Washington sentinel. [volume], March 29, 1855, Image 2

About Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856

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times seizes upon the most gifted miuda, that
the cup of life has been drained to the dr<igs
he put au end to his existence.
We call attention to the sad consummation
of the career of this brilliant and erratic man
us a warning and as a consolation?bus a warn
ing to like gifted spirit*, that no extraordinary
endowments, no high-soaring genius, can afford
its possessor the sweet fruits of a philosophic
and tranquil life, and the consolations of a
calm and peaceful death, which is not reigned
over by those sober and reasonable views of
this world and the next, which govern the
lives and sooth the death of the great mass of
humanity?as a consolation to those who some
times repiuingly envy the costly gifts of talent
which Provideuce has lavished upon their more
favored fellows and denied to themselves.
There is a system of dispensation running
through all the acts of the Almighty. If these
extraordinary men sometimes soar very high,
they often, too, sink very low. And the very
light from heaven, which should have lighted
them to happiness, often blinds and conducts
thorn to misery. They have their moments of
iutense gratification and purest pleasures, and
their months of deep despondency and gloom.
While the mass of mankind is not blessed with
the joys of the former, it is also-exempt from
the curse of the latter, and pursues in calm and
steady enjoyment, the golden mean of life.
[ATw York Times.
TIIK BLACK WARRIOR CASK.
Important front Madrid U?ba<? In th*
Spanish Cortes on our Caban Relations.
We translate, from the official government
organ of Madrid, the following extract from a
recent debate in the Spanish Cortes, oo the re- j
lations between that country and the United
States.?Xetc York Herald.
Se.vor Bakes: My purpose is to draw from
the Minister of Foreign Affairs some explana
tion sufficient to counteract the effect of cer
tain facts which have coincided with the depar
ture from this court of the Minister of the l ni
ted States, Mr. Soule. By some respectable
member of this chamber an article has been
published which ascribes to Mr. Soule the idea,
or belief, that the rupture of our relations with
the United States is inevitable; and the pre
text for such an extreme case is supposed to be
the slight with which Mr. Soule ana the coun
try he represents have been treated by the
Spanish Government. Coinciding with this
fact, in itself very important, a pamphlet has
been published, with the express purpose of at
tributing to the Spani&h Government all the
various difficulties now existing between the
two governments, or, at any rate, the responsi
bility of not having settled them; ana Mr.
Soule is so praised in it for his benevolence to
wards us, that you would almost think that he
gave up the interest'of the country he repre
sented. Besides, in some papers, information
has been given about Mr. Soule having re
ceived, in the latter days of his stay, several
slights from the Mini^r of Foreign Affairs.
These facts have urged me to ask the Minis
ter for some explanations. 1 believe that, con
sidering the especial circumstances of the case,
und the serious and immediate interest which
our country has with them, since it is the only
international question we Lave pending,* it is
expedient to correct the effects which may be
produced by the above facts. The best means
of rectifying public opinion, both here and in
the Uuited Slates, where it is very important
to place it in the right, as far as it is possible,
as the facts will be enhanced by distance, and
as usual made fruitful by the American ex
Minister, who will be anxious, doubtless to re
pair, in some measure, among his friends and
partisans, the failure of his unfortunate diplo
matic campaign in Spain?the best means to
arrive at this object would be for the govern
ment, in view of the particular circumstances
of the case, to bring to the chamber the docu
ments and correspondence which have inter
vened in the course of this matter between both
countries.
1 know that the^Minister of Foreign Affairs
will not prant this, and will be unwilling to
put aside the custom called diplomatic secresy,
and which we observe to an excess, in my
opinion, &c. Therefore, with due respect to
the right of the government on such subjects, I
limit my request, to ask the Minister if he think
that the reasons and facts I have exposed pos
sess the gravity which I attribute to them, to
give some explanations, sufficient to prevent
the consequences which I anticipate.
Senor Luzuriaga, Minister of Foreign Af
faire, replied. He expressed his pleasure at
the opportunity offered him to make explana
tions, to satisfy public opinion in spain and iu
the United States. He denied any slight from
motives of courtesy and duty. He said he had
no time to read what may have been published
on the subject. He took for granted that the
publications having been participated in by
members of the Cortes there would be in them
nothing unbecoming. That the government of
the United States determined on the 15th of
January to replace the Minister to Madrid.
When the news reached Madrid, Mr. Soule had
left, but the government of Her Majesty had
learned by a perfectly regular channel the lan
guage in which it is officially announced to the
Spanish Court, which is in harmony with the
relations of peace, amity and good understand
ing which exist between the two governments.
'?In this state of the case,'' add* Senor Luzu
riaga, "the government of Her Majesty, who,
in the sight of all, may now act of its own free
will, from its own impulse, after having received
this news, has ordered that all pending diffi
culties with the United States be submitted to
a new investigation, instructing especially those
charged with it not to search for arguments to
reject the claims of the United States, but to
study simply to ascertain what is just, in order
to grant it spontaneously, freely, as it becomes
the people whom it governs. It is resolved, by
its own impulse, to grant whatever is just, with
out any pressure. The government is confi
dent that the same feelings will be found in the
government of the United Slates. The Presi
dent announced it so to the HouBe of Repre
sentatives, saying that his sole object was jus
tice. We are, therefore, perfectly agreed, and
since there will be, doubtless, the same sin
cerity in both parties, the government cher
ishes great hopes of arriving at an entirely
peaceful solution.'' He concluded, protesting
his devotion to good sense, justice and reason,
but did not enter at all into the merits of the
case.
Hon. Paulus Powell.
This gentleman is again a candidate for re
election. There is not in the whole Congress
of the United Slates one more intelligent in
the perception of the true interests of the coun
try and his constituents, or more loyal and true
in adhering to them. Gifted with a calm and
discriminating intellect?respected and lieloved
by nil who know him for his public fidelity, un
exceptionable character and habits, and high
personal honor, he has won an unusually strong
hold upon the people. He will be re elected
by an increased majority, unless the people are
indifferent to high merit and tried efficiency.
< [ IjytvJdnirrf Republican.
Dkath or Mn. J.C. Zimmerman, Coviol or
the Nkthkri.anph at this Port.?Mr. J. C.
Zimmerman, the Consul at this' port, died at
his residence, No. 100 Leonard street, on Fri
day evening, of congestion of the lungs, after
an illness of but an hour's duration. Mr. Zim
merman has filled the officc of Consul General
for the last forty years, and in a manner so
satisfactory to the authorities at home, that
they have recently conferred the rank of Knight
upon him. He was sixty-three years of age at
the time of his death. His funeral took place
at St. John's Chapel, Varick street, at one
o'clock on Sunday, and was largely attended
by our most distinguished citizens?York
Mirror qf Ihe 2 6th.
?asiiuigtflit ^fntinrl.
XDITBD BY
WM. *. OVERTON. CH. MAURICE 8M1TH,
AND BEVERLEY TUCKER.
MARCH 29, 1855.
ah letters oil bnitocil should !?? ??l
drcMcd to ?< The Sentinel Ofllce," W??1?
I ii ton.
:p9~ o. H. P. Stem, is our authorized agent
or collecting account* due this office, and for ob
taining new subscriber# in Virginia.
THE POHK1GN NBWS.
We lay before our readers this morning the
details of the news received by the Atlantic.
The death of the Emperor Alexander is an im
portant lact?a commanding fact?one of those
controlling facts which cannot fail to exert a
marked influence on the future of one of the
greatest struggles which has convulsed Europe
since the time of Napoleon Bonaparte.
But what that influence may be, gives con
cern to all nations. Neither the speculators,
nor the money changers, nor the stock brokers, j
nor the produce dealers, nor cahinets of
of Europe, seem to have any definite, distinct,
and consistent ideas as to what effect the death
of the Caar may exert. The news of his de
cease was received with regret and consterna
tion by the Russian Empire; and singular to
say the same news has been received with
joy and consternation by tb? of Rusem.
The very statement of these facts proves that
we did not commit a mistake when we re
presented Nicholai Romanoff as a great histo
rical character?a man whose colossal frame
was but an emblem of colossal power.
Since the time of Bonaparte, Europe haa not
seen his equal; ar.d any man who will study
with any feeling of candor or frankness, the
origin or progress of the present war, must be
forced to admit that the Emperor Nicholas was
one of those great, huge men whom the world
remembers for many ages.
The death of Nicholas was hailed with joy
in England; but at the same time the man
ner in which that joy was manifested shows
how deep and pervading was the fear which
the British government entertained toward the
Czar of Russia. When the fact was announced
at the London theatres the audiences rose and
shouted and waved their handkerchiefs re
joicing, like savages, over the death of a human
being, and dancing around the stake at which
he perished. Can anything show plainer the
narrow, island prejudices of England, or tell
more eloquently the utter, powerful, and abject
fear which the English nation entertains toward
Russia? '
In France, more decency has been observed.
Whilst the English theatres applaud the death
of the Czar of Russia, the French government
has forbidden that any improper allusion should
be made to the death of Nicholai Romanoff.
Louis Napoleon has more sense than the British
people can boast of?he has more tact more
delicacy. Therefore he has ordered that not
even the ballad singers in the street shall row
sing songs which reflect upon the character of
the dead Czar. The new Emperor of France
seems to have a decent appreciation of his own
position, and to entertain something like a
proper idea of the necessity of sustaining and
protecting the remembrance and the honor of
| a brother Emperor.
Nicholas has been succeeded by his son
Alexander?who is now Alexander the Second.
The first Alexander was a good but ajbolisb
man?he permitted the enemies of Napoleon
Bonaparte to fetter his policy and to put iron
manacles on his limbs. But he was a gentle
man, and, as the world goes, a proper man. We
-1 have now a second Alexander?the son of Nich
olai Romanoff?who promises that he will pursue
and carry out the policy of the dead Emperor.
The first shock of the announcement of the
, Czar's death may, perhaps, have shaken the
firmness of the Russian forces; but it does
not appear that the shock injured them any
more than it injured the people and the bank
ers of France.
Louis Napoleon, it seems, has ordered that
even the hurdy-gurdy singers in Paris shall
not say anything which reflects upon the char
acter of Nicholai Romanoff. Louis Napoleon
knows what that means. He sees that the
conflict l?etween England and France com
bined, and Russia single-handed, is not a mat
ter of child's play?it cannot be determined in
a moment. Perhaps England and France
will meet with such dire overthrow that it will
be remembered for a hundred years, like that
which the English and French fleets inflicted
on the Turkish squadron at Navarino. These
things oujht to be remembered sometimes.
I when principles are involved.
| THE AMERICAN OHHAS'g "I050RIS0"
SENATOR.
Senator Wilson will not be dumb. All the
Know-nothings in the land cannot make him
hold his peace. He has emotions/ They are
strong and irrepressible emotions. They must
find utterance. A cunning effort was made by
the organ of the Know-no^bings in this city to
| cajole him into discreet silence?to tempt him
I to " ignore" and " stifle" the slavery question
and to deceive him into denying vent to his
1 venomous Abolitionism. 1 his effort almott
succeeded. In an unguarded moment he was
entrapped into saying that he was a " State
rights man." At once the Organ embraced
him as a Know-nothing after its own heart.
Day after day, on the authority of the Boston
Bee and a mysterious letter of the Massachu
setts Senator, the Organ proclaimed him a
" State-rights man," and " a strict construc
I tionist." He wns without spot or blemish a
I white robed seraph and an immaculate Know
nothing saint.
But Senator Wilson was a frail mortal. He
had human passions and human weaknesses.
His ruling passion for " nineteen years" was
Abolitionism. It clings to him still. Then
again, those words so much esteemed in the
SouthState rights" and "strict construc
tion" did not altogether ph-ase the blue-light
Federal Whigs and Know nothings of Massa
chusetts. They began speedily to grumble.
To stop-them, the Senator took a pliant occa
sion to pour out his rank Abolitionism in the
Senate chamber. He afterwards wrt)te a rank
poison Abolition letter from which we recently
made an extract, and in the last few days has
delivered a lecture in Boston, which clinches
the nail. He is reported to have said :
" If there is any on? here (said the lecturer,
with emphasis) who believes that I aiu capable
of modifying my sentiments and opinions,
cherished by me for twenty years?either at
home or abroad, either in public or in private,
before friends or in the face of enemies?I com
mission him here and now to proclaim it.
Send it abroad on the wings of the wind, that
I am committed, fully committed, committed to
the fullest extent, in favor of immediate and
unconditional abolition of slavery, wherever it
exists under the authority of the Constitution of
the United States."
This is the Organ's "State-rights" man, its
"strict constructionist," of whose antecedents
for twenty years, none of us were ignorant.
If the Organ's State-rights principles come
to such an end, they will fare badly in Old Vir
ginia.
HBREAFTKR?HEL.IGIOI'8 AND
POLITICAL.
Hereafter, is a startling and a fearful word.
Men tremble at the thought of it. It applies
to two things?religion and politics. We will
not be so irreverent as to treat of it in its re
lation to religion. We leave that to the three
thousand and thirty New England, Abolition,
anti-Nebraska, Know-nothing parsons who in
flamed the people and besieged Congress when
a State-rights, constitutional bill was pending
?the Nebraska Kansas bill.
We will here speak only of the political
hereafter. When a man is old, infirm, and
tottering on the brink of the grave, we can un
derstand how, if ambitious, he may avail him
self of any temporary excitement to rise into
power, in order to gratify vanity and cheat fate.
His race is nearly run. It is, with him, now,
or never. He has but one chance, and it is
I
easy to understand how he will avail himself
of that chance. He will quit the Whig party,
he will quit the Democratic party, he will quit
any party and all his former associations, to
promote his ambitious and mercenary views.
He wants his last "breath to be a proud breath j
?a triumphal gasp, and as his time is short,
he will seize hold of any occasion, any excite
ment, and any party, that will enable him to
make a grand, glorious, and imposing exit.
There are still other men who will endeavor
to profit by temporary excitements and com
motions. They are men who know that they
can never rise, in ordinary times, when reason,
common sense and virtue prevail. When the
political waters are agitated they float like
cork on the top of the waves, for they have not
the weight to sink them.
Such men know that they have nothing to
expect in the political hereafter. The first are
as good as dead; the last as good as damned.
So that, not being able to get anything in the
future, they are bent on compelling tribute
from the present.
But there is a class of men who have a po
litical hereafter. They are confined to no
section aud to no creed. They are the men of
strong thoughts and robust ideas. They are
the men who are not too bold to dwell upon
the future, or too desperate to indulge anticipa
tions. Even in the North, there are Aboli
tiouists?ambitious political Abolitionists?
who, despite their fanaticism, have sagacity
enough to perceive that they cannot, like the
"States-rights" American, Know-nothing Or
gan, of this city, agree to suspend, to "ignore,"
to "stifle the slavery question," with safety to
their future prospects. True, there are not
many who have such sagacity?for most?
KEARI.Y AI.T. or THE NORTHERN ABOLITIONISTS
bklowu to the Know-nothino Order, which,
at this time, is the great excitement. The few
who do not belong to that Order, are such
long-headed,calculating men as Senator Seward
and Horace Greely, whose wisdom and expe*
rience assure them that they will best con
ciliate the Know-nothing Abolitionists here
after, by opposing them now.
But there is an opposite class with which we
now have to deal?for extremes meet. This
class is composfed of the Southern Know-noth
ings. That most of the Southern Whigs be'
long to this Order, or in other words, that this
Order in the South, as in the North, is mainly
composed of Whigs, no candid man will deny.
It is a spasmodic effort of Whiggery to regain
power. It is the "extreme medicine" of party
ism. It is the very castor oil of politics. Be
ing a desperate remedy, none bat desperate
men, in the South, will go into it. Such are
the infirm and aged Whigs who do not expect to
live long enough to profit by Whig ascendancy,
if Whig ascendancy should ever be brought
about again in this uncertain world. Such are
the men who, neglected by Whiggery, when in
power, because of their unscrupulousness, in
capacity or obscurity, are now seeking, by means
of an unscrupulous, incapable, and obscure
union of blind Whigs and effete Democrats, to
get into the constabulary, the legislature, con
gress, or the executive.
This organization, by which they hope to
rise, pretends to be a national organization.
It numbers among its members men of the
North and men of the South?Abolitionists and
slaveholders. We have already attempted to
show that the Northern Abolitionists who join
it will have no hereafter, because of their asso
ciation and affiliation with slaveholders?all
of both parties and sections (according to
the Know nothing Organ) agreeing to" ignore"
?" stifle" and "suppress the question of slavery!"
If such be the case with the Abolition Know
nothings of the North, how much worse will it
be with the slavrholding Know-nothings of the
South, who have, for fleeting spoils and tempo
rary advancement, met, mingled and affiliated
in a loving brotherhood, with the Abolitionists
of the North ?
Some such men way mount on the swelling
waves. They may rise from the bottom to the
top. They may succeed in becoming some
thing from nothing. They may be elected
constables, magistrates, members of the legis
latures, of congress, of the senate. But to
such?even to the mighty constables may be
applied the lines of the poet?
" Who would rise to solar bright
" To set in such s *tarle?* n'ght."
The " hand of resurrection will not reach"
such men. If Whigs, they will be damned. If
Democrats, they will be doubly damned, and
they will richly merit their doom.
THE OBJECT OK THE KNOW-{VO~
THINGS.
We find the following in the Abingdon, Vir.
ginia, Democrat:
"In reply to an interrogatory propounded to
him by the Hon. Eayette McMulIen, as to the
object of the Know-nothing organization, John
P. Hale, an ex-Senator of the United States,
and a leading member of the new party, replied:
'We mean to abolition ize the South, and we in
tend to do it?' Mr. Hale was subsequently
waited upon br several gentleman, and to all he
made the same declaration." ?
TUB "PKOFLK'M THKATHKMI88
MOBANT.
We have attended this theatre ou several oc
casions lately, and it affords us much pleasure
to be enabled to pay a deserved compliment to
the management. The best company that has
visited this city for a long time is now perform
ing at Iron llall. It is a remarkably talented
company and presents extraordinary attrac
tions. The theatre opened with Mr. and Mrs.
Walcott, two as versatile and talented perform
ers as we would desire to see. They are good
both in tragedy and comedy.
At present Miss Faftny Morant, a distin
guished tragedienne from abroad, is playing an
engagement at this theatre. She is an admi
rable actress. Iler reading is most impressive
?her emphasis has frequently an electrical
effect. J3he is full of power and full of pathos.
She has a most able auxiliary in Mr. Allen,
who plays the hero to her heroine. Mr. Allen
deserves more than a passing notice. He is a
man of uncommon talents in his profession.
This company deserves a liberal patronage,
and but for the unpropitious weather we doubt
not that the theatre would be thronged every
night. Despite the weather, however, the au
diences have been good and eminently re
spectable.
It is seldom that the lovers of the Drama
have an opportunity of witnessing as gpod act
ing as is now presented at Iron Hall. We
hope that they will avail themselves of the oc
casion.
Miss Morant deserves auccess. We doubt
not that she will receive it.
The Law Student* of Cambridge and
Judge Loring.
The Boston Telegraph states that the debate
in the Parliament or Assembly of the Cam
bridge Law School on the rejection of Judge
Loring by the board of Overseers of Harvard
University was brought to a close on Friday
eveuing last by the passage of the following
resolutions:
"Whereas, The corporation of Harvard Uni
verity appointed the Hon. Edward G. Loring
Lecturer in the Dane Law School, and the
Overseers have arbitrarily refused to confirm
the same, therefore be it ?
"Resolved, By us members of the Dane Law
School in assembly convened, that we fully
concur in the opinion of the corporation as by
their election expressed, that the personal
worth, intellectual and legal abilities and ac
quirements of Mr. Loring eminently qualify
him for the office of Lecturer.
" Resolved, That Mr. Loring's system of in
struction, comprising a clear analysis of Com
mon Law principles, and an exposition of their
reasons and applications, enriched by copious
illustrations from the Civil Law, was calculated,
to a rare degree, to afford a knowledge of the
topics discussed, at once broad and minute;
and we deeply regret his removal as bringing
a loss to ourselves and the science of law.
" Resolved, That we regard the rejection of
Mr. Loring as tending to restrain the freedom
of judicial opinion, and as sanctioned neither
by justice nor by wise policy."
. These resolutions were carried by a vote of
56 to 12, some of the minority refusing to an
swer to their names. There was considerable
uproar on the occasion, and it is said that
blows were exchanged between some of the
excited young gentlemen.
These young men prove themselves to be
wiser, better, more conscientious, and more
conservative than their seniors. This vote is
a good sign for the rising generation of New
England lawyers. We hope that they will ad
here through life to the honesty which is indi
cated by the above resolutions.
There arc usually a good many southern
students at Harvard University. If there are
any there now, we have but one word of advice
to give them?it is to quit, and quit instantly,
an institution that is controlled by rank Abo
litionists. It is no place for them.
" Americans Should Rule America."
The Detroit Free I*ress thus closes an article
on the new Secret Order:
"'America must be governed by Americans,'
for the ten thousandth time exclaims Know
nothingism. Is it not thus governed ? In the
first place, of the 23,191,876 inhabitants of the
United States, by the last censns, only 4,481,
070 were foreign born?the majority of natives
over foreigners being nearly nineteen millions !
With such a preponderance of Americans, is
not the country likely to l^j-nled by Ameri
cans ? In the second place, it is the theory of
our government, that when a foreigner has con
formed to all the requirements of the naturali
zation laws, he is just as good an American
as were some of our fathers who conformed to
them twenty, forty, or sixty years ago, and just
as good an American as were some of those
foreigners who were naturalized in the battles
of the Revolution. Such is the theory of the
Constitution, and such has been the practice
under it.
"We have discovered no other planks in the
public platform of the 1 new American party'
than the two on which we comment. They ate
untenable. No party can stand upon them.
They are rotten, and rest upon rotten timbers.
They are, indeed, the merest clap-traps. There
is nothing in the proclaimed danger of political
Romanism and foreign influence. All the talk
about it is'sound and fury, signifying nothing.'
If we would know the real principles and tne
real objects of the ' new American party,' we
must look to its oaths. They comprise its
platform. It is a hu^e political machine. We
cannot misconceive it. Its essential idea is, as
graphically described by a contemporary, the
subjection of the individual to the will of the
Order. Before initiation he binds himself by
oath, m all things, political and social, to com
ply with the trill of the Order. After initiation,
he is the abject slave of the Order, and cannot
escape from his bondage without the consent of
the Order. This is the letter of its constitution:
the Grand Council shall have power to decide
upon all matters apjterfaining to National
Politics. Thus the individual member bar
ters away his independent judgment, and in
all matters appeartaining to national politics
binds himself to submit to the dictation of the
Grand Council. If the Grand Council say the
Nebraska bill is an iniquity, he can no more
dissent from their decision than a good Catho
lic can now dispute the immaculate conception
of the Virgin. The Catholic takes his reli
gious faith from Popes and Councils; the
Know-nothing receives his political creed from
a Council, too?not a council of men distin
guished for piety and learning, but an irre
sponsible conclave of demagogues, without
personal character or tmblic reputation.
"Thus is Knpw-nethingism obnoxious to the
charge of which it accuses Catholicism. Its
indictment against Papacy recites its own
crimes against humanity. The Church of
Rome wrts never more intolerant, the Council
of Inquisition never more proscriptive, than
this perfidious friend of Protestantism, this
treacherous champion of religions liberty."
Decay or Abolition.?The men in Wiscon
sin who have been disgracing themselves and
their State by the fugitive slave rescues, are en
deavoring to raise a fund of $3,000, and for
that purpose are getting up subscriptions. Mil
waukee contributed the enormous sum of $15
towards the fund.?.Chicago Timet.
NUI.LIKICATION.IN NKW YOKK.
A select committee of the New York Assem
bly have recently rcporteJ, through their chair
man a bill entitled " An act for the better pre
servation of the constitutional rights and liber
ties of the people of this State." That our
readers may, see for themselves the wild ex
cesses to which reckless abolitionism is ruu
uing, we publish the bill below. Such pro
ceedings need no comment. They speak but
two plaiuly for themselves. Tbey seek to pre
cipitate?to force a terrible conflict between
the Federal and State Governments, between
the Constitution of the United States and the
laws of a State, and between the Northern and
Southern States. It is to be hoped that the
New York Legislature will not be so reckless,
rash and wicked as to pass such an odious
and flagitious law.
Au Act for the Better Prcttcrvatlon of the
Constitutional Rights and Liberties of
the People of this State.
Section 1. Every inhabitant of this State,
who shall be arrested, committed or detained,
under the pretence that such person owes ser
vice or labor under the laws of any other State,
is entitled as of right to prosecute a writ of
habeas corpus in'the mauner prescribed by the
Revised Statues ; and it shall be the duty of the
District Attorney of the county in which the
claim of such service shall be made or pro
secuted, upon being advised thereof, to appear
in person or by deputy, (who, in case of omis
sion, may be appointed by a judge of the
county,) upon every proceeding wheresoever
llttdj ?*? ro^vunna in tVio trial Of 1116 SU.1& oloim ?
to see that no wrong is done by any persou or
officer whatsoever against the person so claimed,
or against the fights, peace or dignity of the
people'of the State.
Skc. 2. The court or officer before whom
the writ of habeas corpus is returnable, shall,
on the application of any party to th^ pro
ceeding, order any issue involving the right to
freedom of the said person to be tried by a
jury, to be speedily summoned for the purpose.
Upon the trial of the said issue the burden of
proof shall reBt upon the claimant; and shall
be sustained by legal evideuce, excluding ex
parte depositions, and the testimony or decla
rations of either of the parties. The jury
shall have the right to return a general verdict,
and to exercise the same general djscretiou as
in criminal cases ; and the finding by them of
a verdict of " Not guilty," shall be final and
conclusive ; any attempt thereafter on the part
of any person or officer, with or without the
color of law, to seize or remove such person as
a fugitive owing service, shall be an act with
out the authority of law, and punishable ac
cordingly.
Six. 3. Any person who shall remove from the
limits of this State, or shall assist in removing
therefrom, or shall come into the State with
the intention of removing or of assisting in the
removing therefrom, or shall procure or assist
iu procuring to be so removed, any-person
who is not held to service or labor under the
laws of any other State, and who has not es
caped from such service or labor, under the
pretence that such person is so held and has so
escaped, shall be punished by a fine of not less
than $2,000, nor more than $5,000, aud by
imprisonment iu the State prison not less than
five nor more than ten years.
Sec. 4. No jail or other building belonging
to or under the authority of the people of this
State, or of any municipal corporation or county
thereof, shall be used for the confinement of
any person charged with being a fugitive held
to service, unless by order of a Judge of this
Stofcs pendiug the proceedings on a writ of
habeas corpus as herein provided; such order
shall only be made in default of reasonable
bail, if bail be demanded, which may only be
on the execution by the claimant of a bond
of indemnity with sufficient (sureties, to the per
son so claimed for the payment of all damages
he may suffer by the ?aid claim in case the
same shall not be sustained by the verdict of a
jury; and any person having the care or control
of any such jail or other building, who. shall
permit the confinement of such alleged fugitive
therein except as herein authorized, shall be
subject to the payment of a fine of five hundred
dollars and imprisonment in the State prison
for two years.
Sec. 5. All persons holding any office of
trust, honor or emolument whatsoever, by ap
pointment or election in virtue of any law of
this State, are hereby prohibited from directly
or indirectly arresting, keeping in custody or
surrendering any person whatsoever as a fugi
tive slave by virtue of the acts of Congress, re
specting fugitives from justice and persons
escaping from the service of their masters, or
any of them; and every person who shall so act
directly or indirectly shall forfeit any commis
sion which he may hold to any office civil or
military, under or by virtue of any law of this
State; his office shall be deemed vacant, and
he shall be forever thereafter ineligible to any
office of tru?t or emolument under the laws of
this State.
Sec. 6. The volunteer militia of this State
are prohibited from acting in any manner in
the seizure, keeping or rendition of any person
for the reason that ho is claimed as a fugitive
slave, unless in obedience to the judgment of
a court on the verdict of a jury as herein before
provided, and any member of the same who
shall offend against the provisions of this act
?hall be punished by a fine not less than $260
nor more than $1,000, and by imprisonment
for two years in the State prison.
Sec. 7. The tenth section of title VII, part I,
chap. 20 of the Revised Statutes, authorizing
the Mayor or Recorder of the city of New York,
in certaiu cases, to send back a fugitive from
service, is hereby repealed.
Sec. 8. Any judge, sheriff or other officer,
who shall relinquish, in any manner whatso
ever, the jurisdiction and authority vested in
them, or any of them, by virtue of the laws of
this State, to any court or officer, judicial or
executive, of any other State or of the United
States, in any proceedings authorized and insti
tuted under this act, shall be adjudged guilty
of a misdemeanor, and the person so offending
shall, on conviction thereof, in addition to the
forfeiture of his office, be punished by a fine of
one thousand dollars and imprisonment in the
State prison for two years.
Sec. 9. All expenses properly incurred in the
protection and defense of any inhabitant of
this State claimed, seized or arrested as a fugi
tive, together with a reasonable counsel fee to
the District Attorney or his Deputy for services
performed under this act; to be certified in each
case by a Judge of the county, shall be audited
by the Comptroller, ahd paid by the Treasurer
on his warrant, out of any money in the Treas
ury of the State not otherwise appropriated.
Skc. 10. This act shall tako effect immedi
ately. _?
William C. Flournoy on the Stump.
From all accounts, the most telling and ele
quent effort that has been made in Eastern
Virginia during the present canvass, was the
speech of William C. Flournoy, esn., at Prince
Edward Court on Monday last. Wo have met
with several gentlemen who heard it, and they
all concur in pronouncing the speech a master
5>iece of eloquent and convincing argument,
le has taken the field for the campaign, and
means, we learn, to keep it, and to do his whole
duty. It will be borne in mind that he is the
brother of the nominee of the Whig (K. N.)
convention. We hear that the democracy are
fully roused in Prince Edward, and that in
stead of loosing by detection from their ranks,
some of the most respectable Whigs in the
county will vote the democratic ticket as against
the Winchester nominees. They say they can
swallow most anything to beat the democracy,
but can't go Know-nothingism. Such, from
what we can gather, is public feeling generally
on the South side.?Smith Side ( Va.) Demo
crat of the 26th.
NEW YoHk COKHESPONlMiNCK.
Tb? Aew* by the AtUullc-It* Salient
Poluti Pronpeeti of a PiulrmeUd ?utl
Ucueral War-Paulng Review of tU?
lTleld.
New York, March 27, 1855.
The Atlantic, seventeen days out, haa at
length come in, with seven days later news.
Heavy weather is urged as the cause uf this
long passage; but we rather suspect it is the
withdrawal of the best ot the Cunarders to the
Crimea, and the saving of coal. A slacking off
to the extent of even a mile or two in an hour
save? an immense quantity of coal.
The news of tho death of Nicholas is fully
confirmed. But to all appearances the effect
is nothing more than this: "The King is dead.
The King lives. God save the King." Alex
ander steps into the shoes and into the policy
of his father. The war goes on, and it will
probably go on with increased vigor, and with
a new impulse of energy under the young Em
peror. Russia is with him ; and Russia's reli
gion lies in her great southern road to Con
stantinople.
' Louis Napoleon appreciates the crisis. He
is going to Sebastopol; he will have a French
garrison of forty thousand men at Constanti
nople. Perekoff, the gateway of the Crimea,
is at last to be blocked up, to prevent Russian
reinforcements from coming in. How ex
Aordinary that this discovery was not made
by the Allies immediately on planting them
selves before Sebastopol!
It is reported also that the engineers of the
Allies have hit upon some new plan for the
reduction of the beleaguered city. Will that,
too, prove a failure? Nous verrons. The Rus
sians seem to be multiplying all the time, and
appear to have hemmed in the besiegers be
tween two fires, front and rear. Thus, the
Allies, while besieging tho town, are them
selves besieged by the surplus Russians be
hind them. Curious arrangements, truly. Se
bastopol is to be reduced. The Allies draw up
their armies around it, on the south side of the
harbor; but they leave the north side of the whole
Crimea open all the way through. The Rus
sians pour in by thousands?no interruption
to their munitions and supplies. Ihey build
new works of defence, from day to day; they
lock up the harbor by sunken ships; they
swarm over the hills on the flank of the be
siegers, threatening their depots, transports,and
fleets at Bulaklava, when at last Louis Napo
leon thinks of the happy idea of stationing an
army corps up there at the Isthmus of Perekop,
to keep" out the enemy's re inforcements and
provisions. There is a touch of the true Bona
parte in this, though it comes rather late in the
day.
Louis Napoleon again desires England to
understand that she has a master. Mr. Ro
buck'a Parliamentary Committee, to inquire
into the shocking mismanagement of the Bri
tish army under Lord Raglan, does not please
the French Emperor. The publication of Mr.
Robuck's inquiries may injure the cause of the
firm. The result must be kept secret. Ro
buck says no. Louis Napoleon threatens.
Lord Clarendon goes over to Boulogne to
make explanations to the Emperor. W hat
condescension I And yet the Emperor is right,
and, ten to one, he will have his way. In the
end, too, if they secure the humiliation of Russia,
England will find France with an army of oc
cupation at Constantinople that will be very
apt to stay there, as the French protectorate of
the key to the East Indies.
On the other side, it is said that Nicholas,
some days before he died, had superseded
Menschikoff, at Sebastopol, by Gortschakoff
and Osten Sacken. If this be so, it argues
that the expenses and losses of the garrison
and army there under Menschikoff were not
satisfactory to Nicholas, and that Gortschakoff
has been given the command with theView of
a more active and vigorous resistance. In any
event, the bloodiest work in the Crimea is yet
to come off; and before the campaign there is
settled, the diplomatic complications of the
German and Italian States may yet result in
lighting up tho whole Continent in this strug
gle between Russia and her enemies, inter
mixed with various spontaneous revolutions in
behalf of the third party of the people, cutting
in for their own "balance of power" between
the other two parties, Cossack and anti-Cossack.
Kossuth may be a humbug, and Mazzini a
dreamer; but, rely upon it, tho continental re
publicans are awaiting their opportunity.
Let the French Emperor go to Constantino
ple. Let him take a corps of 40,000 men with
him ; let him establish the Empress in one of
the Sultan's palaces on the Bosphorus; but let
him look well to the Red Republicans he leaves
behind him. If, perchance, he should perish,
what will become of the Empress? what will
become of France, of England, of the Holy
Alliance? Can human sagacity fathom the
possible contingencies.
You will perceive that the first effect of the
Czar's death on the Bourse was peace, and that
stocks went np; but you will also perceive,
that upon the sober-second thought, and with
the publication of the manifesto of the new
Czar, consols were downward again in their
tendency. 8o, so. It was but a man that
died, after all. Russia is the same, her course
the same, her policy tho same, and her resolu
tion the same to fight it out for the road to
Constantinople.
Very well. Let our government look to it,
and ascertain if we have not something to do
meantime. Let our farmers put in this spring
every acre they can in breadstuff's and provi
sions. Let our consumers study economy and
retrenchment. Let every man who can do so,
secure himself a little patch of ground, for the
prospect before us is a bloody European war,
and perhaps a European famine.
The new Emperor, however, has yet to be
tried. He may prove unequal to the gigantic
task left hiin by his father, and all its tremen
dous details. But he is said to have been
thoroughly schoolod in it} and is also reported
to be a man of decided abilities, energy, and
firmness of character?"a cflip of the old
block." We must wait the isrfue before Sebas
topol?the trial of the new antocrat, and the
humbugging, and peafe-crippling conference
at Vienna.
Onr duties as a people are husbandry, econo
my, retrenchment, and preparations, as if for
the exigencies of a long European war, and an
impending European famine.
UNCLE SAM.
tf'ovtip
Arrival of the Atlantic?One week later
from Euroiie?Important Intelligence.
The steamer Atlantic arrived at a late hour
on Monday night last at New York. We sub
join the intelligence brought by her.
It appears the Atlantic arrived out at Liver*
pool ou the 4th instaut, and sailed on her re
turn ou her regular day?the 10th instant?at
2 o'clock, p. tn., but encountered strong west
erly gales during almost the entire passage,
which accounts for her not arriving several
days sooner. She brings 74 passengers, among
whom are Bishop Hughes, of New \ork, and
Bishop Newman, of Philadelphia.
The death of Emperor Nicholas, of Russia,
is fully confirmed. Alexander, his eldest son;
has peacefully ascended the throne, under the
title ot Alexander II. Constantino and the
other sons of Nicholas have taken the oath of
allegiance to the new Emperor.
TUe Illneaa and Dratli of the Kiuptror of
' Iluaala.
Beri.in, Friday, March 2.?Official accounts
have been received of the deafh of the Emperor
Nicholas. The event took place this morning
at 12 10. Paralyau of the lungs was the im
mediate cause.
The Prussian official journal publishes" the
following dispatches, addressed to Berlin by
Lieutenant Colonel Count Minister, adjutant in
the service of the King of Prussia:
"St. Petersburg, March 1, 1 25 p. ra.?The
aintc of the Emperor became much worse yes
terday evening. The following is the medical
bulletin: 'Yesterday violent fuver manifested
itself, with inflammation of the lungs.- The
fever lasted the whole night and prevented sleep.
The ejections continued without obstacle. A
slight attack of gout is observable.' I must
add that the debility the august invalid has
greatly increased, and that, at least in the
opinion of the physicians, the state of his ma
jesty is most critical. I will forward another
dispatch to-day, and beg you to communicate
the present to Duke George at Strelitz."
"Sr. Petersburg, March 1, 4 40 a. m.?The
state of his majesty has not improved in any
respect this morning. I will send a third dis
patch. , Her majesty, the Empress, lia3 had
some palpitations of the heart, but is otherwise
well. I beg of you to send this intelligence to
Schwerin, Strelitz and the Hague."
"St. Petersburg, March 1, JT 30 p. ra.?The
state of his majesty, the Emperor, grew con
siderably worse during the day. The eject
ments take place with diUicul^, and give *
indications that the lungs also are touched.
Atrophy of the lungs is feared. Dr. Carell is
very much alarmed. At the request of the
physifcians, the ^rand duke heir-apparent has
requested the Emperor to receive the sacra
ments. The Empress is well. I will send
auothcr despatch to-day."
"St..Petersburg, March 1, 10, p. m.?The
Emperor has declined receiving the last sacra
ments at present. The ceremony is adjourned
till to-morrow morning. The Emperor only
sees the Empress and the Grand l)uke heir
apparent- The Empress is aware of the dan
ger, and begs me to inform his majesty tho
King thereof, and to communicate it also to
her august relations, and to Strelitz."
"St. Petersburg, Winter Palace, March 2,
6, a. in.?The Emperor has calmly received
the communication from Dr. Mandt, that atro
phy of the lungs is possible. He simply ob
served: 'When shall I be paralyzed?' The
physicians could not give a precise answer.
The Emperor then said to Dr. Catell: 'When
shall I choke?' The Emperor has taken the
last sacraments; he has taken leave of his wife
and children, whom he has blessed separately,
as alwo his grand-children, in a firm voice, in
full possession of his intellect, perfectly calm,
and with great presence of mind. The. pulse
is still strong, but musk has already been ad
ministered. The Empress keeps up, and shows
resignation."
The Morning Chronicle has published the
following telegraphic intelligence, dated St.
Petersburg, March 3d: "The Emperor expired
yesterday at ten o'clock. Alexauder was pro
claimed Emperor on the same day. He re
ceived homage to day."
The last words of Nicholas to the Empress
were: "Tell Frederick, King of Prussia, to con
tinue attached to Russia, as he has hitherto
been, and never forget his father's words."
It is said that a few days before his death
the Czar succeeded in effecting a complete re
conciliation between his two eldest sons, Alex
ander and Constantine, who were at variance.
St. Petersburg, March 7.?The rapid de
composition of the body of the Emperor Nicho
las has prevented the exhibition of the body to
the public.
The Journal dea Debate says : "The Empe
ror Nicholas has not died suddenly; he had
been ill for twelve days before. We have be
fore us letters from St. Petersburg, of the 19th
ultimo, which state that the Emperor then kept
his bed by order of the first physician, M.
Mandit. The Empress was also ill and con
fined to her bed.
Our correspondents attribute the illnesB of
the Emperor to a cold. Notwithstanding tho
severity of the weather, he continued his usual
occupations; he was desirous to see everything
for himself, and in the most minute details ; he
visited the soldiers in their barracks; he
passed long and frequent reviews, forgetting
the precautions which his age required in such
a climate, and in such a severe season. To all
the observations made to him by his children
and by his most devoted servants, he replied he
had something else to do besides taking care of
his health. lie had, however, attended it for
more than a year past, and at times felt unea
siness.
" He said that he had reached, and exceeded
the number of years which God had allowed to
others of his race, and that his end was not far
distant. He had treated himself according to
his own ideas ; he had insisted on his physician
putting him on a regimen which would prevent
his getting corpulent, of which he had a sin
gular dread. What change has taken place
since the 19th of February ? It is said he had
an attack of apoplexy, or of paralysis of tho
lungs. This was a thing which Dr. Maudt had
not anticipated, for at that time he felt no
alarm, ana his language was most satisfactory.
The Emperor Nicholas was, moreover, subject
to attacks of gout, and at the commencement
of his illness no had felt some symptoms of it."
It may, however, be doubted whether any
Russian sovereign has cither the will or tho
power of permanently resisting or suspending
by any act of his own that traditional policy
which dates from the founders of the empire,
and more especially from Peter and Catherine
II.
The Emperor Alexander I sometimes disa
vowed it, and even coquetted with the liberal
institutions and opinions of Western Europe;
but ho allied himself with Napoleon at Tilsit
to obtain the Danubian provinces, and he avail
ed himself of his ascendancy in 18.55 to carry
his frontier beyond tho Vistula. Yet, in writ
ing confidentially to Lord Castlereagh in 1822,
Alexander spoke of himself as the only Rus
sian who resisted tho views of his subjects upon
Turkey, and of the loss of popularity ho sus
tained by this antagonism. In like manner
the Emperor Nicholas during a great part of
his reign affected to have desisted from the ag
gressive policy of Russia.
Acceaalon of the Kmpernr Alexander.
The Times has published the following tele
graphic dispatch, dated Berlin, Saturday morn
ing:
" The Czarevitch Alexander assumed tho
government at St. Petersburg yestorday after
noon, and received homage as Emperor.
" The Journal det Dcbats says:
"The new sovereign of Russia was initiated