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pr -? .-w.-'inw SOUTHERN PRESS. ' WASHINGTON CITY. THURSDAY, MAY U7, 18M. Mr. Israel H. James, <4 Philadelphia, Mr. C. W. James, of Cincinnati, and Mr. IIknky 51. Lewis, of Montgomery, Alabama, and their assihlauta, are our only travelling agents for collection*. fff~ Through a mistake of the compositor we were made to aay in yeaterday'a paper that we had had an accession of "one " subscriber. It should have been printed sixteen, that being the number of new ones received by one mail. The Democratic Review for April has just reached us. The publisher apologizes for the delay, promises the May number in ten days, and hopes to be more punctual hereafter. We have only had time to glance at the articles, and therefore cannot pronounce judgment upon its merits?but it is as slashing and as spicy as usual, judging from the portions thai fell under our eye. The Review still wages implacable war on " the Old Fogies," and gives no quarter to Cass. Butler and Maiicy, inside?and Cave Johnson on the cover. The likeness of Mr. Marshall, of California, adorns the number; it is a very good one. His speech forms the theme of the leading article. The editor, as apropos to the portrait, discourses largely on the theory of capillary attraction. We shall read and review this number at an early day. Whatever faults the Review may have, it is not dull, and repays reading?which is more than can he truly said of some Democratic organs. Whose Organ In IIT or a Budget of Blunders. The course of the pretended organ of the Democracy in this city is utterly unaccountable. Its bigotry and blindness amount almost to insanity. With harmony on its lips and hatred at its heart,it persists in tearing open the wounds inflicted on the party by the Comproiniso conflict, and revives the invidious distinctions and unpleasant memories which, it was hoped, would not be revived under its new direction. Why such gratuitous assaults as this this on the men whom it pretends to desire to propitiate 1 Why, at this hour, renew its old game of decrying the State Rights Democrats, and interfering in the local differences of the Democracy, to their prejudice. Thus speaks the Union: " The sentiment which acquiesces in the Compromise as a bar to sectional agitation is stronger than any man. Does any one doubt it? Let him look about him ; let him look to the people ; let hitn examine the records if every popular contest which has taken place within the last twelve months, and see how almost universally those who have avowed themselves in favor of the polwy of pacification, conciliation, and cession of agitation, have been carried triumphantly through trie canvass oy virtue oj ate intrinsic men: una innate strength of that side of the controversy which they had maintained. The compromise i the imbodimentof this great pacificatory policy; it is founded upon and embraces those cardinal principles which rest secure in the support of universal popular sentiment, which in one person or another are avowed and will be asserted by the entire Democratic party." If the Union really desires a re-organization of the Democratic parly, irrespective of the triumph of a particular man and his clique, its fatuity, in making such invidious comparisons, is unparalelled. But, bad as this is, it is not the worst spu^jp men of blundering perpetrated by yesterday's organ, which, as the convention approaches, seems in its anxiety to go "clean daft." Not content with firing into the ranks of the Democratic party, the Union gives aid and comfort to the enemy, by a most glowin eulogium and emphatic endorsement of two out of the only three Whig candidates. The aid and countenance which it gave to the administration last summei was notorious, and a cause of just omplaint with its own party, one of the causes of its "decline and fall " to its present state. Yet, at this most critical crisis, it repeats the same folly, and thus ienas 118 BirtHigMi tu uic ouun^ uiuvuuiuui. ?u? making at the South to oppose the Democratic candidate there by Fillmore or Webster. Hear the Democratic organ, pealing out anthems in glorification of Mr. Webster and Mr. Fillmore! in higher etrains than even his own especial organ?the coalition friend of the Union?dare do: "These leaders and champions in the Whig ranks?both, either by position or character, eminently representative men?have been ruth leaaly atruck down by the fell demon of Whig anti-slavery agitation ! Precisely the same opportnnity, and the same course of action upon the sectional questions?which, if they had been Northern Democrats, instead of being Whigs? if they had been right, instead of being irretrievably in the wrong in their ideas of general public policy?would have commended them to neuT favor and power in the Democratic ranks ?have now sealed their doom in the Whig organization. It has cast them out without scruple, regret, or mercy, because, and simply be cause, they had dared to rebuke its sectionalism. Their condemnation by their own party has been only the more summary and sweeping by reason of the fact that their own past history had identified them with that sectionalism. Their newborn nationality on the sectional issues was a tergiversation. It was more?it was a bolt from the principles and policy of the Whig organization. That organization, true to its sectional history, instincts, and lead, has held on its course, and has crushed them both beneath its juggernaut wheels ! "Behold the fearful completeness and strin gency of this penal proceeding?say rnther of this political murder?on the purt of the North rn Whigs'. The whole Whig South has interposed its protest in vain. For the first time in ?ur Dolitical nnnnU. tl>? ...Wl.;,. ....-t? fouiftsen Southern States has lifted up its hundH in prayers that have now swelled into impreca tions, to beg or to demand from the Whig party of the North pardon or reprieve for the only two conspicuous Northern Whig men who have dared apparently to turn a deaf ear to the clamore of Whig anti-slavery agitation orgmi/.ing new onslaughts on the institutions and intereats of the South ! By the Whigs of the North the protest and the prayer have been heard and scorned ! In speaking out, however, guardedly and ineffectually, against the sectional prejudice and passion of their party, Mr. Fillmore spoke from the pedestal of the Presidential chair in which that very sectionalism had aided to place him, and Mr. Webater spoke from the higher pedestal of a life-long warfare waged through good report and evil report, through bright days and dark days, in the Whig cause. But in the tern judgment of the Northern Whig organization even such speech in favor of the 8outh was treason against partisan allegiance and desertion from the partisan standard; ami from af?r and at an early day the rulers of that organization discerned and seized in the victorious sword of General Scott the only fit weapon of their vengeance on these two towering but devoted header Now, suppose, (which isjnot impossible) Uiat '""^y "IWBWjgWWMr*"- W WMMWI ' +* \ f.% v, > either of these two gentlemen should, through the new and powerful elforts making at the South in their favor, and the unexpected influx of delegates from Hint quarter?suppose, we say, that Fillmore or Webster should bo the Whig nominee? What then would be the posi Hon of the organ ? what that of the party that should acknowledge its authority to represent them ? This testimony, from a supposed politi cal enemy, will do more to swell the breeze at the South, in favor of these two " leaders and champions in the Whig ranks," than anything j emanating from a friendly source. Since Doqbehkv insisted on being " written down," we have seen nothing on the VV ashington boards equal to this expose. We venture the assertion that no Whig paper at the South will fail to reproduce it; and from the material employed in the movement there, the chances of these gentlemen are not to be despised. One of the best informed, as well as the most insolent supporters of Gen. Scott, the " Independent" correspondent of the Philadelphia North American, in his last letter shows unmistakeable evidences of fear at the movement of the Southern Whige. For the first lime he admits that thero is something in the movement, and ciphers up the chances of Mr. Fillmore to within twentythree votes of a nomination. 'Ion,' the astute correspondent of the Baltimore Sun in yesterdays letter, makes the following strong showing for him : "Without South Carolina, 145 constitutes a majority of all the electoral votes, of which the South, exclusive of Delaware, east 111. Add to this number, 13 from Massachusetts, 5 from Vermont, 1 from Maine, 3 from Ohio, 2 from Pennsylvania, 3 from Michigan, 3 from Wisconsin, 2 in Rhode Island and 2 in Connect icut, and it is apparent that, even without New York, Webster und Fillmore conjointly, can control the Whig nomination for President. Let the _ < ? A i ? i vv UlgH oi uuor^ui, /iiuuuiiju miu in iaonni j?pi join the administration Whigs in Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky and Tennessee, and it will bn difficult for the friends of General Scott to effect a lodgment in the South. The few Whigs in the South who have joined the Scott movement are merely actuated by the belief that Gen. Scott is the most available man. That, however, is an optical delusion which the events of the coining week may dispel. The Scott Whigs must not begin to count their chickens till the Democratic convention has adjourned sine die.'''' Further to expose tho suicidal character of this endorsement, and how far the Union is duped or duping in its allegations about the irreconcilable character of the differences in the Whig party, we subjoin Whig rebutting testimony. Even the President's own special domestic organ, tho Albany Register, emphatically says; " The Fillmore delegates g > into the convention as Whigs. Their first choice is Mr. Fillmore, but if it shall turn out that that faithful and distinguished Whig can not be nominated, they will heartily sustain Mr. Webster, General Scott, or any other Whig who may be tairly chosen by the majority." The N. Y. Tribune, tho very ringleader of the Abolition Whigs says: "WE SHALL SUPPORT HIM (MR. WEBSTER) IF HE IS NOMINATED." "Mr. Grinncll is pledged to vote for Mr. Webster, but will vote for Scott if lie sees there is no cliunee for Webster.?Declaration of the Chairman of the 8ih District Convention, i\ew York." But the friends of Mr. Webster have had ai. other great project in reserve, as foreshadowed at their meetings. The Journal of Commerce says: , " If both conventions should reject tho compromise, it is certain that a Union convention will be held, and will nominate a candidate, and it is very probable that they will tender the In U, VVuKut..r" This is the anchor to the windward. Can it be, that the old vision of a Compromise Union I arty still haunts the brains of sundry Old Fog'ies on both sides ? We have taken but twc out of the Union's budget of blunders yester day. There are more of the same kind In view of such strange antics on the part ol that "Old Fogy," may wo not well inquire WHOSE OnGAN is it? ^ The Last Move. It was stated some time since that Robert G. Scott, of Richmond, had written a letter to each of the Democratic Presidential candidates, on the subj ct of the Fugitive slave law. The correspondent of the New York He.ra'd has got hold of-the letters and some of the answers, and gives them as follows. This seems to be merely proforma. Nobody doubted what the views of all these gentlemen were on theso points. " Washington, May 24, 1852. Robert G. Scott, of Richmond, Va., last week addressed a letter to several of the prominent Democratic candidates for the Presidency, requesting to know their opinions as regards the compromise measures, and, if elected, whe her they v. ould veto any bill, should it be passed by Congress, repealing or impairing the w orking of the fugitive slave law.".. Ti e following is a copy of Mr.Scott's letter: " Richmond, Va., May 17, 1852. " A short fortnight will scarcely elapse before the convention of delegates of the Democratic party, from every State in the Union, will assemble at Baltimore to nominate two of our most worthy and distinguished statusir.cn to be voted for as President and Vice President of the nation. Your name has been associated with the proposed nomination, and will, most probably, be presented to the convention, nH it already fas been to the country, for its favor and support. Marked as has been your past political life, by a fearless frankness and a devotion to the great principles of the Democratic party, I take leave to inquiro of you?if you should be nominated by the convention, nnd elected to the Presidency by the people?in your administration of the government, will you sustain, and by every means in your power, enforce and have executed, in all their parts, the various acts of Congress constituting what is known as the compromise, and especially the enactments of that law relating to the recapture by their owners of fugitive slaves ? And, again, whether, should you be elected President of the unuea olUlfiF, you wouiu uruuuiiiunouu', uyr I every proper means, all attempts to disturb or change the provisions of that law, whereby those provisions might be made less effectual for securing to the people of the South Iheir consli tutional rights in the possession and enjoyment ?f their slave property? and should, unfortu nately, a bill be passed by Congress, modifying or changing the law referred to, so as to impair its present valuable enactments would you, as President of the republic, veto nny such bill ? It is due to candor to inform you that a reply t > this is desired before the meeting of the Baltimore convention,and, when received, is intended for publication, and that a copy of this will be sent to every other gentleman whose name has been mentioned in connection with the nomination. Robert G. Scott." "To the above Gen. Houston replied, under date of the 21st inst, that he voted for all the meaaurea embraced in the compromise bill, severally, and he has since seen no cau*e to change his views. Ffe declares that he would not hesitate to veto any bill impairing the law v. for the protection of the Constitutional right* which guarantee to the people of the South the j possession and enjoyment of their slave property. "G.-ii. Cass writs to day, declaring his acquiescence in nil the compromise measures, lie exp esses the opinion that it would be the duty i of a President to veto any hill that weakened or impaired the fulfilment of the Constitutional obligation to deliver up fugitive slaves, as en- , forced by the fugitive slave law. He declares the sacrifices of individual opinion, in opposi- ( tion to any of the compromise measures, to he | a duty ever)' good citizen uvea his country und t the preservation of the Union. I " Judge Douglas also writes to day, lie adverts to his past public cureer, us showing his ( opinions as to the compromise measures, und says his views have undergone no change. He does not hesitate to state expressly, that it is the , duty of every true American to oppose the re- , peal or modification of the fugitive slave law fliat would impair the* fulfilment of the Con. stirutional obligation on thut subject. Yet lie would not yield the patronage of the government to influence the legislature on that or any other subject. " Col. VV. R. King, of Aluhama, writes that he acquiesces in the compromise. He regards the fugitive slave law, not in the light of ordinary legislation, but that it is to carry out a Constitutional guuruntee, and the President ought to negative any act the effect of which would be to impair or weaken its efficiency. " Daniel H. Dickinson, of New York, has replied that he acquiesces in all the compromise measures; but that he is not a candidate for the Presid icy, having long since express'd a pref erence for u distinguished statesman, (Gen. Cass.) lie considered it the duty of the Pres Weill 10 VCIO ft-iy ineaouir, wmuu m a.,j ..uj would impair tlio efficiency of the fugitive slave law. " Gen. Rusk has replied, by taking the same decided stand with the foregoing, hut disclaims any aspirations for the Presidency. He avows his preference for General Houston over all Others. " Several other replies have been written, which I have not yet seen." Ybe Louisville Democrat on Finality. The Louisville Democrat, the ablest organ of I that party in Kentucky, thus refers to the clamor made by the Southern Whigs about the finality of tho Compromise, and its endorsement by their convention: "The Whigs need not expect to gull the South now. Tneir new-born zeal is quite loo fresh and green. A few years ago the cry doughface was raised against every Democrat in the North that sustained tho South on nny question. Every Whig legislature, every Whig conven tion, in the yeurs '47 and '48, was furious for tho proviso, led on by anli-slavery Whig politi cians and tricksters. For years before, especially whilst the annexation of Texas was on hand, the Whig party of the free States in solid phalanx denounced the extension of slavery. It was their great hobby?their party stock in trade. And what did the Whigs South do whilst all this was going on ? Did they utter a word of remonstrance? Not they. . They raised a shout of triumph as one man afteranother in the Den >cratic party fell under and slavery domination. Daniel Webster boasted that the Whigs?the Whigs, mark it?had gotten up a " new excite raent" against slavery extenaion ; hut all this never stirred up tho Whigs South. Recently we have a sham zeal manufactured. They aro wonderfully for the compromise. It must be a finality, and it must be endorsed as a finality. Well, suppose it is endorsed. Let us see. VVe endorse the admission of California us u finality. Many thank* to our n)agnuuimity ! Why not ut the game time endorse the admission of Texas too as a finality? And perhaps it would he as well to fake n tilt at the ad nission ol Kentucky into the Union, and make it a finality loo. Then, again, there is the boundary of Texas and New Mexico. We have made a proposition to Texas, and she has accepted it?ten millions are involved in the bargain. Shall we declare a bargain we made, and which we can't cane: I. a finality. Texas ought to be thankful that we will not repudiate a contract which is a finality, whether we like it or not. Then there remain only the territorial bills and the law abolishing the slave trade in the District of Columbia. Are the former to be finalities? Shall we pledge ourselves never to > alter the territorial bills in any particular? When the territories apply for changes neces sary to their interest, shall we say no, the bill ' organizing your territory is a finality, we can't f touch it? V?'ould not such a pledge be an ub i surdity? Uiogon wishes to elect her own executive officers ; perhaps it's best sho should. New Mexico mny want ihe same privilege. It < may be thought best she should have it. Shall Congress say to any application for the purpose, we cannot legislate in that way for you; your teriitorial law is one of tho finalities? The latter, the abolition of the slave trade in tho District of Columbia, is in itself a matter of no consequence in the South, and will never be repealed by a majority of Congress. There is not an intelligent man in the Union who either expects or apprehends its repeal. It is therefore . a finality as certainly as any statutory provision I can be. There is, in fact, but one solitary measure of the compromise which is a subject of agitation, which is to be constantly executed ; and to which Whiff opposition is entirely confined ; and that is the fugitive slave law. It does not differ in principle from the law of'93, which remained fifty years upon the statute-book. The late law only adds a provision or two to make the act efficient. If we resolve it into a finality, and it should become altogether inefficient, it must still stand. If nn amendment equally acceptable to the South, and more so to the North is proposed, shall we still call it a finality, and decline acti n. The law < f '93 wa9 once a very good finality; but it failed in time, and had to be amended. This ndo about endorsing the compromise is only a good substitute for endorsing nothing else. Toe Northern Whigs can endorse the compromise, and move next day to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and the slave trade between the States, without interfering with the endorsement. The men who have in past years engaged in anti slavery agitation will continue it in a new shape. It is much easier, to do something new than to disturb tho past; and these Northern intriguers nre excel' nt tacticians. Give them the ear of the Pres lent, the control of the policy of nn administration, and the power of patronage, and they will allow you to endorse the compromise, and connive at it, knowing well that it is not in their way. True, they must be prudent, and adjust their opposition to tho homo market. Thev may whisper the word compromise; that don't sound badly, but they must say nothing about fugitive slaves. or they may wake up the anti-slavery furor at home. A little prudence is needed, and will be exercised, but the main chance will be secured. We don't know what t he Democratic! convention may do ; but it will not humbug the country with promises not to turn California out of the Up'on, or to refrain from exploits of that sort. If they promise to sustain what is to be sustained, it is quite as much as wc anticipate. Wc ahall leave it to Whi^s to pledge themselves not to throw State* out of the Union. Ther can keep , n pledge of that sort, and it is about as much as they ought to promise. The Methodist Church Controversy.? i Boston, May 22.?The committee appoint J,I by the Methodist conference relative to the ; church suit have made a report authorizing the election of a commission <>f five, who, in con -i nexion with the Now York Book agents, are | empowered to act as agents, to carry on, ar- j bitrate, or settle the suit with the church South, in reference to the New York Book concern. Similar resolves were adopted relative to the Cincinnati Book concern. trailcra Wblf In ?f Ik* C?|rtalM. The New Orleans Bulletin sontsinsan article on the subject of the Coaiprmnise which will be found interesting at thin crisis, as indicating the view taken by Southern Whigs : " Toleuatiob.?As the day fixed upon for holding the national conventions druwe near, i wo find the word which heads this article in fre- i juent use?cited by the most intolerant and ; prescriptive ineu in the land?mutt whose gen- i ;ral wall; in life and daily conduct, prove them j to be the last persons in the world who have a j ight to refer to the benevolent and christian j teachings involved in its meaning. The New I Vork Tnbune preaches toleration to the Whigs ! s jf the South. Seward is understood to be de- i k tidedly in favor of toleration, just now. The i Whig Freesoiiers and Abolitionists, quite gen j J urnlly, unite in a shout for toleration Now, j t what is the cause of nil this ! Why has fanati-1 ^ -ism, all at once, become so cooing and gentle ? j j What is the reason '! It is a mutter easily solved j t nod easily answered. The toleration which | ^ Southern Wlrgs are asked to extend to North- I ^ ern Freesoil Whigs, amounts simply to this. They are ensealed to go into national conven- j tion and nominate a candidate for the Preai c deney, whose vievvs in regard to the fugitive u slave law are comparatively unknown?to say v the least, problematical. This is toleration with j a vengeance. 'Toleration that only knows one side of a great question. 'Toleration that may e give the Abolitionists advantages over the South, u fraught with incalculable mischief, if not with v utter ruin. Toleration, forsooth! Heaven pre- j serve the South from such specimens. " Now, that all features of the compromise measures, supposed to bo favorable to the North have gone into operation, and are, in the very nature of things, irrevocable?as the fugitive siave law aione remains to me nouin, anil as, in the principle involved in its faithful execution by tho North, tho Southern people look for a happy continuance of the present Constitutional Union?tho proposition for toleration in regard e to that, coming, as it docs, from such question- t able quarters, smacks more of downright impu- t dence and unadulterated dishonesty, than any , thing eUe. If tho citizens of the elaveholding { States look with a favorable eye upon such a proposal, the burning woids of the poet? " Ye would be dupes and victims, and ye. are," ' may ho appropriately applied to them. * * *'* * * * +1 "Most truly does the Ex'prens say that the ' Southern peoplo care little or nothing about the t law in a merely pecuniary sense. We do not t believe a dollar and cent calculation has ever t entered the mind of the most, determined supporter (>f the statute South of the Potomac. It iH the vital principle at stake, which causes so much of Southern anxiety. Tho right to re claim fugitive slaves is especially stipulated in i the Constitution. It is apart of the covenant , entered into betwc ?n our fathers in the early ( stages of the republic. Without that Btipula- ( i.m/11 t/iir ^ivni.ini nt-vri wuum nnvo uctJM UiltUI ed into. That covenant must be obeyed as n ' whole?it is flood or had as a whole?no one ' part of it can be enforced, and another rejected, 1 without violating the letter and intent of the i whole. . ' That the Southern people look upon the fugi- | live slave provision as the great bulwark, as the constitutional fortress of their rights, there is ' no donbt whatever. This is what makes thorn 1 ho pertinacious in regard to the slave enact- c niont.. In itself, they cure nothing about it. ft < is valncl *ss, in a pecuniary sense. But ?s a ^ principle it overshadows all others. The (/(institution plainly gives us the right of reclatna- = tion. No one disputes this. If the North re ' fuses to carry out this part of the contract, she r may, ere long, venture upon further aggressions i Having rendered the fugitive si <ve provision a [ nullity, how long will it bo before thoy overleap oilier barriers in the Constitution and com uience a system of intermeddling with slavery 1 in the States ? Yiuld them all they ask now, and 1 how long would the Ah ditionists remain quiet ? ( Not a day; not one hour, even. A fresh scries j | of insults, indignities and oppressions would at , once be aet in operation. Tha fact is?and j every Southern man feels it, and every Northern man ought to know it?if we of the South c. n 1 not secure the enforcement of a solemnly 1 plighted constitutional right, the proposition is i self evident that in nil things unpledged, no I mutter how just and proper, we have rio safety or security whatever. " This is the true reason why the citizens of the slave States make it a condition precedent that a candidate for the Presidency shall be solemnly, publicly and unqualifiedly pledged, to support and enforce the fugitive slave law, in order to secure any degree of assistance from them. Is it a constitutional outpost to protect us in the enjoyment of our inalienable rights. Break it down, leap over its barrier, demolish its defences, and wo have no security, whatever, under tho national organic law. We nil know this, feel this, and have, therefore, staked our nil in the maintenance of this particular portion of our constitutional prerogatives. When the North shall finally refuse to do us justice in Ihis behalf, the darkest day to the American Union and to human freedom, will have da vned dismal ly and forebodingly upon the earth." From the Montgomery (Jtla.,) Journal.?J fay 21. Wii g Compromise Meeting-We are authorized to state that a meeting of the citizens of Montgomery county, who deem it their duty to show their appreciation of the noble coureo of .Mr. Fillmore by action in his behalf, and who desire to sustain the compromise at the Nation al convention, will bo held at the court house in this city, on Monday next, at 11 o'clock, a m. The object of the meeting is to take steps to sustain the man who sustained us, in the man ner in which such aid may be effective?by ' sending Fillmore compromise delegates to the National convention. Those who believe that policy, as well as gratitude requires this course, will rally to advance the cause, and sus' :in the action of said ' convention, as far as it sustains the compromise. ' ? t Compromise Meeting on Monday.?As will ( bo observed, a meeting of the friends of the comprorn e has b?en called at tho instigation oi tho compromise people, who are, trom signs that cannot be hid, aware that the present state ' of inaction is rapidly working to the dcstrnc- i tion, not only of tho compromise principles, but | also to the prostration of the conservative feel- l ing and the conservative party of tho South. No reasoning, however specious or ingenious, will longer avail to satisfy tho compromise peo- ^ pie that it is policy to fetter their energies with ' the expectation that their principles can be f maintained by abandoning them to the assaults f of their enemies, without an effort in their he- n half; for it is a principle intuitive with every one, that a cause cannot progress or he sus 11 tained without action. r So apparent has been the disaster of the pre- " sent apathy to the came, that the people have, t contrary to the designs of some of their lenders, r arisen in many of tho counties of the State, and ( without concert, demanded that tile*y should lie represented in (lie National convention, to aid Mr. Filluiore and the compromise. Thus meet a ings have been held in Pickens, Sumpter, Tits t caloosa, Macon, Mobile, Monroe, Marengo,- t Baldwin, Dallas, Greene, &e.; and are also j j called in other counties. In one county alone j j (Russel) have we seen any opposition to action. It is a matter of regret that there is any differ ' enee of opinion among the friends of the coin-1 c promise on this subject, and that some still v prefer inaction in this ma'ter as the heHt policy. , All, however, are entitled to their own opinions, and of course no one has a right to complain of another. Whatever may be their I.on- ' c .t views on the subject, those who wish for c action and those who ore content to remain < quiet, hoping that by chance something may ' t be worked out for their cause, need not disa r gree. Those who are not yet readv to act, should not be complained of. tor it is not to he . expected that they will unite in a matter that* fliey aie opposed to, and vice versa All are af '' er the same object, doubtless?the finality of he compromise; only souic propose to attain t the natural way?by working for it by all the nesna in their power, ami others by lying still. I'he Compromise Whig*, however, who desire o work for it, and for its companion, Mr. Filluore, should not be misrepresented. They vioate no Union principle, or principle of the Georgia platform, in entering a national convention >n the protest of the Virginia, Louisiana, Florida, Itc. Whigs, to sustain its action or its candidate inly so far as they sustain the compromise. Our compromise allies and friends of Mr. Fillnore North, who have sustained our principles, tsk this aid of us in the convention,* to protect he cause from the assaults of the Freesoilers. Shall we turn a deuf ear to their petitions, and tand by and see them overwhelmed in the struggle for our cause and our rights by Freesoilers, vithout pitching in to their aid '"Not so I" here seems hut one unanimous response from he gallant State Rights Whigs of Alabtuia. 'olicy, as well as gratitude, demands it. If ho Mouth deserts tier true friends in time of rial, who fought her battles against all the biter prejudices of their section, with what face, ;nd where, can she again look for allies ? The dea is impossible. It is said by some that the ompromise party are | lodged not to uo into (invention with Northern men. When and vliere was this.' It may be the case with a ew, but the masses would revolt from such a tep. Much is not a Union principle, but the altering Wedge of disunion. Mow long after severance of so.i.l and political connection vitli the Northern portion ot the Union can the Juion endure? Fur the Suuthern Frees. Utiles of Scraps aud IRuiluga. V'., QO SIB JOHN FRANKLIN. Mr. Grinnell, in his memorial to the Senute, lolicitiug the government of the United Slates o fit out an expedition with a view to ascertain he fate of Sir John Prank lin and his com pan one, gives as u reason for eueh a course, that he expedition "was undertaken by Sir John franklin utid his comrades for public objects, ikcly to result?as had his previous nnd other 'xpeditions?in advantage to all mankind; and laving thus made himself as it were a citizen oj he whole world, he Ims become an object ol ieep interest to all, but especially to those who ire concerned in navigating the ocean, and ha.intitied himself to common protection, from the uivios of all civilized nations." I am far from wishing to discourage public oeling in behalf of an enterprising and advent irous explorer, whoso fate only excites the nore interest from being involved in uncertain ,y; but i mu-it take leave to dissent from the ;rounds on which this memorial is base I. linn he memorial simply appealed to motives ol lumanity, 1 should then have sympathiz d with liin. But when he assumes that the successful ssiio of Sir John Franklin's Polar researches vould have resulted "in advantages to all man. tind," and that therefore "he is entitled to com non protection from the navies of all the world," think ho places his application on grounds that i L _ I..: I >4 IJ L _ iza- I. iimiui in; nusmiiiuu. it vvuuiu i)t) UIUICUII, I iliould suppose, to say what benefit to the en ire human raco can result from exploring a re[ion enveloped in eternal ice and snow, or a rozen ocean; the one totally unlitted forcomnerciai purposes, the other for the residence or ises of civilized men ? To what salutary or >enelieial purpose would the discovery of a pnsnge from one sea of ice to another lend ? The iavigut'1011 through such a passage, would tie essarily be attended with so many difficulties, jbstacles, und dangers ; so much hardship, ox oosure, and sulfering, that no possible advantages could be derived from it, that would not be :oo dearly purchased. What motive the British government can have in these persevering efforts :o achieve a purpose so fraught with danger and lulfering, and which when aenievod is not worth .he purchase, is not for me to say. Perhaps, ifter all, it is nothing but national vanity; n rehemeut passion for attracting the attention rnd admiration of the world. But whatever it iiuy be, 1 deny that it was for "public objects," ;hat is, objects in which all mankind was equally interested?for su :h is the scope of the memo rial. I cannot see what possible interest the peoplo of the United States could, or can have, in tnese roiar regions, shut out from the rest of the world by impassable barriers, incapable of cultivation, or those frozen seas, where so many bravo adventurous men have .perished vainly seeking what they could never find, and which, if found, would be unavailable for any useful purpose. Why send our officers and seamen probably to share the same fate, in the more than forlorn, the desperate hope of rescuing strangers, merely 011 the ground of their having been engaged in an enterprise for "public objects" in which wo have no concern whatever 1 If the memorialist had based his application on the ground of common humanity, or -ven sympathy for l.ady Franklin, I10 would uive presented a different view of the case. As t is, I ennnot but think he has extended the loctrine of human responsibilities, and human obligations, to the very extreme of universal philanthropy, TIIE DESPOTISM OF A MAJORITY. The Karl of Derby, now the British Premier, who, if 1 don't mistnke, some years ago as Mr. Stanley, made the tour of the United Sta1 ately asserted in the British house of lor ,hat "in the United States the absolute majority exercised a greater tyranny than wasevfer exeH1 ;isod under despotic rule in a monarchical coun ry." There is too much truth in this. There s no limit to its power but the Constitution, which is gradually receding before tho "higher aw" of the majority. Fanatical excitements ire becoming the supreme law of the land. We, Vain and inexperienced republicans, fancy ;here can be no despotism either in church or State here, because the Constitution guarantees 'reedom of conscience, freedom of speech, and reedom to t.11 without exception. But there iro more ways than one to tho gallows, and iccording to the old proverb "the longest way ound is tho surest wny home." This is most pecially the case in the process of undermining he liberties of mankind. A free people will lot submit to any direct and palpable violation if those constitutional guarantees, which they lave ndopted for'their own safety. But there ire many modes of getting round or creeping inder them, and many arguments to justify the rcsspass. The most effectual way, however, s to got up a "higher law" than the Constitu ion und thus demolish it at one blow. When ; his shall be fairly established, every right we njoy, every privilege we exercise, every opinion ve cherish may lie put dow n and annihil ted, inder pretence of conflicting with the Scriptures s interpreted by the new apostles nnd fathers if the church. Conscientious scruple will beome the law of the land, and the great Pythiness Abby Poisom its high priestess. Sensor Seward nnd Brigham Young will be In their espective spheres despotic over the rights of nen, and l.ucretia Mott over those of women. iVe may then look out for the milleninm or liaos C0HGRX88I0VAL PK0CEXDI8O8 SENATE. Wedsesday, $ay 26, 18J>2. PRESIDENT, pro km-, laid before the Senate a report from the Secretary of the Treaaury in answer to the reaolutionof the t3ih^fh?i., relative i to a charge rejected in the account of the lion. David Tod, late minister to Brazil, Ac. kei-aal or tiu ruoieivc slave law. Mr. SUMNER presented the memorial of the | representatives of the religious Society of Friends, I in New England, praying for the repeal of the I Fugitive slave law, and read from the ineiuorinl as follows : We, therefore, respectfully but earnestly and sincerely intreat you to repeal the law of the last Congress respecting the fugitive slaves. First, | and principally, because of its injustice towards a long, sorely oppressed, and deeply injured peopleAnd, second, in order that we, together with other conscientious sufferers, may be exonerated from the penalties which it imputes ori all who, in faithfulness to their Divine Master, and in discharge of their obligations to their distressed fellow-men, feel pained to regulate their conduct even under the heaviest penalties which man can inflict for so doing by the divine injunction " all things whatsoever you would that men should do to you, do ye even unto them," and by the other commandment, thou shall love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and thy neighbor as thyself." We fervently desire that he who hath declared, through his servant, that it is righteousness which exalteth a nation, but that sin is a reproach to any | people, may replenish your hearts with wisdom and enable you to do justice and judgment speedily, that so the blessings of such as are ready to perish mav come upon you, and the peace and welfare of our beloved country may be promoted and established upon a permanent basis, for " the work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effect of righteousness, quietness and ussurance forever." Mr. S. continued: This memorial is recommended to us by the high character of the religious associatiou from which it proceeds?men who mingle rarely in polifical affairs, but with nustere rules seek to carry the christian virtues into civil and social life. The PRESIDEN T, pro ttm. The Chair will have lo interpose. No remarks are in order hefore the memorial is received. Mr. SUMNER. I have but a very few words to add. I propose to move a reference of the memorial lo the Committee on the Judiciary. The PRESIDENT. The Chair decides that the Senator may state the contents of the memorial. The question of reception will then recur. It is not in order lo enter into a discussion of its merits until the memorial is received. Mr. SUMNER. 1 ^o not propose o diecusst the subject referred to in the memorial, but simply to explain its contents? Mr. BADGER. Eet the Senator proceed. Mr. DAWSON. Certainly. Mr. SUMNER proceeded with his remarks. The memorial was recommended also by its earnest and persuasive tone. In offering it now he would take occasion to say that he should deem it a duty on Nome proper occasion hereafter, lo exprcNs himself at length upon the subject to which it relatrN. Thus far during the session he had forborne to speak upon it. With the exception of e i able speech from his colleague, [Mr. Davis, of the House, as supposed,J the discussion of this subject at the present session of Congress had been left lo other parties, in whose differences he had not cared to interfere. But there was a time for all things and justice required that both sides should be heard. He believed he did not expect too much when he expressed the confident expectation that he nIiouIiI receive the candid attention of the Senate, while he ventured to set forth the views which he entertained fully and frankly and the convictions to which he was bound by every sentiment of his heart?by every consideration of his duties as a Senator? by love to God and man. But upon that subject he would not now enter. Suffice it to say that when he should undertake that service, he should say nothing which in any csnb could be called sectional, un'ess the Constitution was sectional and the sentiments of their fathers were sectional. It was his happiness to believe, and his hope to be able to Rhow, that according to the true spirit of the Constitution and the true sense of the fathers' freedojm, aud not slavery is national, while slavery and not freedom is sectional. In duty to the petitioners and in the hope that it would promote their prayer, he moved that the memorial be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. Mr. MANGUM said it was the settled practice of this body to make ti e motion to lay the motion to receive petitions of this nature upon the table. But he believed that that course had been departed from in regard to petitions from the Society of Friends. He believed that these petitions had always been received. He hoped this one would be received, and they could afterwards make the motion to lay it on the table. The PRESIDENT. It has already been received. Mr. HALE. Then the rule is that petitions from Friends are to be received and from nobody else, Mr. DAWSON said that if it was desired by the gentlem in to re-open this discussion in the solemn manner?in the heart-felt, christian feeling u/ilh whioli llio S.n?t?r seemed to be overflowing, let him come out boldly and present the question. Let h;m not conceal his views in clouds. Let there be none of this deception. Let there be manliness and openness. He, for one, was prepared to meet the questi 1.1. And he was one of those who were determined never again to see this subject debated in the Senate. If gentlemen desired to throw fire-brands in their midst, let them do it. If they had hearts more pure?more christian than his, let them pour them out. If the di -mission was to be re-opened, this was the day and this the hour. Afier some further remarks by Messrs. Dawson, Badger and Butler, On motion of Mr. BADGER, the memorial was laid on the table. The yeas and nays being taken on the question, stood as follows: Yeas?Messrs. Adams, Atchison, Bell, Bradbury, Brieht, Brodheed, Brooke, Cass, Clemens, Cooper, lawson, De Saussure, Dodge, of Iowa, Douglas, Downs, Felch, Fish, Foot,Geyer, Hunter, James, Jones, of Tennessee, King, Mallory, Mangum, Millrr, Norris, Pearce, Pratt, Rusk, Sebastian, Smith, So. :e, Spruance, Toucy, Underwood, Upham, We! er?40. N?vs?Messrs. Borland, Chr.se, Davis, Dodge, oi Wisconsin, rime, namim, Menard, Sumner, Wade, Walker?10. THE DEFICIENCY Bll.!,, On motion of Mr. HUNTER, the Senate then resumed the considers!ion of the bill to supply deficiencies in the appropriations for the service of ,*ihe current fiscal year, and a! er some deliberation proceeded to vote seriatim upon the amendments made in Committee of the Whole. Most of the amendments were agreed to. Some of them were modified?two or three were rejected. On reaching the Co'lins line amendment Mr. CHASE then renewed his amendment, which is as follows: .1nd provided further, That the proprietors of said line of steamers shall consent to such a modi. ~e >i.o O-L- ? .i. master General may advertise for nnil accept pro- j pomls for carrying the mails in suitable steam- ! ships of not lees than two thousand Ions burden, between the United . ) and ?reat Britain, from and after tlye said . i ty-lirst day of December, eighteen hundred and fifty-four, when s aid contract shall cease to be obligatory ; and the Postmaster General, in ease such modification shall be agreed to, shall advertise for such proposals, which shnll he submitted to Congress at the next session. Upon this amendment a protracted debate ensued, Mr. Chasf. sustaining it, nnd Messrs. Seward, Rusk, Pratt and I Iai.e opposing it. Mr. BORLAND having the floor, On motion, the Senate adjourned, IIOUSK OF REPRESENTATIVES. Wednesday, May '26, 1852. The journal of yesterday having been read? district oorrt of the district of columbia. On motion of Mr. McLANAHAN, by unanimous consent, the House proceeded to consider Senate bill to provide fur the holding of the District court of tne District of Columbia, in case of the sickness or other disability of the District jU(lKeMr. McL- explained the necessity of immediate action upon the bill. It was read the third time and passed. united statei and charles reynold". Mr. BROWN, of Mississippi, by leave, agreeably to previous notice, introduced a joint resolution authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury 10 ratify and confirm the exchange of land between p -u-i^we Jj tb? United Slate* ud Chart** RtjmiUi, of Ntl. f % ebez, Sut* of Mississippi. i ^ Mr. B. autadi that a* thia waa a matur in \ il which th* honor and interest of U>* government \ ' waa involved he hoped there would be no objec- \ lion lo the bill. \ There being no objection? The bill wan read three timea and paaaed. Mr. FLORENCE, by consent, agreeably lo notice, introduced a bill to provide for the better guarding of the collision cf steamers and sail-venaela in the night time?a bill which be aaid humanity prompted should be paaaed. The bill was read twite ai d referred to th* Committee on Commerce- { The House then proceeded to consider Senate bill granting lo certain settlers on the Menomenee purchase, north of Fox river, the right of preemption, the question being on the amendment reported by the Committee on Public Lands to make the bill general. Mr. HALL sai'd that aa a pressing necessity existed for the immediate action of the Hoase on the bill, he hoped that the amendment he yesterday reported from the Committee on Public Lands would be rejectedThe amendment was rejected, and then The bill was read the third time and passed. The Spbakke then called committee* for re ports. Mr HAIL. .u- r? - - - . " ? <juiiimiiee? on Public Lands reported back Senate 1>ill to grant landa to Missouri to aid in the construction of certain railroads, wi'b ari'aniendntent. * Mr. HALL gave a short explanation of the bill and amendment, and remarking that he hoped the House would not refer the bill, but either pass or reject it now, moved the previous question ftir the purpose of bringing the House to a direct vole "J 'upon the bill. I Mr. DEAN moved to lay the bill on the table. Mr. STUART asked the yeas and nays on the notion, which were ordered, and being taken resulted: Yeas 70, nays 110. So the hi.I waa jiot laid upon the table. The previous question was then seconded, ayea 69, noes 66- ** yi'he morning hour having expired. pennsylvania contested election case. Mr. ASIIE moved that the House proceed to consider the report of the Committee on Elections on the Pennsylvania contested election case; which was not agreed to. Yeas 99, nays 92?the Speaker voting in the negative, thus making the nays 93. indian bill?compromise. j On motion of Mr. POLK, the Flouse then went , into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mt-Setmoor in the chair,) ard proceeded to consider the Indian appropriation bill. Mr. WHITE then addressed the committee an hour, explaining the part he took in the last Whig caucus. He expressed himself strongly in favor of the compromise measures, and hoped that both parties in tne coming contest, would inscribe upon their banners, in letters of living light, the adjustment measures. He then replied to the remarks of Mr. Polk, that the compromise was a Democratic measure, which he denied, de clarmgthat if any party was entitled to the merit of being called the compromise party, it was the Whig party of the SouthMr. MARSHALL, of Kentucky, then replied to the remarks of Mr. Grey, made some days since, denying that in referring to the address of those who receded from the Whig caucus, he intended to in jure his Whig colleagues in Kentucky. The committee then rose and the House adjourned. . Libel Cask against Madame Tochmar? "The jury in the ca^e of DeAlma being satislied that sufficient evidence was not adduced to provo the publication of the libel by DeAlma in the county of Washington, are forced to render a verdict of not guilty. Governor Rant on the Fugitive Pardon. Governor Hunt has deemed it proper to notice, in a letter to Senator E. D. Morgan, which appears in the Commercial Advertiser, the case of Snowden, a colored convict, and a fugitive slave, reoentlv pardoned out of the Sing Sing prison.' The letter is subjoined : Albany, Saturday, May 22, 1852. Dear Sir : 1 reply with pleasure to your inquiry in relation to the pardon of James P. Snowden, a colored convict. The newspaper statements to which you refer are erroneous in several important particulars. An application was made to me a few days before his term expired, to pardon him on tb-i ground of his innocence. It was clearly established by the proofs presented to me, that he had been convicted of :i crime which he never committed. He was sent u> me cswie prison lor a larceny which never occurred. Under these circumstances, 1 considered his imprisonment u clear violation of law. I granted the pardon, therefore, net aa a favc r but as a right. It was an exercise df justice ani not of mercy. In my action upon |M*, as upon all similar applications, 1 intended tcijbe governed by the intrinsic merits of the case.j It was not known to nte that he was a fugitive slave. At the lime of granting the pardon I had no knowledge or suspicion that Snowden was. tba. same person referred to in the letter addresae I * to me by I)r. Allen Thomas, of Maryland. Indeed, it did not occur to my mind that I had rio ;ived such a letter until my attention was subjsequently called to the fact. This inadvertenca will not surprise you, who know something of the immense pressure upon the executive for pardons, and the hundreds of applications const mtly pending before me. On refereneo to the letter of Dr. Thomas, I find that it contains no expression or intimation of a design to pur?ue and reclaim Snowden as a fugitive slave. It was not for me to assume that his inquiry was made with any such intention. It is the first instance that has come to my knowledge where a distant owner has at. tempted to regain possession of a slave who had been convicted of felony. When it lias been satisfactorily shown thtt | an innocent man is confined in the State prison, '1 have never stopped to inquire whether he ii black or white, bond or free. To detain hin longer would be a flagrant subversion of law and justice. To you, who know me, I am certain that n > assurance is needed to titisTy you that I am incapable of exercising my office with a view to defeat the execution of the fugitive slave law, or any other law. My explicit avowals in favor of the Constitutional compromise, and against further sectional collisions, ure beforo the public. Of my liability lo err in the exercise of the pardoning power, none can be so fn 11 U - ? - ->C IV...J vuiiov.iuua an iuy?uii. When I consider the labor and embarraaFincnts which aro inseparable I'rom the discharge of this responsibility in a large State like ours, it does not surprise me that erroneous inferences should be adopted in some cases, by person* having imperfect knowledge of the facts governing my action. Rut I have learned to regard unjust censure, and injurious comments wit'i that calm composure and unconcern which prings from conscious rectitude of purpose. I remain, with gred regard, yours truly, WASHINGTON HUNT. To the Hon. Edwin D. Morgan, Senator. The Journal <J commerce says, in response to the doleful cry, for more protection: "S >me of the tarifT papers are complaining of the high price of farmers' produce. How long is it since they were pretending that the 'free trad* tariff,' as they called it, was ruining the farmers, by diminishing the home demand for their produce? Thus, one alter another, the arguments of Protectionists melt away." Defeat of the Susquehanna Bridge Bile. i ?It will he eeon that the House of Delegates | yesterday, by a majority of two votes, out of fifty six members present, referred the bill t? erect a bridge over the Susquehanna, at Havr? do Grace, to the consideration of the next set-.- I ton of the Legislator* It is sincerely to bs J hoped that this vote will bo reconsidered, 89 wj I . an scarcely believe that a measure in which th? | I State, as wall asour city, are so deeply interest*], Jt I will bo thus so summarily disposed of,or that \ I the vote indicates the strength of the friends I I of the bill in the House - Halt. Sun. I J