorth in its climate cannot?Cotton, sugar, rice, H a, coffee in Florida, various fruits, &e. Among ba ie cotton fields, cotton manufactures are in iri rogress, working up the raw mnteriul where it el i raised?one great step this, through which w ou will become above competition in cheap- m ess of cotton fabrics. Next: cover your whole u< inge of mountain hills on front Virginia to ar reorgia inclusive with Hocks of sheep; and er gain, as in cotton, establishing woolen facto, oc es by the side of the cheaper raw material, ou will become above competition in cheap- pr es of woolens. Through mildness of climate th iroughoul the year among those mountain gi ills, you can grow wool from three to four m mcs as cheap as it can bo done in the oilier pi tates with their long hard winters and hot p< jDitners. In the North and Northwestern States th ie keeping of a sheep is ?1 50 a year, while o< long the mountain hills of Georgia some 25 iz ents a year. This is ascertained from inves- ti< gation of the subject. What a glorious fu- Vd ire! If you will only will it through energetic pi nterpri-e and industrialism, and well determin- lit 1, stern position on constitutional principle ! sa Lot me say to the South, and with all defer- in nee, inquire into, develop, and bring into action th our inherents and resources in ali their capa- ai ilitios. Go into general agriculture, and into ui noe wun me woria aireoi irom your own ports; tc arture into full existence that all-reaching nrm, pt merchant marine ; cotton manufactures you (t re extending ; get into nil others for which you to ave raw material; and will not the high circum- pn Lances, as noted, of domostic economy, carried pt )to full progressive effect, [dace you In an at- at lude defiant to all the spurious interferences, ot trough false issues of the nnti-coiistilutional B ictions that have been shamelessly engendered nc i the non sUve States? I have always, as has pi een aaid, been enforcing propositions of this b< tititarian nature on the minds of Southern genemon; will they not he thus practically,solidly in ue to themselves ? And would not such an co rder of results among the States do much to- as mrds more intimately fraternizing them, e: eh i be Hate using its local resources to full effect, of ?rrying out the aggregate prosperity of the i pc 'hole in union ? dn It may be surmised perhaps,.why 1 evince | VY ach intorest in the welfare of the South. Why,; St ly sense of universal right in all justice is with cu nu, seeing how ungenerously you have been ! in ersecuted and wronged, how unjustly you have j ha een treated by venal statesmen and reckless] "1 ictionists in the other States; and believing j tit so, that a series of persistence in this course ' pr f bad faith to the linionnl compact, and viola- ] ? on of the Constitution, must ultimately die-! 1st lpt the Union. Hence my anxiety that you | re loiild, by bringing into action your vast ad- un mtnges of all producing climate, and cummer- rij si locality embracing the gulf of Mexico, ole- j ha mmmmmmmmmrn rate yonratdvea Mbova tfcp unhallowed clrcom itastes, and in 4lih consequent superiority of in .rinsic strength preserve ti e Union and perjetuate rational liberty. Thus, it niay be iv erred, you hold the Union in your hand. The * right political position," as noted, I will with all deference endeavor to explain. But ? tkw. ..J (lw. Q.-A,.- ? ?J iw ? IMO givuuu uk; oi4??o uwico i?Vt U yty | ll f 1U j re pa re the determined stand they must take in a?e the late compromise should prove a nullity, [the whole circumstance then becoming resolved nto u momentous question of Union,) will require some expositions of bygone events that nany might think, as suggested, should not be ;ouched at this day. Nevertheless, as before aid, " studying the errors of the pa t enables us .0 improve and profit in the future," and in this ipirit and purpose the past will be investigated Mr. Jefferson was justly and earnestly in the learts of the American people, his judgment md patriotism deservedly confided in, his public lervices eminent. He committed two serious >rrors, however, in declarations, as bearing upon lie interuni'il relations of the United States; ind results arising partly out of these errors lave been, in some degree, pernicious to the >eace and harmony and fraternal concord of the ( Jnion. One was, "all men nre created equal": | he other, an unofficial one, "slavery is a great ivil." The first declaration may be termed a , Merely socialistic postulate, and the other can , e only in a measureable sense?in human cir ( umstanco measurable in good, and mensurable , n evil. In a unional point of view, neither of | hem should have been presented to the country; | or bo'.h were inimical to the genius of, and in , onsistent with, its condition : and the revered | age of the revolution certainly had not weighed j lelibcrntely the consequences in futuro, nor ex- , mined sufficiently into lite intrinsic qualities, j ightnes", or fitness of the declarations. In . eference to our unional relations, both were ( listakca of magnitude: and to these, and a | rimary wrong in the Constitution, that will be ( xplaiued, we may mainly attribute the unional ? onvulaions of some years past. No allegiant , f the United States who does not use slave j ibor, lias a particle of light to question, union t lly, slave circumstance : it is in such light an ^ ngracious, it might ho said, insulting, usBump- (| ion outside of the Constitution. ' j It may be conveuiout, and craftily politic, as icy may tliii k, for nations that do not use H lave labor directly (although they may l>e exrcisiug it most oppressively in various ways, ( idirectly) to reprobate it; but it is certainly, ^ 'nionally, unjust and unwise, for States that do ot use it?as portions of a coalition of States a >r neuor acrence ana protection una currying ^ n of free government, to abuee, revile, pass (solutions ugninat .slavery, and violate the rights t'other States of the Union that do use it. ( ,nd it ie evident, as the noonday sun, that a v Braistent series of such conduct must eventuate i disunion. ^ "All men are created equal." This item in the -l( eclaration has been seized on and used, as we a live experienced, as an unavailable by the Union t istracling devotees. How careful should eini- j ent public men in our republic he of what they ^ ly and do, propelling more or less good or evil ^ > the c?m try. " All men are created equal." u low may this declaration be designated.? Allough emanating from the mind of the great ? ige of the revolution, can it be termed other lan a mere proposition ? It is to be believed it j esnt simply that men were born equal in natu- ^ il rights, intended too as a contradistinctive f stimony against the inequality of rights in the d world?not intended as an axiom ; far |( herwise, it deceives the ear into a single de- t( rmination, when it. really comprises an in. finite variety of circumstance and organic lalities. He this as it may, it has been catclud by demagogues, factionists, and slave circumance agitators, and carried into insidious ef c ct among the people; and although every ' ndld mind is sensible that the African races ^ the United States were not considered in the J (duration, yet the agita'ors and their partizans |f rtinaciously pretend that the " created equal" ust cover all. As to slave labor polity, Air. iffjrson spoke as in his wisdom he believed; it what it is or is not, what for or against, every ynl United States citizen will pronounce?is t| holly and solely the affair of the States that t| ie it, their own consideration exclusively, j( iove unional question. Federal legislator* ,ve no right to question, in any sense, under y pretext whatever, on the ttoorsof Congress, e qualities of slave labor polity, or other ecies of servitude that States' sovereignties p their own right, may choose to apply to, in t| iverning their own concerns, in their own way. ny such questioning is plainly a gross asauuip>n, an intolerable outrage on the equal rights ^ the StateB. jt To every intelligent mind that will investigate o matter dispassionately, the three fifth comomise of the slave labor representation in the )' onstilution will prove itself an unfortunate ^ dicil wrong; and it is a pity thst it had not o ten avoided. It, and the declarations, as <x- |( ained, Inve, in a great measure,been tho foun- ^ ition encouragement to tint offlcistie, derna- j igue, and non slavery craft and labors that | ive been increasing in value during the late >ars of the republic. For although the three"tli compromise was a concession on the part ^ ' slaveholders towards forming a Union, it has ten pretended hy design, and viewed by ignonee, as being a weakness of right. No, the n ouse of Representatives should have been ised on the entire population of euch State, aj respective of slave labor polity; anything t[ Be was a falling from the true position by those housed slave labo-; the three-fifth coinproise was unequal in compact, unequal in rights, ^ icqual in results, infracted a supreme principle, t| id wo experience tho consequences of this ror and others, in unioiml degradation and ^ nvulsion. R The House < f Representatives is based on, ^ oportioi ed from, the populate capacities of ^ o States, for it originates the taxes?the ivest piiwer of the government. The taxes ^ ust be derived from labor, measured by the t|. ipu'ate capacities of the States, be the labor >Iity of the population what it may?hence, y( e I Ion jo of Representatives speaks the labor c( the States in their populate capacities, real ^ ing a true equal rights principle in an aesocia- c( in of States for carrying on free government. ^ /lint a mistake! that this fundamental princi- m e should have been infracted bv the three- fl| ih compromise in the Constitution! What a ,| crifice of weight in the government (at this ^ oment a loss of some 1J representatives) on ^ e part of the States wherein slave labor is constitu ent of their domestic economy ! How R( lgratofully loo, the sacrifice has been apprccin- jj d! If there were nt this day n sufficiency of a| ihlic virtue, of unaffected patriotism present, w nuroming penns to the Union, while faithless ^ the Constitution?the exponent of the com jj, ici, ih 100 glaringly incnngrucni to inspire a t(] irticle of confidence) the inequality would be c( ruck from tlie Constitution, and the principle ^ populate represi ntation become integral ut alas! public virtue is fast verging into a 'gi.tive. Vet, it is to be hoped when the peoe come to understand the causes, wrong will > corrected into right. Slavery might have been matter of discussion a State, but should have had no place in a invention of delegates from soveceign States, ^ semb'ed to form a confederation or Union for of tter defense and protection, and belter unity g| free government. What had slave labor lity, or other industrial polity of any State to ^ i with the proceedings of anoh a convention? ^ rhat a mistake, too, for hereafter ! sovereign j ales agreeing or submitting, under any cir- ^ instances, to n foreign questioning of their nf lernal polity or. concerns ! How experience j s exemplified the mistake! And further: n order to form a more perfect Union," (as u introduction to the Constitution says) com- ^ omising a vital principle of eoalescive rights ^ that of the States, in the co ordinate pipu- . e estate of the government being equally | presented in their population capacities; thus lequslizing, fracturing the basis?the equal ' jhts of the States, on wliich Ihe edifice would 8 ve to rest. an an -1 r i ii v li it rather to bo Kffmttsd, too, that th*4tafc?f when forming tba Constitution, agreed for the preamble to that inetnunaot to declare?" We, the people," for it founded an axenae for ronaot idation advocates to work into feetiono purpose when they might ehooee. We, tha Mti1?a. end their people would have bean the more appropriate reading, aa in conaonanee with the genius of the Conatitution?the State* in their sovereign capacities being represented in the Senate, and in their populate capacities represented in the House. It cannot be pretended but that tba threefifth compromise was plainly unjuat to the^ave labor States. And 1 cannot help thinking, tha^ if thia partial item in the rationale of a free ' government Constitution had been rightly understood in its innate wrong, in ita misleading tendencies as an exemplar or precedent in the body politic, the fathers?the great and good men who established our liberties, would nave formed a Constitution void of the unequal rights infraction. We have had the Missouri compromise?an assumption by Congress outside of the Constitution ; the tariff compromise?broken up and dissipated m ithmit remorse; and the isle compromise to quiet Unions! distraction?bow fur to he abided by, is to be seen. We know that intrepid spirits, wise and good men, issued the Declaration of Independence and formed the Constitution ; and no one feels more deep veneration and reverence for the memories of these sages of the revolution, | ;h rough whoso labors the liberties we enjoy, isve been achieved, than the writer; withal, it may be considered as trending too freely on lallowcd ground offering the foregoing remajjts. Let it be repeated, however,that, "studying the trrors of the past, enables to improve and profit n the future." And in this reference base some mirtieulars in the. formation of the government >een dwelt 011, and also as?considering the hree-fith compromise sacrifice to effect the act >f Union by those who used slave labor?an iggravatinn of the ingratitude, sinister purpose, md faithlessness in their duty to the Union and tn Constitution, of those who would outrage he rights and independence of their fellow eiti:eiis through the medium of false issues?such s Wilroot proviso, free soil, higher law, die. 'actionisms thus devised to subserve thirst for tower, place, and aggrandizement, misleading ,nd distracting the people to the ultimate de~ traction of the Union, and with that calamity, he death of free government. " The greater he man the greater the crime." So '* ith statesnen who dispoue themselves to wound the com titutional rights of the constituents of the Jnional government?the States and their peoile. Ai<k?..~k 4i? ?k era ? :? -- ? x^.1 hiii vnc uuuc-iiiiii uviijprvuiiio 111 if 19 Constitution operates an increasing ratio of vrong to the slave labor Statqs, they will, of ourse, as they have ever done, faithfully abide >y, maintain, and cheriaii it?the Constitution, n all its provisions to the very letter; hoping, t the same time, that the other States,or rather hose in them who have forgot, or been derelict ii their duties as United States allegiants, will lecome so far enlightened as to reform into heir duties honestly and faithfully, and will iltimately, in a true orthodox spirit of Union >rinciple, be willing to strike the three-fifth unqual lights gangrene from the Constitution. But it must be confessed, however, that this ! ) barely a hope, with but little encouraging uta for its support; for when we look back roin results to their causes, what do we pereive? That from the most prominent to the jost prominent of those who have interfered? ) the distraction of the Union, in misleading nd deceiving the people?with the fundamental, fl onstitutional rights of the Stales and their peole, all are directly or indirectly involved in ofcisin pursuit or project. Whence is the politinl honesty of such men? there is not a particle resent. Tlicy will tell you it is public opinion: * es, there may be somewhat of it so, after the ariously interested have manufactured it, mis>d honest, well-meaning people into the slough f their vernul purposes. Withal, public opinin is rarely a "fixed fact" now a days: and I ven if it were at any time so, it could not govrn the Constitution, the Constitution being for le whole?the defender, guide, and security of ' le whole; and public opinion?a principle durig " the days th it tried men's souls," now mors r less a vagrant, this to day and that to-morrow. * ,nok at all who agitate and torment the Union, ow the county commissioner through the whole inge of- oflice, State and Unions!, up to the' resident?and they want office, power over leir fellow men. I hnvo nurtured on these observations to rove a warrantable propriety behind the necesity and jus.ness themselves, for the delegation r i Congress from the slave labor States taking higher attitude than a merely defensive one, gHinat slavery discussion, if attempted again to 1 n intruded into Congross in any phase or un- I er any pretext whatever?Wilmot proviso or ? ther factious assumption. Therefore, slave 1 ibor circumstance, if offered in question in any < -ay on the floors of Congress, should be de- I rminod by the members from slavo States as 1 hove debate, not to be touched, slave labor t niiiu .... :..i ? u>m,s mi iiiucivii<. ii^ni in ii oiaii1, no It lore to bo questioned thnn the being of tho I late itudf, or the equal rights of the Stntea in- ^ ic Unional territory owned by them in com- X 1 ion. And this rightful position will (let aber- 1 ition from constitutional rectitude be glazed 1 ver as it may) be firmly supported in minds of W njjlo purpose, as Unional constitutional rights, I nth, and justice. I It is evident that nothing can save, continue ii le Union, but the rights of the States being 5M i'pt religiously inviolate; and it is plain also, |1 int that depends on the slave labor States . v aintaining their rights unanimously. There- ' r ire, should a constitution-do ecrating majority I' ise in Congress at any time hereafter, pass r irough the Constitution as a rope of sand, as - |" is been done too often with impunity, (tho J* eaturo thus defying itR creator,) let the tnein?rs from the slave labor Slates, having constiitional right with them and being the alticked ill irly, from thence forward neither speak nor $1 >te on any proportion that invohes slave cir- IJ lmst^nee; thus, letting those who perpetrate Wl le outrage on State rights, on the Unional J impact, on the Constitution, take the respon- If hility?and I solemnly believe that the great f'J ass of the American people will enfore Union- * justice. At all events, the delegation from ic slave labor States will have acted rightly? h ?en true to their States, the Union, and the jl onstitntion. |p Let the Southern States be true to themlives, and thus true to the Union?be imparnl and firm in exacting iheir Unional rights, t id all honest politicians in the other States ' ill be fearlessly with them innHart and action. j nd I do feel sanguine that, if the Southern 1? jlegation in Congress will, at all times in In- R ire, rigidly determine justice to the Union, and *j msequent justice to their Stntcs, through the | I *0) course that has been suggested, they will f I irnlyze at once any attempts to interfere with i B cir rights?primary or Unionnl. i| B Most respectfully, i B The Baltimore Sun says: I B Tiik Southern Trade Meeting.?We ic- I B rred, a few dnys ago, to a movement which is j B 1 foot here among the merchants and traders of I B altiinore, for holding a public meeting with reence to the promotion of the city's trade with H e Southern States, and which was to be adessed hy several prominent Southern mem rs of Congress. It was then designed that e meeting should be held on Saturday after B 'on next., at the Exchange ; but in view of the 1 terest now excited in the several political conn'ions, State and national, about assembling this city, it has been deemed advisable that e Southern trade meeting be postponed until :er all these have been held. In the meantime ^B e arrangements will be more folly perfected ^B erefor, and when Baltimore shall finally have ^B ipensed the rites of hospitality to all who shall ^B end the conventions of either party, the time , ^B d place may be determined for thia business } ^B commercial gathering.