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Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, May 08, 1856, Image 2

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BEVERLEY TUCKER,
EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
THURSDAY MOKNING, MAY 8, IMfl.
FOR PKB8IDEN T,
JAMES BUCHANAN,
OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Subject to the Decision of the National Con
cent ion.
To tbe Subscriber* of the Sentinel.
It is our purpose to send out letters enclos
ing bills, to our subscribers; and we thus, in
advance, earnestly express the hope that they
will at once respond.
We have it in contemplation not only to
increase trie amount oi our reading matter, but
to improve the mechanical appearance of oar
paper; but this cannot be done, in justice to
ourselves, without a compliance with our rea
sonable demands ou our subscribers. We
have to pay cash to conduct our establish
ment, a fact of whicb some of our friends do
not seem to be aware. However, we return
our thanks to those who appreciate that truth
and have promptly complied with our terms.
The Washington Sentinel is published Tri
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Editor and Proprietor, Ward's Building, uear
the Capitol, City of Washington.
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Agr For interesting items see first page Tri
Weeklv.
THK URKAT SPKECH OK SKSATOH
BENJAMIN.
The event of last week was the Friday's
speech of Hoo. J. P. Benjamin, the eloquent
Senator lrom Louisiana. Much was expected
from a gentleman who has so often distinguish
ed himsiif in that high forum, but the effort
far surpassed popular anticipation. It was a
speech wur'' v of the days of Clay and Web
ster : and : < r. a new evidence that if the
nation hr. i these, its great minds, it can
point to new men whose present position gives
promise of a distinguished career in the public
service. Mr. Benjamin unites to a style of cap
tivating and finished eloquence, a most inti
mate knowledge of the structure of the govern
ment. Standing at the head of the Louisiana
bar, and renowned as one of the ablest law
yers in the Southwest, it is refreshing to see
such a man devoting himself to the elucidation
and vindication of the true principles of the
Constitution, and applying to those principles
that thorough analysis which proves their vital
importance to our existence as a free people
at the same time that it dissipates the theories
of factions and asserts the great ends for which
our institutions were established. There have
been so many ignorant plausibilities started in
reference to the questiou of popular sovereignty
ia the North and in the ifcpulh ; there has been
such a maze of prejudice thrown around this
question by ingenious men in the opposition,
and all this for no other purpose than to sub
serve a merely party ambition, that when au
intellect like that of Mr. Benjamin devotes
itself to simplying and setting forth the rela
tions which the people bear to their own rights
as guarantied by the federal compact and as
illustrated in their respective connections with
the Territories and States, we may well con
gratulate ourselves. It is in this respect that
the speech of Mr. Benjamin will be acceptable
to the Northern Democracy, to those who are
willing to stand by all the rights of the South
at every hazard, but who, in order to do so,
should not be left to the mercy of every aboli
tion demagogue who is just able enough to in
vent disturbing theories, and bold enough to
push them into the free States as so many irre
sistable truths. We are glad to learn, there
fore, that Mr. Benjamin's speech is securing
that wide circulation throughout the non
slaveholding States which its cardinal merits
deserve. It is not necessary that we should
commend the speech to our readers in the
South. There, where Mr. Benjamin is known,
anything that he may say on great questions is
always sure to secure attention.
Mr. Benjamin'* avowal that henceforward
be would act with the Democratic party, will
excite a great sensation. IIin high character,
and hit extraordinary abilities, make him a
valuable accession U> the ranks of the Consti
tutional party of the land. We have noticed
lately in certain quartern a disposition to carp
at the readiness with which such men a* Mr.
Benjamin have avowed themselves members
of the Democratic party. A contracted sus
piciori has b?en excited, because most of these
gentlemen, in taking a position with the De
mocracy, are known at the same time to prefer
the great statesman of Pennsylvania as their
candidate for the Presidency, but all such
grovelling jealousies will be regarded as intole
rably mean when compared with the high and
disinterested patriotism which actuates thii
body of independent men in joining themselves
to us. The Democracy receives them with
open arm* ; it gladly exchanges them for those
men who have fallen off from its column in ita
triumphant and fearless advance; it rejoices
to recognize them as brethren; and it may
well appeal to the judgments of all those who
?till adhere to opposing parties, in view of such
tributes an these to come forward and assist to
Bwell our numbers.
Where indeed are the independent Whigs
like Mr. Benjamin to go? They refuse to con
taminate themselves with the odors of Black
Republicanism or with the cheater/ of Know
nothiugism. There is indeed but one refuge
left to them, and that is in the Democratic
party; and it would be monstrous if they were
not welcomed by that parly with shouts of de
light from one eud of the Union to the other.
We tender to Mr. Benjamin our thanks, not
only for his able speech, but for his eloquent
avowal of co-operation with the Democracy.
We greet him as an ally?a trusted, faithful
ally, aud we need not pledge to him the confi
dence and the support of that organization to '
whiclj he has in turn pledged his own exer
tions.
Mr. Benjamin's rencoutre with Mr. Seward,
which we have not time to notice at leuglh in
this number of our paper, impromptu as it
wa<<, was a happy closing to this remarkable
speech. We allude to the altempt of Mr. Sew
ard to read an alleged opinion of Judge Story,
delivered in the Circuit Court in 1822, in sup
port of his (Mr. Seward's) argument against
Mr. Benjamin's position. Mr. Benjamin show
ed that it was not an opinion of the Supreme
Court?that it had never been delivered in the
Supreme Court; and further, that Mr. Seward
did not read from a book of law, but from the
life of Judge Story, by his son, the biographer
asserting that the opinion quoted by Mr. Sew
ard was not law, but that he hoped it would
soon become the law of the land. Never be
fore was the arch-intriguer and demagogue of
New York so utterly prostrated. He sat in his
seat abashed and overwhelmed; the crowded
auditory witnessed his exposure, and many
who came there for the purpose of seeing him
triumphantly reply to Mr. Benjamin, were
compelled to bear testimony to his disgraceful
defeat. Mr. Hale happily came to his rescue,
turned the current of the debate, and Mr.'Sew
ard was glh^ to escape the responsibility of
making a reply, which would only have been a
new disaster to him.
We shall publish Mr. Benjamin's speech in
our next issue.
" Nemo me itnpvne lace*sit.''
A PROULKM FOR THK HOUSE?A F1L.K
FOR THK VIPKKS.
From the sum total of General Pierce's
claims, deduct the value of his last annual and
special messages, and what capital remains to
secure his nomination ?
Its solution will demonstrate to the wise the
true position of General Pierce; and if those
vipers, pretended vindicators df Mr. Bcchan'ax,
once get this problem into their maw and keep
silent until they shall have satisfactorily digested
it, we have heard the last of them.
We have omitted the inaugural, because it
was a splendid programme?in the estima
tion of the Executive, like lover's vows, made
to be broken. Take the inaugural, with all the
bright hopes it held out for the future?take it,
we say, and compare it with the long list of
broken promises, and thea say whether the
illusory brightness of the promises counterbal
ance the dark shadows of unredeemed pledges.
The last annual and special messages are
productions of very great ability: but some
what of the value of obituary eulogies?they
were ex post facto. The Kansas-Nebraska bill
had been passed the previous session, and there
fore these messages did not aid its passage.
The special message did no more than carry
out the behests of a positive enactment; but it
did most nobly and lucidly vindicate the true
principles of the Constitution. All honor to
it for this.
Now, in regard to the Kansas bill itself,
take it as it first came into the Senate, divested
of the repeal of the Missouri compromise, and
give to General Pierce, if you choose, the en
tire credit of it?to what would it amount?
What capital would that give him? Would
that secure his nomination?
The repeal of the Missouri Compromise was
conceived and ripened by Messrs. Toombs,
Dixon, and others, and was proposed by Sena
tor Dixon in open Senate.
What, then, was the course of the Executive?
His organ, the Union, came out with a furious
denunciation of the amendment, but Demo
cratic Senators had a better idea of coosist
ency than was exhibited through the organ,
and they adopted it. It was not until he found
himself alone that the Executive, through the
organ, gave in his alow adhesion.
We will not here follow the vacillating course
of the organ daring the progress of the bill
through the two Houses of Congress, of official
indulgences to treason, but we will simply ask:
With these facts before us, how much of the
credit due to the Kansas-Nebraska bill inures
properly to the Executive? Who will solve
that problem and give the result?
Of what value in the pcut^/e of the bill
were these splendid posthumous messages?
What wounds and scars did the Executive
receive in the fight of the Kansas-Nebraska
bill?
They were all in the back. He received his
first wound in his retreat from the Missouri
amendment. He received another when sel
ling to traitors official "indulgences" to war
upon the bill. As the Union pocketed the
price of the treason, the Executive received
that wound whose scar will never fade. He
may cry?"out damned spot," but the ineffac
able spot will not " out."
We wished to have done with Executive
claims to a nomination, but its minions call
ppon us for our reasons.
They have them. Are they satisfied? or do
they wish for more of the same sort?
From the shreds which will be left, let him
who can weave a web in which to catch the
delegates to Cincinnati. We opine the meshes
will be so large that only those will be caught
whose feet are dogged with the Executive
honey with which the meshes are baited.
In what we have said, there is nothing origin
nal ; our sources have been the columns of
those papers now so virulently assailing us.
We have but the merit of a compiler, string
ing hastily and not very methodically together
the sayings of these converted assailants.
The odor of this article is the mere distillation
of their own theoretical flowers?a homelier
phraseology than their'a, but perhaps as intel
ligible.
THK tlUJCMTlON?THE PIVOT OF TUB
CONTUOVKHKY.
Abolitionism and Freesoilism, in their intol*
rant and swollen pride, have banded together
for a crusade against the constitutional rights
and constitutional equality of the Southern
States and Southern people.
They offer that single i^sue; and by what
ever means successful, they promise in that
event to strike down the constitutional rights
of the Southern States, severing the bands of
constitutional ties, leaving us a dissevered, dis
membered republic.
Upon this sole issue, which floats upon their
banners, and dwells in their hearts, they iuvite
to their camp all the pie bald odds and ends of
parties of every hue and shade of creed. No
matter how diametrically opposed upon other
matters of vital interests, they are to conglome
rate into one mass for the occasion?all other
interests are to be left to the chances of the
future.
Thus stands the foe to the Constitution and
to the South.
What, then, is the duty of the South thus
confronted, and forcibly drawu to the contest
on a single issue ?
To meet that issue, full in the front, to plant
itself on the reek of the Constitution and of
State Rights, and unfurling the national ban
ner, to rally around it the national men from
every quarter.
The mere onslaught of this heterogeneous
mass of commiugled Abolitionists, Freesoilers,
and Spoils-seekers, will of itself, by sponta
neous movement, bring up the South in Bolid
phalanx ; but if the South ulone contests the
victory, it must fail.
What, then, is needed to secure the equality
of the States, the inviolability of the Constitu
tion ?
So many of the Northern States as will give
to the South and to the Constitution the pre
ponaerance.
That, then, is the one thing needful to victory.
Thus the issue stands divested of all extrane
ous matter, and victory hinges on this pivot.
In what manner shall the South most surely
secure these necessary Northern States ?
To the solution of this simple, but most sig
nificant question, must the labors of the Cin
cinnati Convention resolve themselves.
In what manner can this question be solved?
Will a preference for Mr. Buchanan, ex
pressed by Virginia, Louisiana, Tennessee, and
other Southern States, solve satisfactorily that
question? No; certainly not.
Would the expression of a preference for
General Pierce by one or more Southern States
for General Pierce, solve it ? No.
Would a preference expressed by other South
ern States for Judge Douglas, solve it. No ; it
would not.
Would the expression of a preference by a
majority of the Southern States for either of
the above, or any other person, satisfactorily
solve it? No; not if the unanimous South
expressed a preference for any one, would this
vital question be solved.
What solution, then, is there which would
be satisfactory?which would insure victory to
the National, the Constitutional party ?
The solution is as plaiu as the sun at noon
day.
Let those Northern Democratic States hav
ing certain votes enough to secure a majority
in the Electoral College, express their prefer
ence, say who and who alone can surely com
mand success within their borders.
This we apprehend in an unquestioned and
unquestionable solution, and the only one.
To this only point need the Cincinnati Con
vention give their attention.
Who is the man upon whom the solution of
this question should fall?
We apprehend that Pennsylvania and New
Jersey, having themselves the requisite num
ber of votes, can safely say that James Buch
anan, and that only he, can certainly receive
the votes of those States. Thus, then, the en
tire purpose of the Convention is certainly
secured.
What more than certain victory is required?
Can any one more certainly bring the required
number of votes? Can aDy?o certainly do it?
Besides, we apprehend that no man is more
likely to receive the votes of New York, Ohio,
Michigan, New Hampshire, Connecticut, And
we might add, he will surely receive the votes
of Indiana and Illinois.
With a platform acceptable to States Rights
and in conformity with the Constitution?with
a candidate justly entitled to Southern confi
dence, as is Mr. Buchanan, and with the prefer
ence for him by Northern States able to elect
him, is it not the duty of the South to suppress
all discussions which can only serve to distract
and to embarrass the Democratic party, and to
jeopard success.
If there be any other candidate who can
more surely promise victory to the Democratic
Party, let the evidences upon which this cer
tainty is predicted be given.
W e have presented a programme, which, if
followed, leads to certain victory, to the triumph
of National men over the twin brothers of In
fidelity, Abolitionism, and all the herded rem
nants of disbanded parties.
Mr. Buchanan, in as great a degree as any
man in the country, possesses the confidence of
the solid, considerate men of the country?nor
is he a hide-bound old fogy who sees dissolu
tion or disaster in the acquisition of everv ad
ditional acre we may make.
People feel that the national faith towards
all nations will be preserved, and that the faith
of all nations to us must be preserved.
It would seem that such selfish motives could
seek to introduce into the Convention disturb
ing elements-?matters which can embarrass,
but cannot facilitate the object of the Conven
tion?or, at least, the object of the people who '
send their delegates.
(tjr War is an agent of civilization. Al
ready the Crimean familiarity with Russian
customs has exploded the long cherished ideas
of Mr. Mink, that in Rusxian winters, when two
sleep together, they lie ht-ad and tail as bottles
are packed, and put their toes in each other's
mouth to keep them from freezing. Thus the
toes are also handy to rub their noses occa
sionally to keep away the frost; and in the
morning they are useful to scratch the "sleep
ers" from each other's eyes. Mr. Mink still
says so, but this is only obstinacy?such as
that which says that the tallow eaters were not
whipped by the frog-fanciers.?Botton Pott.
THE NATIONAL INTKliLlGKNCKR
Ttitc FOKCIC Of HABIT.
From the influence which habit (food or
bad) haa in controling the acliotia of men, it
baa been called "second nature," and the in
fluence of an evilis ofteutimes as difficult
successfully to resist, as is that of an evil origi.'
nal nature.
Though the latter is implanted by the Deity
and the former is the acquisition of man, it
may be doubted if nature be more powerful
than habit.
Be tbis as it may, a profitable lessou in re
gard to the controlling influence of habit over
the actions of men, may be derived by contem
plating its effects upon our respectable contem
porary, the National Intelligencer.
From a time whereof the memory of few
men runneth to the contrary, the Intelligencer
has been opposing the Democratic Party. Its
opposition has ripened into a habit which we
fear is irradicable.
A crisis in political affairs which threatens
the perpetuity of the,Union, may, for a time,
arrest the course of the Intelligencer and
awaken ita reason, but, the crisis passed, habit
resumes its away and our respectable contem
porary, never learning and never forgetting,
falls into its Bourbonic dsift.
lu the year 1850, a series of measures called
the Compromise Measures were adopted. These
measures the Whig National Convention de
clared that they would "abide by as a final
settlement." The National Democratic Con
vention also " acquiesced " in these measures.
Thus the two great parties of the country
adopted the Compromise measures of 1850, as
their future rule of action.
The Democratic and Whig parties had at
length found a point upon which they could
agree, and these two parties together comprised
the whole people of the United States, except
the Abolitionists.
Among the Compromise Measures were the
acts organizing the Territories of New Mexico
and Utah.
By these acts the people of each territory,
respectively, were authorized to settle for them
selves the propriety of adopting or prohibiting
slavery, as to them might seem best. In neither
of these Territories was slavery prohibited by
Congress, though portions of both of them
were north of 36? SO' north latitude.
All of Utah except a small portion was
norlh of the line, and all of New Mexico, ex
cept a small portion, was south of the line.
To neither had the principle of the so-called
Missouri Compromise been applied.
As to the two, the only two Territories whose
organizations were included among the Com
promise Measures of 1850, the so-called Mis
souri Compromise was " inoperative and void,"
and to the Compromise of 1850, both the Demo
cratic and Whig parties were fully committed.
In 1854, the public weal demanded the or
ganization of Nebraska and Kansas. No ob
jection was urged from any quarter to the
organization of these Territories. The excite
ment which subsequently grew up, was caused
by particular provisions of the act. No one
said that the Territories should not be or
ganized at all. The contest was as to the
principle upon which they were to be organized,
and not as to the organization itself.
Now, what was the principle upon which
the Democratic party claimed that the Terri'
tories should be organized ? We reply, upon
the same principle upon which the Territories
of New Mexico and Utah were organized?or,
in other words, cpon the principles op the
omprouise or 1850. ?
By the acts organizing New Mexico and
I tah, the people of those Territories were left
free to settle for themselves respectively the
question of slavery.
By the act organizing Nebraska and Kansas,
the people of those Territories were left free
to settle for themselves respectively the ques
tion of slavery.
As regards New Mexico and Utah, the so
called Missouri Compromise line was " inop
erative and void."
As regards Nebraska and Kansas, the Mis
souri Compromise line was " inoperative and
void."
That the Abolitionists should oppose the
Nebraska-Kansas act was to have been ex
pected. They had opposed the Compromise
Measures of 1850, or, as the Whig party de"
lighted to call them, the " Peace measures of
1850."
The Abolitionists were so few in number,
that their opposition excited no apprehension.
The Democratic party had introduced the
bill, and had every right to expect the hearty
co-operation of th? Whig party.
But, alas ! the "Peace" measures were more
than three years old?the crisis had passed,
and habit resumed its sway. The Intelligencer
opened the war, by proclaiming the declaration
of the bill that the Missouri Compromise wan
" inoperative and void," to be a breach of faith
to the North, and prophesied the renewal of
the slavery agitation.
Occupying the position it did with its party,
and claiming to be M Southern in feeling and
principle," the language of the Intelligencer
was calculated to create the agitation it fore
told.
The Whig party North'ignored the peace
measures of which it had been so proud. It
did know nothing of them. Some of the
Whigs North went over bodily to the Aboli
tionists. Others become Know-nothings, and
then the two fused, and Banks is now Speaker,
" First it blew, and then it snew, and then it
thew, and then it frit horrid!"
Tha Intelligencer is entitled to a full nha^ of
the responsibility for the existing threatening
state of affairs'in Kansas, and for the destruc
tion of the Whig party.
The proclamation of the Intelligencer "thst
the repeal bf the Missouri Compromise was a
breach of faith to the North," had its natural
effect.
The Abolitionist* seized upon the idea, and
"Southern aggression upon Northern rights,"
and " Treason to th? North/' became the watch
words which deluded many honest men. The
words of the InUUigtnMr were looked upon at
the North in the light of a Southern culmistion.
For our part, as we have heretofore had occa
sion to declare, we do not admit the claim of
the Intelligencer that it is "Southern in feeling
and principle."
Though still claiming to abide bj the com
promises of I860, the lnielb'fencer was among
tb? first to repudiate them, and a large share
of responsibility for the existing stale of affairs
lies at its door.
The indulgence by our respectable contem
porary of its bad habit of opposing the Demo
cratic party, accounts in great part for its dis
astrous course.
Having done much to destroy, the lutcllir
yencer is now engaged in the hopeful task of
re-organizing the Whig party.
Qo on, the prospect is eucouraging. When
the Fkoenix rises from his ashes, success will
attend your efforts.
Mil. BUCHANAN.
Mr. Buchanan will, we learn, receive the
committee appointed by the Pennsylvania De
mocratic State Convention, to inform him of
his nomination for the Presidency by that
convention, at his residence, Wheatland, Pa.,
to-day.
He will leave Lancaster for Baltimore on
Friday or Saturday, and will be in Washington
on Saturday or Monday.
Parlors have been engaged for him at Guy's
National Hotel.
The Washington City Councils, at their last
meeting, unanimously passed a resolution ten
dering the use of the Council Chamber, in
which for Mr. Buchanan to receivo his friends.
PHILADELPHIA ELECTION.
A despatch, dated Philadelphia, May 7th,
states that the entire Democratic ticket was
elected yesterday. Vaux's majority for Mayor
3,872. The Democrats have a majority in
both brauches of the Councils, the select coun
cil stands, with those holding over, 14 to 10,
and the common council G9 Democrats to 17
Americans.
MAY BALL.
Mr. Louis Carusi will give hia usual annual
May Ball this evening, at his well-known sa
loon. We believe this gentleman was the first
to introduce such festivals in Washington.
Many adults of this city learned of him, in
their youth, how to cvolutionize on the " light
fantastic toe," and not a few of them, it is pre
sumed, will be present at the innocent enter
tainment.
N1CARAGUAN MINISTER.
The new Nicaraguan Minister has arrived
in Washington. Some of the newspapers call
him "Padre Vigil," while others spell his
name differently. However, the orthography
matters little, if the substance shall be officially
recognised by our Government., The Admin
istration halts.
StsT" We commend to the Richmond in
quirer, the Staunton Jiepublican and other
Pierce papers, the following extract from Gen.
Pierce's special home organ?the New Hamp
shire Patriot?and to all those papers who
claim for him merit for his tight on the Kansas
bill. Until they dare publish in their columns,
this exposition of the views of General Pierce
on the Kansas bill?this argument of his to
secure its passage? No they wish to conceal
the truth from their readers; but some of them
will hunt up stale calumnies against Mr. Buch
anan, forty years old, to parade them before
their readers; and yet these same papers, pro
fuss to favor Mr. Buchanan and denounce us
as hiq enemies?credat judctus.
From the President's home organ.
"All the valuable land open to settlement is
already 'steaked out' and'claimed,' and eternal
decrees could not make freedom more sure.
"Nor is this the beginning and end of the
chapter, though this might be thought enough
by any reasonable man. It is now proclaimed
by anti-Nebraska papers that such is the rush
of emigration in this direction that, like the
too abundant rains which swell the rivers, it
will overflow its natural banks, and passing on
to the immense territory of Texas, make two
or three new free States out of soil which had
been devoted to slavery! German emigrants
are universally anti-slavery men, both from
principle and from taste, being unable to en
dure contact with the colored race; and already
occupying the western part of Texas, they will
unite with the emigrants from the North and
West in organizing free States on the soil of
slavery!
"Nor is this all, great and good as it is. It
is stated that Missouri is awakening to thoughts
of fretdom. Slavery was never strong there,
and is mainly confined to the rich bottom lands
the Mississippi, while the western portion of
the State is almost exclusively occupied by free
men. During the last few years the number
of slaves has been diminishing, as things then
were; and now, when the state shall be nearly
surrounded by free States, and the escape of
slaves become so easy, and when so large a
portion of the people are opposed to it, both
from interest and principle, it is thought by
those well acquainted with the state of public
feeling that slavery will give way to surround
ing circumstances and Missouri itself join the
sisterhood of free States around her! Should
not such prospects satisfy the most zealous
abolitionists? Should not the part only which
is moral certainty crcate the most devout
thanksgiving? Utah, New Mexico, Nebraska,
the territory of a dozen future independent
States, and Kansas, all sure to be free, besides
two or three to be carved from Texas, and
Missouri itself to be free I Who could expect
so much? ? Who asks for more? The aboli
tionists have harangued for freedom, preached
for freedom, and as they say, prayed, for free
dom over this vast territory. Should they not
thank Heaven and be content when they re
ceive what they asked.
"Indeed they noW adroit almost without an
exception, that such results have been secured
by the Nebraska bill, results grand, permanent,
and glorious, such as no single act of Congress
has ever before secured.
"The Nebraska bill works gloriously and
triumphantly for freedom. No act of any Pre
sident or any Congress has secured so much
and so suddenly and so easily for liberty, and
men of dffl parties will be obliged to acknow
ledge, with the intelligent and honest National
Intelligencer, and on the day after the passage
of the bill, that though they opposed it from
beginning to end for the sake of peace and
good feeling throughout the nation, vet truth
and honesty required them to confess their
belief that the North and South should change
their positions, and the North go for the bill
and the South oppose it."
NoTrmrnli of Army Officer*.
The Indianalo Bulletin, of the 25th nit.,
says:?
"Major Ruff and Captain King, United
States army, passed through our city on their
way to the States. They have been members of
the Court Martial for tho trial of Captain Travis,
2d Cavalry.
Colonel Mansfield, Inspector General United
States army, arrived by the Louisiana. He is
on a tour of Inspection through Texas. Also
Major Holmes, 8th Infantry, en route for Fort
Bliss, with forty recruits for company I, 1st
Artillery, at Fort Clark.
ffc?T We call the attention of our southern
rtends to the following letter from Mr. M. B.
White, establishing a Southern Commercial
Association:
A Soatlicru Commercial AuocUtlon.
Washinutom, D. C., April 28, 1856.
Mr. Elmtok: Please permit me, through the
columns of your paper, to call the attention of
the merchants, business men, and all those at
the South who take au interest in the protec
tion of their most sacred rights, to a plan for a
Southern Commercial Association which I am
now maturiug, aud which has already received
the most hearty approval of many gentlemen
of the South whose opinions are worthy of the
highest consideration. It is a truth too plain
to require argument (hat the individual abo
is disposed to traduce, vilify, abuse, and injure
his neighbor in every possible manner has no
claim to his money or his patronage. So it is
also true that those at the North who let pass
no occasion to insult and injure the South have
no right to increase their wealth by commercial
intercourse with that sectiou of the country;
and yet it is a stariling fact that the most fan
atical abolitionists of our northern cities share
the patronage of the South equally with those
who are friendly to the South and her institu
tions.
It is also a fact too true to be controverted
that there are now thousands of dollars in the
treasurer's vaults of northern "Emigrant Aid
Companies," placed there for the avowed pur
pose of driving southern men from the Terri
tory of Kansas, which are the direct profits of
a lucrative southern trade.
The grand object of a Southern Commercial
Association is to direct as far as possible south
ern trade into the hands of those at the North
who are friendly to the South, and who respect
her guarantied rights, whether they be of a
State or individual character. For the accom
plishment of the above object, it is proposed to
unite the merchants and business men of the
South in an association, with proper articles of
agreement, setting forth the designs and pur
poses of the association, and to have a board
of directors, (to be elected by the members of
the association,) whose duty it shall be to con
trol the financial and other affairs of the asso
ciation. It is also proposed that the association
open an office in the city of New York, with
efficient agents, whose duly it shall be to learn
the character of the different mercantile, bank
ing, exchange, and manufacturing companies
at the North, and keep all members of the as
sociation informed iu relation thereto.
It is also recommended that the association
publish a monthly journal, to be devoted to the
interests of the association, and to the general
commercial interests of the South, to be sent
gratuitously to all members of the association.
The plan is too lengthy to be imbodied in full
in a single letter. Suffice to say, that for prac
tical utility it has met the entire approval of
all to whom it has been submitted. The sub
scriber proposes soon to make a trip through
the southern States, visiting the cities and prin
cipal towns, and address the public generally
upon the merits of the plan, its probable effects
both upon the North and the South, and upon
the baneful effects of northern abolitionism.
For success in the enterprise we rely upon the
justice of the cause, and upon the co-operation
of the chivalrous South. We would respect
fully invite all local editors iu the South to
present the subject to their readers, either by
the publication of this letter or such notice as
they may be pleased to give.
Hoping very noon to meet many who may
read this letter, I remain, verv respectfully,
your servant, M. B. WHITE.
Mr. Everett and the Mount Vernon
Estate.?Mr. Everett, in a letter in which he
accepts an invitation to deliver his Washington
Address, at Springfield, Massachusetts, says:
"I am gratified that you concur with me in
the wish to appropriate the proceeds in aid of
the fund for the purchase of Mount Vernon.
The recent letters of the proprietor throw some
doubt on bis present willingness to sell the
estate. It cannot, however, be doubted, that it
will eventually become public property. In the
meantime I do not understand that the efforts
making to raise the requisite fuuds will be
relaxed. The sums which have already been
received by me have been safely and advan
tageously invented in trust, and I shall make
the same disposition of what may hereafter
come into my hands, without the deduction of
a dollar for personal expenses. Should the
attempt to purchase Mount Vernon eventually
fail, the funds raised can be appropriated to
some other patriotic purpose of general interest
connected with the memory of Washington." I
BgfS&i. A gentleman in New-Haven, has in
vented a process which furnishes a complete
safeguard against counterfeiting in any of its
forms. The face of the bill is first covered
with a chemical preparation of a light yellow
tint, leaving the denomination of thp bill in
letters of the original color of the paper. The
plate-printing is done with a bluish black ink,
which has the pecnliarity of penetrating the
paper, and of being translucent when held be
tween the eye and the light. The composition
of this is known only to the inventor, and pre
vents the possibility of counterfeiting by means
of a new plate.
Tribute to Printers. ? The chaplain of
the New Hampshire Penitentiary, in reviewing
the events of his life since his connection with
that institution, pays the following compliment
to journeymen printers:
I have the happiness to number among my
friends many printers, but, though it may seem
to imply either a want of ability on the part of
the minuter, or the want of the quAlities that
are necessary in order to appreciate good
preaching on the other part, yet I will reveal
the fact that I have never succeeded well with
that class. For the nine long years, and with
all the inducement offered, not one of that
trade has connected himself with my congre
J'ation ; and I do not think a man could be
ound, of all who ever tenanted our prison,
who could set up a column of type. I leirve
the reader to make his own comments, only re
marking that this cannot be accidental, nor
can the explanation be that the employment
keeps them ignorant of prevailing vices and
immoralities, nor yet that young printers are
removed from the large masses where corrup
tions engender and Bpread. In all these re
spects this class is much exposed. It is evi
dent, we think, that the employment has an
elevating tendency, and is favorable to intel
lectual and moral improvement.
Practical Amalgamation.?The liberty al
lowed under laws of Mossachuaetta for inter
marriages between the white and black races
is but rarely taken advantage of in Boston. A
few days since a colored man of twenty ei^ht
years, born in Norfolk, Virginia, was married
to a white girl of nineteen years. Formerly
such manages were forbidden by law there, but
Die prohibition bad do practical effect.
The Little On* la Dead.
Smooth the hair, and close the eyehda,
Let the window curtain* fall;
With a'smile upon her feature*,
She hath answered to the call.
Let the children kiss her gently,
As she lie* upon the bad;
God hath called her to his bosom,
And the little one is desd.
THAC '? TIMICH AMU tURTINUL," CO- I
LVUBVI, UKOHUU.
We refer with pleasure to the following article
from the 'Viunts aud Sentinel, Columbtis Georgia.
It takeB the true, the irrefutable, the irresistible
grounds upon which a nomination should be
made:
The next Democratic Nominee for Presi
dent of the United Htalea?Wbo alkali
be be 1
"Principles and not men," is a doctrtne that
every true democrat boasts in announcing as
the coruer stone of his political creed. It is
one to which we cheerfully subscribe. But
let it not be forgotten, in our obedience to its
behests, that it is onl^y by and through men that
principles can be put into execution, and effectu
ally carried out; and that the efficiency, full
ness and completeness of their realization
depends, in a great measure, upon the character
and ability of the man or men chosen for the
purpose. The truth of this is considered too
obvious to require comment. We would at the
same time go a little further, and suggest that,
in proportion to the magnitude of the questions
at issue, we should seek the very highest
qualifications within our reach; a combination
of most unquestioned honesty?the most eminent
ability, greatest experience, unflinching firm
ness, and unerring judgment. And never, in
the history of this experiment upon Republican
government, were these qualifications more
imperiously demanded than at the present
most critical juncture of its affairs. Designing
demagogues, and bad men, in one section of
our confederacy, have given such an impulse to
bigotry, fanaticism and intolerance, that its im
petuous sluices have well nigh swept away
every honest man who has attempted to arrest
its progress. The glorious old Republican
ship is seriously imperiled; and the patriotism
of the country loudly calls fur the best pilot at
the helm and all hands to the rescue. ?
Let us not be told that it is premature to
agiiate the question of a Democratic nominee
for the next Presidency: that the selection is
the business and peculiar province of the
nominating Convention; that its discussion is
impolitic and unwise, creating heart-bnrnings,
and jealousies and prejudices, detrimental to
the success of the very cause we would serve.
So far as the Democracy are concerned, the
nomination is equal to an election?it is virtu
ally their election, unless they ignore the acts
of the National Convention. There is now but
a little over one month before that body con
venes; and surely it cannot be too early for the
people to begin to interchange views and
opinions as to the most suitable person to be
nominated for their suffrages for the first sta
tion in the country or the world. We expect
to support the nominee of the Convention.
But why? Because we expect its delegates to
rejtresent Hie opinions and wishes of the Demo
cratic masses in making that nominee. And
woe be unto that Convention, and to the party,
and the country, if it should not reflect the will
of the Democracy.
It is notour purpose in what we shall say,
to assail any of the great men, who are con
sidered in common, parlance "leaders" of our
party. This is not at all necessary; nor is it
to our taste or liking, even were it not impolitic;
for thank God, we have no enmities to revenge
or avenge against any of them. The caues is
sustained by the arms of all her sons. There
is not one whose services should he dispensed
with. They are all indispensable, integral
parts of the great arch that sppports the fabric.
But there can be but one "Key Stone," and
because we make a selection of one for this
purpose, it does not diminish the importance of
the others.
So much by way of preface. Let us now
take a survey of the field.
The sound policy of making our selection of
n nominee from our Democratic brethren of
the North, I take quite for granted, is pretty
generally conceded at the South. It is there
that we are weakest, there where we most need
support at this time; there, in fine, from whence
the Democratic votes are to come to aid the
united South in sustaining the Constitution, the
sovereign rights of each and all the States, and
every section of the Union, and the Union
itself, by the election of a Democratic Preji
deut. The Democracy of the South has been
made strong and triumphant because the De
mocracy of the North?and the Democracy of
the North alone, be it remembered?stood up
manfully for our constitutional rights in tbe
last Congress. They have, in consequence,
been weakened. The fsnatical, dcmogogical,
and dishonest leaders of every conceivable fap
tion and ism, at tbe North, took advantage of
the prejudices of the people in favor of free
territory, and literally preached a crusade
against all those who had voted for our consti
tutional rights in tbe Territories. The struggle
that has been going on there for the last eigh
teen months is too familiar to all. We know
how gallantly our friends have fought and
fallen fighting with their principles emblazoned
on their colors, 44 back to the field and feet to
the foe." Though beaten they were not dis
mayed. -With an unflinching devotion to prin
ciple, which was the cause of truth, they rose
again to meet the enemy. They rallied their
forces, and in tbe late elections have trium
phantly carried Jive free States?votes enough
with the South to elect the President. These
are Pennsylvania, Indiana, Maine, New Hamp
shire, and Wisconsin. Then, if we can get a
statesman from tbe North, and especially from
one of these five States, who is fully equal to
the station, and right in principle, does not
sound policy, justice, and good sense?and may
we not say gratitude?alike counsel the South
to cast her vote in Convention for him? If
the struggle for our constitutional rights is
again to come off in the free States, should we
not gracefully and judiciously yield to our
friends there, the leader of the hosts to battle
in the approaching contests ? One from among
them would naturally inspire more zeal and
enthusiasm?more pride of State and section,
which, added to wonted devotion to principle,
would render our cause triumphant beyond
contingency. By such % course, too, we should
show our devotion to prinoiple, at th? same
time exhibit to our friends there a proper ac
knowledgment for the sacrifices they have
made in our cause and which is that of tbe
Constitution.
There can be no question that it would great
ly ?id our friends at the North, by depriving
their enemies of any advantage that might b?
obtained by appealing to the prejudices of the
Northern mind, which is peculiarly sensitive at
this time on account of the repeal of the Mis
souri Compromise, against a Southern candi
date. By this, we do not advocate the aban
donment of principle, nor a sacrifice of one
iota of our rights, but merely recommend the
observance of a sound policy, in order that we
may the better uphold and sustain both ; for,
as already indicated, we speak upon the hy
pothesis that the nominee is to be a Statesman
in all respects sound, and tatufavtoiy to the
South. We frankly admit that, if a different
policy were pursued, and the Convention should
nominate a Southern man at this time, that we
should have great apprehensions as to the re
sult. We might not donbt the honesty and de
votion to principle of the great mass of onr
friends at the North; but we all know how easy
it is under false prejudices, to lead even honest
people astray for a time. A few thousand, and
even a few hundred votes have, and may Again,
turn the election in so largo a State as Pennsyl
vania. We, of the South have, so far as legis
lative enactment is concerned, all that we
require. The important question is to have
those laws maintained and faithfully executed;
and whether this is done by a Northern or
Southern man, matters little to ns, so it t# done.
I-iet us now stand by those who have so gal
lantly stood by us in times past, and give
them every adventitious aid ?n our power,
which compromises neither honor nor princi
ple. A contrary policy might result in defeat;
when the terrible consequences that would

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