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fcDITfcl) BY WM A1 OVERTON, CH- MAURICE SMITH, AzNl) BEVERLEY TUCKER ! TUB8UAY MONDilNG, OCT. U, 1*55. JStr G. II. P. Stem. i* our authorized ageui ?or colleelufg aceoiintio ?lue this odice, uiul lor ol? iiiiunu new ?iiliMcnb?ra in Virgium **" A" ieltrro on biiilueat klioulil be *d dreaaed ??? " Tlit Sentinel Olttte," W m.1i. lafira. We have sent bills to such of our suUscrir herb us are indebted to the inline I newspaper, rendering tlieir accounts to the 224th September, at which time the second volume of the Tri weekly edition will close. While returning our thanks to those who have, Iroin the beginning, sustained our enterprise, we desire to say thut all who wish to continue their subscription* will be required to remit i-ayment in advance for the next volume, commencing gn the ~5lh instant, as, otherwise, no paper will be ?cut troin this oliice. I he terms, it is known, Are FIVE DOLLAR* A TEAK. We are compelled to this course owing to the difficulty ol collecting our subscriptions, scattered as they are over a wide surface of country. Our triends will, theretore, see the necessity of com plying with our terms. No offence is intended to any, since jrienda and strangers are embraced in the same category. Subscribers not renewing by the first of October, their names will be stricken from the list. OLK TllKATY WITH JAPAN. 1 he visions ol the great trade with Japan, indulged by many of our commercial men. after the negotiation of Commodore 1'erry's famous treaty, have been entirely dissipated by the recent news from that far-oft country. If seemed to be thought at the time by many that the hitherto scaled and secluded empire of Japan, after maintaining an unbroken solitude lor centuries, had suddenly opened her com merce to our favored country, and granted the privileges of accehs and residence to our citi zens. There was something of exultation, too, felt and expressed at the fact that in ne gotiating a treat v with Japan, we had succeed ed in doing what England and France had in vain attempted. ^ For ourselves, we never so construed the treaty as some sanguine persons seem to have done. We looked upon any treaty with Japan as a success. All that we expected was such a treaty as would prepare the way for an ulti mate, unrestricted commerce. We did not suppos**, however persuasive Commodore Per ry's voice, or however menacing his guns, that Japan would, in one moment, give up what she had maintained for ages?her exclusive ness. We thought that the object of the Ame rican expedition was to gain a foothold in Ja pan?to make an entering wedge. The treaty gained the foot hold and made the entering wedge. Misconstruing ir, however, several Ameri can citizens proceeded to Japan, and estab lished themselves in business. They were in formed by the Japanese authorities that this they had uo right to do under the treaty. A correspondence at once took place between these merchants, (Messrs. Heed and Dough erty.) commander Rogers of our navy, and the Japanese Governors. The result was that the merchants, after making formal protest against the action of the authorities, teturned to this country. Without undertaking a formal and elabo rate argument of the question, we shall simply present the treaty with Japan, as we find it in the New York Herald, am] make e few com ments on it. Th? Treaty w'tla Japan. The I nited States of America and the Em pire of Japan, desiring to establish firm, lasting, and sincere frienshin between the two nations, have resolved to fix, in a manner clear and positive, by means of a treaty or general convention of peace and amity, the the rules which shall in future be mutually ob served in the intercourse of their respective countries, for which most desirable object the President of the United States has conferred full power on his commissioner, Matthew Cal braith I'erry, special ambassador ol the United States to Japan ; and the august sovereign of Japan has given similar full powers to his com missioners, Havashi, Dalfiaku-nokami, Ido, prince of Thus Si ma, Izawa. prince of Mima saki, Udono, member of the board of revenue. And the said commissioners, after having ex changed their said full puwers, and duly con sidered the premi-' a, have agreed to the fol lowing articles Article 1.?There shall be a perfect, per ma nent, and universal peace, and a sincere and cordial amity between "the United States of America on the one part, and the Empire of Japan on the other part, and between their people respecti\ely, without exceptions of per sons or places. Art. 2.?The port of Simoda, in the prin cipality of Idzu, and the port of Hakodade, in the principality of Matsmai, are granted by the Japanese as ports fur the reception of A me rican ships, where they can be supplied with wood, water, provisions, coal, and other articles their necessities may require, as far as the Japanese have them, lbs time for opening the first named nort is immediately on signing this treaty ; the last named port to be immedi ately after the same day in the ensuing Japa nese year. [Note.?A tariff of prices shall be given by the Japanese officers of the things which they can furnish payment for which shall be made in gold and silver coin.J Art. 3.? Whenever ships of the United States are thrown or wrecked on the coast of Japan, the Japanese vessels will assist them, and carry their crews to Simoda or Hakodade and hand them over to their countrymen ap pointed to receive them: whatever articles the shipwrecked men may have preserved shall likewise be restored; and the expenses incurred in the rescue aid support of Americans and Japanese who may thus be thrown upon the shores of either nation are not to be refunded. Art. 4. ? Those shipwrecked persons, and other citizera of the United States, shall be free as in other countries, and not subject to con finement, but shall be amenable to just laws. Art. 5.?Shipwrecked men, and other citi r.ens of the I nited States, temporarily living at Simoda and Hakodade, shall not be subject to such restrictions and confinement as the Dutch and Chinese are at Nagasaki, but shall be free at Simoda to go where they please within the limits ??f seven Japanese miles (or ri) from a small island in the harbor of Simona, marked on the accompanying chart hereto appendod; and shall in like manner be free to go where they please at Hakodade, within limits to be defined after the visit of the United States squadron to that place. Art. 6.?If there be any other sort oi gotnis wauled, or any business which shall require to b?i arranged, there shall be careful deliberation betweeu the parties in order to settle such matters. Art. 7.?It is agreed that ships of the United Stales resorting to the ports open to them shall be permitted to exchange gold and silver coin and articles of goods for other articles of goods, under such regulations as shall be temporarily established by the Japanese government for that purpose. It is stipulated, however, that the ships of the United States shall not be per mitted to carry away whatever articles they are unwilling to exchange. Art. 8.?Wood, water, provisions, coal, and goods required, shall only be procured through the agency of Japanese officers appointed for that purpose, and in uo other manner. Art. i>. It is agreed that if at any future day the government of Japan shall grant to any other nation or nations, privileges and advan tages which are not herein granted to the United States arid the citizens thereof, these same privileges and advantages shall be grant ed likewise to the United States and to the citizens thereof, without any consultation or delay. Art. 10. Ships of the United States shall be permitted to resort to no o'her ports in Japan but Simoda and Hakodadi, unless in distress or forced by stress of weather. Art. 11. There shall be appointed by the government of the United States consuls or agents to reside in Simoda, at any time after I the expiration of eighteen months from the date of the signing of this treaty; provided that either of the two governments deem such urrangemeut necessary. Art. 12. The present convention having been concluded and duly signed, shall l>o obligatory and faithfully observed by the United Stales of America and Japan, and by the citizens and subjects of each respective power; and it is to be ratified and approved by the President of the United States, by and with the advice ami consent of the Senate thereof, and by the au gust sovereign of Japan, and the ratification shall be exchanged . within eighteen months from the date of the signature thereof, or sooner if practicable. In faith whereof, we, the respective plenipo tentiaries of the United States of America and the empire of Japan aforesaid, have signed and scaled these presents. I, one, at Kanagawa, this thirty-first day of March, in the year of our Lord .Jesus Christ one thousand eight hundred arid fifty-four, and of Ka^ei, the seventh year, third month, and1 third day. M. C. PERRY. Our first remark is, that this does not pur port to be a treaty of commerce. It is n " treaty of peace and amity." Next: we remark that the pinch of the ques lion raised by the American merchants is on the oth article. "Shipwrecked men and other citizens of the United States, temporarily liv ing at Simoda and Hakodadi," Ac. What is meant by the word "temporarily?" That is the question. At best it is very vague and indefinite. Seclusion and isolation being the peculiar and distinctive characteristic of the Japanese, and having been so for centuries, had they intended to renounce and give up that seclusion and that isolation, they would not have employed a vague, indefinite, and doubtful word. They would have used a phrase as strong as possible and as clear as light. That they did not mean to admit Americans as residents is plain, from their whole history, their present customs, and the terms of the treat y. About one article ot the treaty, the 9th, there can be no question. It provides that any privileges and advantages granted in the future to any other nation, shall be granted to the United States, without "consultation or delay." In conclusion, for onr space is limited, let us be content with the Japanese construction of the treaty. We believe that it in right. Hereafter we may accomplish all that we de | sire. MISIIKPRKSEXTATIOXK OP TRR PRO. KLAVRRV PARTY IX KAXKAS. Since the settlement of Kansas has become the question of the day, we have frequently re ferred to the fact that every newspaper in the interest of the Abolition party is busy in mis representing and calumniating the pro slavery party in that Territory, and in lauding to the skies the Emigrant Aid Society emissaries. The former are represented as roaring lions, going about seeking whom they may devour; the latter as innocent lambs, chased, harassed, and destroyed. Crimes that have never been committed, outrages and arts of violence that have had no existence, are daily imputed by I the Abolitionists to the pro slavery party of Kansas. It makes but little difference with these unscrupulous prints and their unscrupu lous correspondents, whether the accounts they publish are true or false. It is sufficient for them to know that they will have the effect of creating a prejudice against the gallant men in the new Territory, who are exerting them selves to strangle the Abolition party that was sent out to conquer tbem. However, knowing abolitionism as we do, we are not surprised at the misrepresentations to which we allude. But we have been much surprised and deeply chagrined to find that some of the Southern papers are in the con stant habit of republishing in their colamns all the abuse and misrepresentation which they can glean from abolition journals. What they mean by so doing, we are at a loss to under stand. Surely they do not believe the stories of the wily and persistent enemy. It is still more unlikely that they intend to rebuke and assail the only party in the new Territory that maintains the supremacy of the Consti tution and the rights of the States. It must be done heedlessly. It were better not done at -all. No doubt the Abolitionists laugh among themselves at the indiscretion and stupidity of those Southern Editors who thus fall into the trap that has been set for them, and aid in dis seminating at the South the calumnies that have been sown broadcast over the North. Far be it from us to claim for a pro-slavery man in Kansas, who commits a crime, exemp* tion from punishment. Far be it from us to say that such a crime should not find a place in the Southern Press. It is the duty of the press to rebuke crime wherever it rears its , head, and thus aid in preserving a correct pub lic sentiment. But we have seen and heard enough to convince us that most of the stories ?bout the outrages committed by pro-slavery men in Kansas are nothing but abolition in ventions. What is remarkable, and it is a striking feature in abolition character, they never take back or correct any of their stories, however false they may know them to be. They soem to think that a falsehood well stack to is as good as the truth. LLL???MMI . ?ml 111 " THE LAM ISM* The uew istti?Free Love-ism?which has but recently come to light?has, it seems, been growing in seclusion and secrecy for the last two years. Originating in New York, that hot bed of corrupt isma, it planted itself in the new State of Wisconsin, where it has a flourishing colony. Worse, so far as we understand it, than Mormorism or Mahouietauisin, it yet bears a resemblance to both. It appeals to the passions of the young by holding out the prospect of unlimited indulgence, teaching the while that such indulgence instead of being sinful is but a purt of man's duty. How suc cessful it has been in enticing the young of both sexes, is plainly shown by the long ac counts of the meetings of these societies, which have lately appeared in the New \ ork papers. Among the visiters to these, free love gather ings were young women of beauty and cultiva tion, both married and single. 1 heir princi ples undermind by the cunning teachings of the pernicious founders of the order, their imagi nations interested by the new and poetical theory of44 passional attraction," and their pas sions stimulated by ail unusual freedom of in tercourse, thev recklessly threw aside all that they had learned of morality, religion, nnd de cency, and cast themselves pi 11 mell into that den of vice, where irross appetite is called heavenly inspiration, and the sacred ties of matrimonial life are laughed to scorn. What an infinite amount of corruption and demoralization may be caused by such doc trines, such assemblies, and such practices, i may be readily guessed. All such orders or societies are but the natural offspring of that false philosophy of which the New ^ ork Tri \ buue is the chief expounder and advocate. This 44Free Love-ism" is but another phase of Woman rightism, Abolitionism, and the vari ous other isms that have sprung (rom distem pered minds. If the doctrines and practices of this society be such as they are represented, we can im agine nothing more pernicious and fatal to the morals of the young. The law should inter pose and break up their meetings. We are ?hid to see that the police of New \ ork have taken the matter in hand, and that this 1-ree Love Society'' is about to be crushed. The old grannies who have command of the English troops have been lately honored with new titles, and decorated with flaming ribands by their grateful Queen. Generals Combermere, Earl Stafford, and Viscount Hardinge, have been made field mar shals. General Simpson has been made a General and K. C. B.; and Colonel Wyndham, who headed the British attack on the Redan, a Major General. i Marshal Pelissier has received the decora tion of the Grand Cross of the Bath from the Queen, and* his Majesty the Emperor of the French has further awarded to General Simp son the Grand Cross of the Legion of llouor. The Times has a caustic article upon the stupidity of investing 41 bed ridden generals (Combermere, Stafford, and Hardinge,) with dignities and emoluments which active and able soldiers ought to receive. It is apprehended that a fearful monetary crisis is approaching, which will shake Eng land and France to their centre. The advance of the rate of interest to 5* per cent, with the prospect of a greater advance, will impose a serious check upon trade. If the English journals may be relied on, the Russian people are much exasperated against the Czar on account of the fall of Sebaatopol. It is said that when the disaster of Scbastopol was known, the populace of St. Petersburg be I came dreadfully excited, and, meeting the car riage of the Empress in the street*, lollowed it I on its way to the palace, with shouts of "Ven geance for Sebastopol!?vengennce for k'erni ' l#flf!?vengeance for NachimofT!" However, notwithstanding such demonstra tions, the Czar is said to be firm and inflexible. He is prosecuting on a grand scale his plans for continuing the war. In a late address from I Moscow, he says: " The brave defenders of Sebastopol have done everything possible for human power to j do. The former and present unfavorable events I accept as the inscrutable will of Providence, which visits upon Russia heavy hours of trial. 14 But Russia's trials have been much heavier, and God Almighty has always sent her his be nevolent and invincible help. Let us therefore also now trust in Him. He will defend Russia, the orthodox, which has drawn the sword for a just cause?the cause of Christendom. "I am glad to see the incessant proofs of the readiness of everybody to sacrifice family, pro ' perty, and the last drop of blood, for the integ rity of the Empire and the honor of the coun i try. I find comfort and strength in these pop alar sentiments and aspirations, and with my whole heart united with my brave and faithful people, I shall repeat, confident of God's help j and aid, the woras of Alexander the First? 'Where there is truth, there is also God."' THK VOLtHTKKR MILITIA, It is conceded that, in a republic, the conn j try's best defence is in the arms of her citizens, and not in those of a hireling soldiery. The battles of the Revolution,' and the conflicts previous and subsequent to that great epoch in our eventful history, attest that the volunteer militia are equal to any emergency tbat may demand the exhibition and the practice of the Htemest virtues necessary for the defence of country and of kindred. The liberty insepa rably connected with a wise administration of the government will, so long as our glorious institutions exist, always find brave and self sacrificing defenders. Hence, we look with pride on the pnblic displays of the citizen militia-volnnteers, for there is no law in this District which com pels them to par.#e. Of their free will, at their own expense, with the exception of the arms, they provide their uniforms, and dis I charge the exf<enses incidental to such organi zations. Yesterday, the regiment of the District of Columbia, under the command of Colonel Ilickey, paraoed for review and exercise. Pas sing through the principal streets, they elicited general praise for their really fine appearance I ?each company having a different pattern ol uniform?and their exact soldierly movements. They were accompanied by full bands of mu sic, as usual on such occasions. There are but few cities which can claim so fine a regiment; and in this respect theme tropolis of the country should be justly proud of her citizen, volunteer soldiery. PKACK AMU WAR. * The following very clear perspective of peace and war at the present time in Europe, is fur uished by that accurate and close observer, M. Gaillardet, in his last letter from Paris to the Courrier den Ktats Unity of New York, from which we translate as follows: " The hopes of an immediate pacification, which many minds and some of the journals ! were disposed to connect with the capture of Sevastopol, are now generally abandoned. 1 he language ascribed by the Emancipation liehje (newspaper) to the King of Prussia is questioned. He was reported to have said to a Russian officer: ' All this must come to an end ; when we withdraw ourselves and go sing ly into a war, we must be resigned to the blows of adverse fortune.' It is doubted, also, whether any overtures of mediation were made by the Court of Berlin to that of Paris, notwithstand* ing the persistent affirmation of the Indepen dance Jielge, which journal declares, however, these overtures were unequivocally rejected. According to the London Morning Advertiser, on the contrary, it was the Emperor of the French who was to take th? initiative, with propositions of peace generously offered to conquered Russia. This supposition of the English journal was in contradiction to the war-like language of the Constitutional, an nouncing that the Allied Powers had resolved to follow up their victory and to listen only to propositions of which Russia should take directly the initiative. It appears, says in its turn the 'autographic correspondence' of Ger many, that the cabiuet of St. Petersburg has answered by unacceptable propositions the overtures which Count Stickelburg had been directed to make by the Austrian cabinet. But the Vienna Presst declares it has learned from a reliable source that all which has been published in regard to these diplomatic steps is destitute of foundation. All, it would seem, has been limited so far to an interchange of opinions, which have been purely confidential; and there is only one thing positively known, which is that the Western Powers are deter* miued to continue energetically the war in the Crimea, and to push it into Asia. The Czar shares this opinion, as is confirmed by the an nouncement of a general recruiting in Russia; the march of the regular troops of Poland and of Lithuania on Odessa and Nicolaief; theso works added to the fortifications of these two places; and the journey of the Emperor to Nicolaief, where he has been to hold a council of war with his brothers and his principal generals, to determine on the plan of campaign which his army is to follow. " While waiting for the revelation of this plan, the Russians do not seem to have yet decided to evacuate the forts situated on the north of Sebasiopol, and nothiug has come to hand to confirm the report that Prince Gorts chakoff had askjd Marshal Pelissier if he would consent to takj charge of fifteen thousand wounded Russian?, iu case he should make a retreat. What is more certain than this inquiry, says the Patrie, is that the Russians are raising new batteries in the northern forts, and that they have continued to send us bombs and balls, which reach the inside of the city, even our siege-works. One of these balls killed an English tourist who was visiting the ruins of Sebastopol. But the engineers and the artillery are everywhere at work, and Fort St. Nicholas, which is in our hands, and al most intact, already answers the Russian bombs bv balls from cannon of Russian manu facture. " Strategists who study military operations 011 paper, and direct them mentally from their chimney corner, are astouished at the delay of the Allies in profiting by their victory, and in marching either against the northern forts or against the army of assistance encamped on the heights of Mackenzie. But a competent judge had estimated at the beginning, in the Journal de? Debats, that the labors to be per formed in making an inventory of the materiel found in Sebastopol, and of installing them selves in that place, would require not less than a month. Moreover, if, as is thought, Marshal Pelissier intends to throw on the rear of the hostile army a double body of cavalry and of infantry, the first sent forward by Eu patoria, and the second by Kcrtsch, before attacking it in front, time is requisite for the execution of this plan." COC'RT OP CLAIMS. Saturday, October 20, 1855. Mr. Jacob Barker, of Louisiana, appeared, was sworn an attorney of this court, and filed a petition in the case of Richard R. Ward and t others, his assignees, who claim the difference ! between lawful money and the depreciated pa ' per currency nnder the loan of 31st of August, ; 1?14, on $3,446,103. The Court delivered an opinion that the case j of David Myerle (No. 1 on the law docket) is within the jurisdiction of this court, and au j tborized testimony to be taken. This case was i submitted by argument on last Thursday morn i ing. It is a claim arising from an alleged non i fulfilment of a contract by Government with the claimant for furnishing water-rotted hemp. | Case No. 25 on the law docket being called, > Mr. Stanton appeared for the claimant. It is j the case of William W. Cox, who claims com pensation for extra services while head messen ger of the Post Office Department. Mr. Stanton stated the case, and read letters from Mr. Whittlesey, Comptroller of the Trea sury, Mr. Washington, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, and Mr. Phillips, Sixth Auditor of the Post OCBce Department The Solicitor followed, and at the conclusion of his remarks Mr. Stanton submitted the case for the decision of the Court ns to whether it is within its jurisdiction. A number of cases being called which were not ready for argument, the Court set apart Monday next for hearing arguments in the cases of John C. Hale, (No. 18,) Ashnry Dick ins, (No. 40,) Michael Nonrse, (No. 41,) a*iH John Rob, (No. 51;) after which The Court adjourned at two o'clock till 12 o'clock on Monday morning. Vfc. A total eclipse of the moon will occur on Thursday next, the duration of the pheno menon being more than three hours. If the weather should be clear the sight will be a fine one, as all the usually visible planets may be seen. Venus will bervring as the elipse ends; Mars will be visible an hour earlier, and Sa turn will be near the meridian. From the Union of Friday la?i. Our Utlalliiut with Doinlulca?The liilcr (?r?uc? of Frauct aud Ku'ylaud?ticu er?l Caxucau'i Mliklou. The anti-American jouruala of Europe have largely occupied themselves, in concert with their faithful allies?the disunion press of this country?in misrepresenting the motives and circumstances of the treaty which 1 had con cluded with the Dominican republic, but which was afterwards set aside by the hostile inter ference of France and England. This was to be expected; for the enemies of American pro gress instinctively favor any attack on the in ternal peace or national greatness of our repub lican Union, and as naturally oppose whatever tends to give the United States pre-eminence over the Euro|tean kingdoms of their idolatry. If such a tiling exists as an "American sys tem of policy," the Dominican republic had (he strongest claims on the friendly notice of our government, und, ut the solicitation of many Spanish-American friends who felt the importance of the crisis, 1 caused those claims and the condition of that country to be laid be fore President Pierce at the commencement of his administration. Its geographical vicinity and central posi tion were urged in behalf of interests common to both uations, as well as its desirable harbors; its valuable products?exactly what our coun try does not produce, and must purchase; its wants?exactly what our people can supply on the best terms; its commanding situatiou at the intersection of the great and growing lines of American commerce; its free and liberal in stitutions; its expressed wish to enter into closer relations with its '"great neighbor of the north; and, not least among those considera tions, the significant.fact?which no American patriot can, and which no American statesman will, overlook?that this neglected republic is the only territory in the whole circle of West India islands under American rule. This solitary foothold of American national ity is struggling for life against the attempts of Solouque to reduce it to a negro despotism. He claims for the negroes, under the title they ac quired by their former massacres of the whites, the right to hold the remnant of the race in sub jection, and to blot out civil and religious lib erty at their pleasure. France and England secretly foment these pretensions, and they are sustained, more or less openly, by the le ading disnnion journals in the United States. The Dominicans asked nothing but to be left in the peaceful possession of their own patri mony, and to receive from the United States the moral aid of a national recognition and the encouragement of a fair reciprocal treaty. Their object was a stable and independent na tionality, with free security of person, property, and religion for all creeds, classes, and races; and to serve the Dominican people in this ne cessity was also the soundest course of policy for 4he United States. In plain terms, these are the questions be I fore us: Shall the entire West Indies, with their one hundred thousand square miles of territory, and their three millions of inhabi tants, be wholly Africanized and made the implements of European opposition to Ameri can progress, or shall we encourage the Do minican republic to maintain an independent nationality and become the nucleus of an American system in the Antilles? Shall the allied powers, who boast that their position at the gates of the Gulf of Mexico enables them " at any time to cut in twain the commerce be tween the Northern aud Southern States" of the Union, be permitted to increase this power by new encroachments, to exclude us alto gether, while they usurp Samana, the key of the Caribbean sea. as they have before usurped the control of San Juan, the invaluable inlet of the Nicaragua route, and the Iluatau archi pelago, the general outport of our isthmus transit to California, or shall we be allowed to obtain by fair negotiation one haven of refuge in our own American seas where we can treat and trade without asking the consent of France j and England ? I It can be no violation of confidence or eti quette to say, iu reply to the unjust imputa tions cast upon the President, that so far as I have understood his views on the Dominican question, they were only what he has declared to the world in his inaugural address. At no time and in no way has he, to my knowledge, gone one step beyond that document with re gard to my mission, and to stop short of it ought to entail eternal disgrace on any Ameri can, be he President or private citizen. It is the systematic policy of France and England to divide, degrade, and impoverish the American republics, aud many of their most serious difficulties, as in the case of the unfortunate Dominican republic, may be traced to the intrigues of European agents. They deprived this republic of the advan tages resulting from a recognition by other American powers, and declared a kind of Mos quito protectorate, which would exclude it from entering into any treaty relations inde pendent of their wile and policy. It is not denied that their agents employed threats, J promises, and, finally, an open display of force, to deter the Dominican Government from completing the treaty it desired to enter into wfth the United States. The members of the Dominican Congress, who gave ine the most conclusive evidence of this interference, de clared to me they considered both the legisla tive and executive powers under European duress, and asked me to sav, in good faith, whether I believed the United States Govern ment would defend the honor and freedom of these negotiations from European dictation. It was a momentous question with the Dominican people; for, as one oftheir ministers I truly observed to me, "if the powerful Ameri can Union submits to the dictation of the j allies, it cannot expect the feeble and unsup I ported Dominican republic to resist their wile, i or to sacrifice, perhaps, its very existence in I support of interests which the Americans will not defend for themselves." Whatever may be the requirements of European diplomacy, I know of nothing in i ours which makes it necessary for a represen tative of the United States to sacrifice truth and honor; and I replied candidly to this appeal, that I had full confideuce in the patri otic intentions of the American Execntive, and that Congress had, in various forms, a?w?rted that a firm resistance to European encroach ment on American soil was a fundamental doc trine of the American system; but I was obliged to arknowledge it had permitted bare-faced vio | Istions of this principle by England at Nicar agua and Honduras, and it might, therefore continue passive while France colonized the Bay of Samana. I did all in my power to induce the Domini can government to resist these assumptions; but justice compels me to admit that, pressed as it was on every side by France, England, and Hayti. and in doubt whether the United States would sustain the common cause, it had no alternative but to submit to the demands of the allies, and recede from the treaty they had invited from the United States. It is not the fault of the Dominicans, for they are a brave and well-disposed people, that the allied powers trample upon American in terests, nor is It the fault of the Executive that no positive measures of repression?that words, not acts, have been opposed to these encroach ments; the fault is in the indifference of our people and the inaction of their representatives in Congress. If that body will trouble itself to examine the case, it can find a prompt and certain remedy, without creating a war with the allies because we object to iheir interfer ence in our inter-American relations. This treaty, which has been made the sub ject of so many false statements by the anti Americsn press, was of honorable reciprocity. It contained no iipw or unusual stipulations respecting the citizens of either country? nothing more or less than England and France have agreed to in relation to their own snhjects, of whatever race or color, resident in the United States and other countries. Tt reciprocally guarantied nil 'he rights of trade, travel, and residence conceded to the citizens ot the most favored nations, under the name universally pplicable conditions ot obedieuce to the laws the country while withiu their jurisdiction. The wise liberality of the Dominican laws ahled me to engraft in the permanent con ditions of amity perfect freedom and security conscience, worship, and property; and j this, with its eminent advantages ot soil and climate, was too well calculated to invite Ame rican industry and capital to settle in the country and enhance its prosperity, not to ex cite the active opposition of the allies. The governments of Franco and Lnglund injure their own people in obstructing the prosperity of the American republics, tor we are their best customers. The richer we are, the more largely we shall buy ot their tabricn, nleaa they drive us into tariff's of exclusion by way of reprisal for their attacks on our in terests. In this jealous dread of American progress, the agents of France and England conspired with the negro party, headed by Baez, the se cret ally of Solouque, to excite a war of races. Their prospect was to murder the heads ot the government, overthrow the constitutional re public, and ostablibh a negro despotism on the ashes of the white race. I was told weeks be forehand the co-operation of a b rench and ''nglish squadron was promised, and it actu lly presented itself at the appointed time be fore the city of Santo Domingo, and at certain indicated points in the vicinity. Hut when the squadron arrived it found the Dominican government had already discovered and crush ed the plan of revolution and massacre, and the French and English consuls had to con tent themselves for the present with using the squadron and their diplomatic flags to protect the conspirators from punishment. Their con fiulates were made the rendezvous and asylum of the negro leaders of the frustrated plot; and when the Dominican authorities demanded these notorious criminals for trial, the consuls replied with the same insolent contempt of the sovereign rights of the Dominican republic which they had displayed in the American ne gotiations?that the rebels were " under the protection of France and England, and none of them should be (and none of them were) punished." Every intelligent observer is aware that not only in Santo Domingo, but at all the points commanding our coast und isthmus trade, these powers are usurping territory and ex tending their semi-colonies and contraband protectorates; but no President can put an end to European encroachment on our side of the Atlantic unfcl lie is sustained by a Congress that has the nerve and patriotism to plant it self on American principles. England and France have violated the laws of neutrality towards us, and it would be no more than a just act of self-protection if Con gress were to repeal the neutrality laws of 1818, so far as they apply to the encroaching powers, but not in any form to endanger the safety of unoffending neighbors ; or suspend them until the allies shall have evacuated their usurpa tions on American soil and sovereignty, and shall give better guarantee for the future than evasive diplomatic explanations. WILLIAM L. CAZNEAU. (ieorgla Election. The returns of the recent election in Georgia from all parts of the State, show that the entire vote polled is 104,698?an increase of 9,832 over the vote in the Gubernatorial election of 1853. Johnson, Dem., has received 54,843; Andrews, American, 43,512 ; and Overby, Temp., G,2It votes. Johnson's majority over Andrews is 11,330; over Andrews and Overbv, 5,086. The Congressmen elect are Seward, Craw ford, Warner, Cobb, Democrats; Trip and Fos ter Knownothing, and Stephens, Anti-Know nothing Whig. The democratic majority upon joint ballot in the Legislature will be over fifty. Upon the question of a removal of the scat of Government,out of about 82,000 votes, "No Removal'' has a majority of 14,000. The official returns from Pennsylvania for Canal Commissioner foot up as follows: For Plumer, Dem 161,281 For Nicholson, Opposition 149,745 Plumer'* majority 11.736 The Legislature will undoubtedly stand as follows: Senate, 17 Democrats to 16 Fusionists, &c., House of representatives, 65 Democrats to 35 Fusionists, <fcc. Ninety-nine Yeara Imprlitoiiineiit. The Toronto (Canada) Patriot tells the fol lowing tough yarn : "Towards the middle of the last century, an individual of 22 years of age, was condemned to the hulks for life. It was then tho custom, or at any rate it was the humor of the court, to pronounce the sentence of the term of 9'J years. The criminal has undergone this some what prolonged confinement, and a few days ago was set at liberty. He is bent double, and bowed almost to the knees. He attains next month hifi 121st birth day.'' GuanoTraiuc.?The Alexandria (Virginia) Sentinel states that the sales of guano in that town have been very large the present season, and that one house engaged in the business, although limited for the want of a supply, sold 27,000 tons, or $136,000 worth of Peruvian, besides about 300 tons Mexican ; but the prin cipal sales were made by the agent of Rarreda A Bro., the amount of which cannot as yet be acertained. It is, however very large. The Will of Mr. Bodisco.?In the Orpans' Court on Saturday last Mrs. Bodisco and her brother, Brook Williams, entered bond in $100,000 as administrators of the will of Count Bodisco, the late Russian Minister, so far as relates to his personal estate. Judge Pnrcell decided that the will, only bearing his signature and not having been witnessed according to the statute, is not sufficient to pass the real estate, which, however, goes by descent to the widow and children. All the property of the deceased Minister in this c&nntry is supposed to amount to $300,000. V9u We publish, in another column, a com munication touching the action and proceed ings of the Navy Hoard. It is from a high and distinguished source. Co*. McKkkver.?It is stated that the Sec retary of the Navy has addressed a complimen tary letter to Com. McKeever, who remained at his post as the commandant of the Ports month (Va.) Navy Yard, during the whole of the terrible epidemic, although tendered a leave of absence. His reply was, that, to him "the post of danger was the post of honor." Mr. Dobbin writes him that the man who remains at his post where "pestilence walketh at noon day" exhibits more heroic bravery th n he who faces the cannon's mouth, and invites him to report at head quarters. The census of Wisconsin is completed and *hows a population of 662,109, an increase of 246,718 in five years. Commnnitattb. FOR THE HENTINEI.. TilK NAVY BOARD. It was a very high and delicate trust that was coinmitttid to thin Hoard, hut it wan not supposed that they were invested with a de spotic power over the fortune and fame of all the Navy. There was a prevailing opinion that there were many drones in the service, and it was reasonable that such persons should be at least removed out of the way of meritorious officers entitled to promotion. But it was with astonishment that we saw the name of one of the brightest, if not the very brightest, orna ment of the Navy at the head of the list of those who are represented to the public as proper subjects of retrenchment, more especially as Commodore Stewart was at the time actually employed in a post of great dignity and honor befitting his age and services. As it is said, however, with what truth we know not, that Commodore Stewart requested that he might be reduced, by way of example, and, in an other quarter, that he is to be retained, not withstanding the sentence of removal sanc tioned by the President, it is best to wait for further developments on this point. Perhaps similar arrangements have been made under hand in the case of other gallant officers who were in actual service at the time of undergo ing the process of reform?and we should be glad to hear that Skinner, Smith, and Boar inau, were to retain their places, and that something was to be done to repair the wrong that has been inflicted on Lieutenant Maury, by cutting him off from the honors of that rank to which he had so much right to aspire; and on which his well known name would have conferred new lustre. But for an officer to be invalided does not necessarily im ply censure, and the authority exercised in these eases does not amount to usurpation, when the infirmity that incapacitates is not a mere pretext, and used to get rid of a rival or an enemy in the full enjoyment of his faculties. At best, it shows a disposition to grasp nt. power, that the Board is willing to anticipate time, and superannuate officers that have earn ed the thanks of their country before age or in firmity has warned them to retire. But the latitude with which they have con strued their power knows no bounds. They were authorized to dismiss from service such incompetent officers as by their own fault had rendered themselves incapable of discharging their duties efficiently, " both ashore and afloat. This is not a general authority to dismiss whom they please. The act gives them no right to cashier any officer who is capable of performing promptly and efficiently all hisduties ashore or afloat. Yet this is what they have assumed to do. They have arro gated a power to supersede all the rules and articles for the government of the navy, and to dismiss any officer from the service without a trial, by adjudging every lerson inefficient and incapable of performing lis duty who, in their opinion, is for any rea son disagreeable. According to this notion, the word efficiency is not to be taken in its natural sense, and, from the Secretary's letter to the President, it appears that he had been converted to their opinion, that they are con stituted the sole judges what real efficiency i.i. Therefoiea man neither disabled by age nor in firmity, nor chargeable with ignorance or want of spirit, nor unwilling to serve, nor negligent of his duty, nor unskilful in the discharge of it, may still be inefficient in the sense of the board. There is no test but their discretion ? no efficiency but their favor. If he has any enemy in the board, he cannot lie efficient, cannot be capable of discharging all his duties ashore and afloat, because his enemy would not be willing to act with him, and so he could not discharge those duties that required his co-operation. And on this constructive ineffi ciency, an officer may not only he retired from the walks of competition, but degraded, cashier ed, and turned out of the service with igno ininy. Of the injustice of this perversion of the act of Congress, the case of Thomas Petigru. late a commander in the navy, is a glaring in stance. It is but the other day he returned from the Fejee Islands, having discharged all the objects of the voyage to the perfect satis faction of his superior, bringing home his ship in perfect order with a crew obedient and con tented, without losing so much as a spar, in cruises extending over more than two year?. For near a twelve mouth past he was in ser vice at the navy yard, under the commandant of this station, and never gave occasion for the smallest complaint What more evidence to perform efficiently all his duties aahore ami afloat could be expected. It is ridiculous to pretend that he is dismissed for inefficiency, ah that word is understood in its proper sense. Then, if for any other cause, how does the case stand? He has been in the navy upwards of forty years ; seen his fall share of actual ser vice in the war of 1812 and since; never de clined any duty, nor scarcely ever a>ked any favor but employment; lived amo^ig gentlemen without a blot 011 his name; w?t never cen sured, nor ever tried but once, and then wa honorably acquitted. Can it be possible thai a roan who belongs to a profession that in taught to cherish the sentiment of honor and is an American citizen, can be reached by a secret inquisition ; tried behind his back, con victed on the authority of a refuted slander, and without warning, made the object of 11 sentence more dreadful to a sensitive mind than death? If, under the enlarged construction of their power, the board can make any act they please an offence, and convict without allowing the accused any of the benefits of a trial, con science and dnty require that the proof to war rant conviction should amount to certainty. For the more the rights of defence are restrict ed, so much the more is the accuser bound to make his case clear and free from doubt. But the reverse of all this is the order of the day. While Commander Pctigru enjoyed the esteem of society, and his friends ami himself were perfectly unconscious of the idea that dishonor was attached to his name, and he was in the prompt, punctual, and efficient discbarge of his duty ashore, the first hint of bis danger is an intimation that all is over with him, followed by an official note, brief and blunt, addressed to Mr. Thomas Petigru, to say that his name is struck from the rolls of the navy. It is vain to talk of the high character of the board. Qthcr people have character, too; and pride, presumption, and prejudice must not shroud themselves under the cover of a name as a safe guard. If the public conscience will bear this, it is a fit ?ubject for the experiments of every Charlatan?political, military, or naval. Risponsibimtt. Fioht Betwkkk a Ratti.esn a k k and Hons. ?The State Right* Democrat, published at Klba, Alabama, narrates the following: "Two gentlemen were lately in the woods, when their attention was attracted by an up roarious noise of hops. Thinking that some thing uncommon was to pay, they repaired to the spot, and found that the hogs hail been in a fight with a very large rattlesnake. The fight., from appearances, had been a long and desperate one. The snake was torn to pieces three hogs dead, and a fourth dying. They say that, as the last hogs would groan, the snake would raise his head, being nnable to do any thing else. The snake and fourth hog soon died. They report that for thirty yards around the grass and ground were torn op. The snake was six and a half or seven feet long. The hogs, in the fight, had demolished all the rattles except two."