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Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, May 13, 1856, Image 2

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sons usually well informed on such matters, but |
in judging of its probable truth we must bear
in mind that the whole atmosphere of Russian
society teems just uow with expectations oi
great and startling reforms, and that every sin
gle incident is seized upon as a groundwork for
a fresh prospect of improvement. 1 lie charac
ter of the Emperor certainly confers some ap- j
pearance of credibility on the story; but the re- ,
ceut wholesale destruction of delusions a* re
gards other expected reforms in Russia and Po
land food to restrain any disposition to repose
faith in any statement of the kind. One cir
cumstance, however, is worthy of notice?that
in Russian correspondence it is mentioned here
and there that the gn at landowners and propri
etors of "souls" arc themselves arriving at cer
tain convictions which lead them to desire a
change in the present institution of serfdom;
this condition differs from slavery only in the ir
removability o! the serf from the soil on which
he is raised; but, as in slavery his owner has to i
provide for him in sickness old age, the new
relation they seem to be striving for is that of
landlord and tenant. That no measure can con
tribute so rapidly to develop the agricultural
and commercial resources of the country as this
change will be evident; the results of the half
principle of the Obrok system show how much
may be expected from the Russian peasantry
when relieved from all other fetters than a
money payment to their superior. In no coun
try are the two principles of association and self
government seen so extensively carried out as
in the communal institutions of Russia; the di
vision of labor, too, is there practised as com
pletely as in the best organized manufactories
of the West. When, therefore, free scope is
given to the individual industry, docility, and
ingenuity of the Russsian peasani, under the.
auspices of the above-mentioned general princi
ples, a surprisingly extensive development may
not unfairly be looked for. It is perhaps the
excessive taxation levied on this human proper
ty by the late war which is making proprietors
just now inclined to divert their capital from a
Hpecies o! property so necessary to the army
purposes of the State into one less capable of
destructive taxation; the rents payable by man
umitted serfs would certainly far exceed their
earnings in tim*-s of peace, and in times of war
ho contributions levied on the land or its pro
due* could be half so ruinous as the wholesale
confise ition of human Hesh involved in a levy
of recruits from out of a herd of serfs.
CONGRESS.
The Sen at* was not in session on Saturdsy,
the lOih instant. The time of th? House of Rep
resents :vtv uu that day. was occupied, princi
pally with " personal explanations."
In the Senate, oii Monday, the 12th instant,
Mr. CkiTtk.nde.n moved a re consideration ol" the
vote hy wh th the Senate pa-sed on Friday, the
bill from the House granting a'lOut a million and
a half aires of public land lo Iowa, for the p'ur.
pose of constructing railroads therein.
Mr Pi uh presented a memorial of the Phila
delphia. Fort Wayne, and Platte River Railroad
Company of Iowa, praying a reconsideration of.
>>n smendment to the bill, alleging that it inter,
feres with tbeir right*
After debute, the further consideration of the
subject was postponed till to-morrow.
Mr. Cass addressed the Senate at length on the
Kansas question. He vindicated the doctrine of
?elf-government, or as il bad been called in de
rision, " squatter sovereignty."
The Senate adjourned.
lx the Hocsk or REPKES.ENTATivES.lthe Speaker
announced the first question to be on suspending
the rule*, made on Monday last, by Mr. 0!J>oma.n
i i order to enable him to introduce a joint resolu
tion to provide for the better protection of Ameri
can citizens crossing the Isthmus between the
Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and authorizing the
President of the United States to employ a portion
of the land and naval forces, and the services of
volunteers, for that purpose. .
Mr. FAL'Lk*EK asked the gentleman what ob
jection he bad to the resolution being referred to
ihe Committee on Indian Affairs.
Mr. Clingma* said be would not object: that
the Committe have the subject under considera
tion, but it would not probably be able to report for
two months.
Mr. Campbell, of Ohio, gave notice of a sub
stitute, providing for the acquisition of theCanadas
and the island of Cuba, with the Wilmol proviso
annexed
The House refused to suspend the rules for the
introduction of Mr. Clingman's resolution?yeas
53?nays 70.
The House parsed a bill for the enlargement of
the post-office, ens om-house, and court-house
buildings at Milwaukie; the bill appropriating
SIOO.OOO lor deepeuuig the flats of the channel of
St. Mary's river; and the Senate bill appropriating
1330,000 for keeping open ihe mouth of the Mis
sissippi river.
The House then adjourned.
BARTLETT'M AMERICAN EXPLOR
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The Hive of the IW Hunter, a repoaitory of
Sketches, including peculiar American character,
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o! Tom Owen, the Bee Hunters. Arc., illustrated
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Farming dale, a novel, \ty Caroline Thomas
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BEVERLEY TUCKER,
EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
TUESDAY MOKNINU, NAY 13, IK5?.
F O It PItBSID K N T,
JAMES BUCHANAN,
OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Subjert to the Decision of the National Con
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' BKUEV? M?T MOSES AND
bk?ikvI}V,ICT*' TUKV *OT
?VK "KO,,
For some time past we have had occasion to
combat two views that have been taken gener
ally by the partisan presses of General Pierce
and his coherent*. First, the absurd idea that
the opinions of a statesman whose record for
the last thirty years is without spot or blemish
upon every constitutional principle involved in
the rights and equality of the States, should
now be called into question. Second, that to
establish a clear tide to soundness he must ne
cessarily have been a direct party to the accom
plishment of the Nebraska-Kansas bill. As to
the first of these propositions, we feel at liberty
to dismiss it, with the simple statement, that
the Premier of Mr. Polk s Administration and
the accredited Minister Plenipotentiary to the
first court in the world under Mr. Pierce* Ad
ministration, is either a clear acquittal of anv
such charge or a most flagrant stultification of
these Administrations themselves.
The second proposition, however, is the one
to which we propose to direct the attention of
our readers more particularly.
To establish a clear title to soundness, he
must necessarily have been a direct party to
the accomplishment of the Nebraska-Kansas ,
bill. 7 his is the charge of disqualification of
. *r. Bichavax for the nomination for the Presi
I dency of the great Democratic party at Cin
cinnati.
To make good the gross injustice of so un
reasonable a proposition, we must first look
into the motive that prompted the introduction
of this bill, and the indispensableness, under
the circumstances, of its triumphant passage.
If there was a necessity (and we claim that
there was) for such a bill at all, it was a consti
tutwnal necessity-a necessity that was found
Cd ,n the Patriotic and laudable desire? na
tional desire to see the purposes of the com
mon compact so carried out that the two sec
, tions of our country, unhappily, and with much
| acrimony, arrayed against each other, united
once and forever, upon a basis, by which, in all
time, the principle being settled, there should
be no more crimination and recrimination, but
a fraternal brotherhood established, whose
bonds would not be weakened by an unwhole
some agitation upon the subject of domestic
8 *:erJ\r Th" WC conceire have been the
?' the authors and advocates of the Ne
, brMk. K,??, Mil. We ?? further| and
th.t believe it lh, genoin(. ^ of
the movers and supporters of this bill, uninflu
enced or demoralized by the hope of political
preferment. We should despise the man or
men who would so prostitute their talents and
energ,e? to so base a purpose. If we are right,
then, in according to those who inaugurated
and placed upon our national statute book this
valuable principle of the equal right? of all
the States in the territories, and the enjoyment
of the property of each and all of the States
within them?that guaranties the rights of
property, every species of property recogni/od
by the Constitution, and that was intended to
* reoc*?'**l by the framers of that instrn
ment-,? we ?&y, we are right in giving this
credit to them, with what sort of justice, reason.
or fairness, are those whose fortunes throw
them in another channel of the public service
to be exclnded from political honor and pre
ferment, even though the whole people should
rise en masse to confer them ?
We admit that it is eminently proper to
ignore the claims of those who have ?0t *n.
dorsed and who refuse still to endorse tho j,nn
ciples contained in that bill, and the bill itseir
?> all its parts and entirely. This is as it
"hould be. More than this; they should be
f "nounced and placed under the ban of public
reprobation and distrust.
? I,IaV',n? .*a'd t^u" mucbt which we think it
jus an air to say, we come to consider the
rz T *"H:,0 ?" .?
I >n I, " Plain partisan prenea in the coun
try friendly to the Administration, and
tile, by consequence, to Mr. Buchanan, that no
man (should be entrusted with the confidence
of the Democratic party who was not promi
nent and conspicuous in the legislative proceed,
ing which constituted the Nebraska Kansas
bill a settled law of the lund! What does this
mean, if carried strictly into effect? Only this,
and nothing more nor less?intliyibility ot any
man to the Presidency who had not the privi
lege?accidental perhaps?of voting for this
bill! Nay, more; the claims of every retired
statesman, of every Judge of the Supreme
Court, of every private citizen, however talent
ed, of every diplomat who is In the service ot
his country abroad, nre to be ignored for the
reasou, the innocent reason, that he was not a
member of the Thirty-second Congress? Can
absurdity go farther than this? Is it not mon
strous? 1!', however, it comes to this, what is
the inevitable conclusion to all right-thinking
and honest miuds? Simply, that the Nebraska
Kansas bill was a Presidential question, and
not, as we believed, a great constitutional ques
lion, conceived and consummated for the bene
fit of the country!
We shrink with unaffected repugnance from
taking this dark view of it, but, to establish
our point, *e are cor.trained to do so. Sup
pose, then, that it was established for this pur
pose? How stands Mr. Buchanan upon it?
We have shown the absurdity of the idea, that
no man " identified with the fight," or "having
the smell of fire upon his garments" (as our
friend of the Lynchburg Republican heroically
expressed it) had any claim to the considera
tion of the Convention at Cincinnati. We
hold, if the bill be a good bill, that every man
in the United States, who, in his humble way,
gave his countenance and support of it, is
within the pale of democratic favor. Mr.
Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, however, whose
enlarged experience, great wisdom, and un
varying adherance to the Constitution, under
all and every circumstance?a man whom we
hesitate not to say, has as good a constitutional
record as any American statesman?is made
the peculiar and shining mark of those whose
I indiscreet zeal for others for the Presidency
j have made them attempt to throw around him
the cloud of distrust and suspicion. And we
-regret to say that wc have too much reason to
believe that they are instigated to this course
by some of his most prominent rivals. How
foiled, however, has been their effort. Not
satisfied with a record, as we have said, that
not even the most impulsive southernor could
findifault with, they find Mr. Buchanan keenly
alive to the success of this great principle, and
uninfluenced by a diseased ambition to be
President, his just and orthodox sentiments
find their expression even in his private and
personal correspondence, while in a foreign
land. Returning to his home, after a most
brilliant and successful mission, in which he
has the pride and pleasure to reflect that he
has done much to elevate the dignity of his
own country, and, in his judicious and wise
diplomacy, to smooth the troubled waters be
tween it and Great Britain, he is received with
the greatest popular enshusiasm ! The people
of his own State lift up their voices as from
one throat, and proclaim him their first choice
i for the Presidency. A fortnight after his re
turn, the city of Philadelphia in her municipal
election, for the r'cond lime in a quarter of a
century, wrested from the rule and dominion
of the Opposition, the coutrol of her interests.
And here let us state a fact worthy of note,
that the Black Republican candidate received
less than three hundred votes out of a half
a million of population! Is this the man
whose claims and qualificatfcns you would
ignore for the Presidency?
But within the past week a Committee ap
pointed by the Pennsylvania Convention to "in
form the Hon. James Buchanan that he is the
unanimous choice" of the convention for the
nex^ Presidency, complete their duty, by pre
senting him a copy of the proceedings and
resolutions adopted by the Convention, with the
firm conviction that he will recognize in them
the principles which he has always maintained
and defended, and which have secured to the
country the blessings of liberty, religious and
political.''
These resolutions, says Mr. Bcchaka* in re
ply, met my cordial approbation, from the mo
ment I first perused them, on the other side of
the Atlantic. "I heartily adopt them." ''They
constitute a platform, broad, national and con
servative, and one eminently worthy of the
Democracy of our great and good old State."
The resolutions will be found in another col
lumn, and we invite the careful perusal of oar
readers to them.
Passing over (for our space will not permit a
dissection of each of them, admirable as they
all are) the first six resolutions, we come to
consider those touching the repeal of the Mis
souri Compromire and the passage of the Ne
braska Kansas act. Here they are:
Jieaohed, That in the repeal of the act known
as the Missouri Compromise Act, and the pas
sage of the act organizing the Territories of
Kansas and Nebraska, free from unconstitu
tional restrictions, the last Congress performed
a work of patriotic sacrifice, in meeting the de
mands of sectional excitement by an unshaken
adherence to the fundamental law.
Ketolttd, That this legislation cannot be
deemed unnecessary, but that it was expedient
to meet the questions of which it disposed, and
which could never admit of a more easy settle
ment than at present. That we recognize in it
the application to the Territories of tbe United
States of the rule of "equal and exact justice
to all men," of all sections of the confederacy,
which was designed by the fram.ers of our gov
ernment, and which was defined as one of its
essential principles by the immortal Jefferson.
Jletolctd, That the Democracy of Pennsyl
vania, following tbe council of some of the
wisest statesmen of the North and South, were
ready on more than one occasion in the past to
extend the Missouri Compromise line to the
Pacific, so as to make it the basis of a final set
tlement of the question of slavery in the Terri
tories; but when this proposition was rejected,
in 1848, on the ground that it involved an undue
concession to the South, by the very men who
now clamor for a restoration of the Missouri
line, there seemed to be but one wise alterna
tive left, and that wns to refer the whole ques
tion of slavery in the territories to the people
thereof, to be regulated as they may deem pro
per; and we, therefore, cheerfully extend oor
hearty support to the policy of the Government
as recognized in the Compromise measures of
1850, arid embodied in the laws organizing the
Territories of Kansas and Nebraska.
Now, can anything be more plain and explicit
than this expression of the sentiment of tbe
Democracy of the Old Key Stone State than ii
contained in these resolutions? Mr. Buchanan
endorses, approves, and adopts them. Nor can
it be charged that U was merely an adoption of
the resolutions for the Hake of the nomination.
On the contrary, it is within our knowledge,
outside of his letter to Mr. Slidell, that, as far
back as eighteen months ago, he not only ex
pressed bis approval of the principles of the
Nebraska-Kansas bill and of the passage of the
bill itself, but he expressed himself in the
warmest terms of eulogy of Judge* Douglas's
course in regar<| to it. What more identifica
tion, then, do the American Democracy want
than this? Shall his claims be ignored, and
not be allowed to be presented at Cincinnati,
because, forsooth, he was not a member of the
National Legislature which passed that bill?
Does he not stand as firmly upon the platform
of the principles contained in that bill as any
other man whatever? Are gentlemen not now
satisfied that he is sound upon this question in
all its phases and iu all its beariugs? Why,
then, deny us at least a fair contest? Let the
claims and qualifications of each and all be
fairly canvassed; but do not, in regard to com
mon justice, seek to close the door to an hon
orable rivalry, upon one of the most eminent
statesmen of our country.
CHARLR8 IRVING?OURSKLiIP??BUCH
ANAN?PI KUCK.
We have just read the card of Charles Ir
ving, editor of the Lynchburg Republican, con
tained in the Richmond Enquirer of the 9th
instant. It has been drawn forth by an article,
surely free from all offensiveness, which we
published in reply to one from the Lynchburg
Republican, of a previous date. Mr. Irving
has chosen the columns of the Richmond En
quirer to rejoin. His reasons for ho doing, we
have no objection to.
Mr. Irving frankly admits that we were right
in our conjecture, that his article was an at
tack upon Mr. Buchanan's fitness for the nom
ination at Cincinnati. We like this, because
there is no controversy so agreeable as lhat in
which both parties deal with each other with
entire candor and frankness. We shall not be
outdone by our friend in this respect. We wilj
make a full and free expose of our position,
which he has thought necessary to bring iuto
our editorial warfare. We shall do bo without
the slightest unkind feeling towards himself,
and with entire justice to all the parties whom
he has chosen to embrace in it. The public
can th??i judge between us. Before proceed
ing, however, to the discussion of the poiuts at
issue, we must be permitted to say, that it is a
source of sincere regret that he has deemed it
essential to his purpose to refer to the former
and present relations between ourself and the
distinguished Senator from Virginia, Mr. R. M.
T. Hunter. We thought that our friend would
have seen the propriety of not forcing us into
a public comment upon the course that gen"
tleman saw fit to pursue with regard to our
self. He should have known, (we are sure
would have respected, if he had thought a mo
ment,) the delicate personal relations that
subsist between Mr. Hunter and ourself. We
have studiously avoided, in our advocacy of
another gentleman for the Presidency, the least
allusion of even a legitimate political charac
ter to him. We had hope^that the feeling
that had been engendered by his course towards
us in the late election of public printer to the
Senate would have been permitted to die under
the operation of time, and that those relations,
personal and political, would have ere long been
restored. It shall be no fault of ours if thej
are not still?but we had sincerely prayed, that
in the existing coutest going on, this cup might
pass from us, and that we might escape the ne
cessity, in our support of Mr. Buchanan, of
alluding to, or reflecting upon that gentleman in
any manner whatsoever. Mr. Irving, however,
has forced it upon us by personal allusions in the
following extract from bis card, which leave us
no alternative, in obedience to our self-respect,
and self protection, but to meet the issue which
he has presented.
" I candidly confess that I prefer either Hun
ter. Douglas, or Pierce to Mr. Buchanan. I
confess, too, that in my first preference for Mr.
Hunter, I was much influenced last winter by
the arguments of B. Tucker, esq., editor of the
Washington Sentinel, who, on more occasions
than one, urged me to assume the precise posi
tion for the holding of which (Mr. Tucker has
left me?not I left him) I am now assailed by
him. Mr. Tucker last January urged, insisted
and even implored me to come out for Mr. Hun
ter. I yielded to his arguments, and did come
out for Mr. Hunter. Air. Tucker now assails
me for doing the very thing which he begged me
to do. What has Mr. Buchanan done since last
January which has so excited Mr. Tucker in his
behalf? Nothing, so far as I know. What has
Mr. Hunter done which has forfeited the friend
ship of Mr. Tucker? He has refused to ally him
self with free-soilers to elect Mr. Tucker printer
to the Senate. If Mr. Hunter has made a speech,
or given a vote other than this, to which the
course of the Washington Sentinel can be re
ferred, it is unknown to me. This course of
remark is not as kind as I would wish to adopt
in reference to Mr. Tucker, but the position Ju
lias voluntarily assumed leaves me no other al
ternative. I disclaim all desire to be personal
ly offensive, but I am forced to state facts."
Our own position, political and social, we
regard as of quite as much importance as that
of any individual, however exalted his station,
and therefore we shall treat this branch of the
subject with entire fullness and fairness. Mr.
Irving, after avowing Mr. BncflANAW as his
last choice of those most prominent before the
Convention, goes on to say that he was much
?4 influenced io hi* first preference for Mr.
Hunter by the arguments of B. Tucker, of the
Washington Sentinel, who on more than one oc
casion urged me to essum# the precise position,
for the holding of which, (Mr. Tucker has left
me?aot I have left him,) I am now assailed
by him." Now, the first part of this assertion
is most certainly true, and so far from being
embarrassed by having it thrown up to us, we
are proud that he has voluntarily rendered his
testimony, not only to our ardent devotion to
that gentleman, but to the great and success
ful force, with which we secured his support of
him, and a mighty hard time of it we had
with him to product the happy effect. I he
latter part, however, be will permit ns to re
mind him is not correct. When did we assail our
friend for the position he has taken ? Can he
point to a single sentiment in our article that
can even, by distortion, admit of such a con
strnctioo? Have we done so privately t On
the contrary, it is certainly in his memory,
that the first time we met after he had taken
his position, was at the Richmond Convention
and where we frankly told him our reasons for
our change of action, at the tame time ex
cusing the position he had taken, and for which
we felt we were somewhat responsible. In
deed, our conferences and intercourse during
the few days we were together there, were of
the most cordial and frank characj^r.
We come now to the reasons of oar change
from the support of Mr. Hunter to that of Mr.
Bucuakam, which our friend has forced upon
us.
Mr. Irving knows that at the time we were
so zealous for Mr. Hunter for the Presidency,
we had no reason to suspect his affiliation with
the present Administration. He knows, fur
thermore, our uncompromising hostility to it,
in which wo think he was himself, at least, a
" sympathiserWe had denounced the Presi
dent and all those about him, because we knew
and know even better now that they were un-"
worthy the continued support of a generous
party. We do not profess to lack the sensi
bilities of a rhinosceros, and hence do not mean
to assert that we were not most deeply wounded
nay, at the time, indignaut, at what we be.
lieved a most unfrieudly course upon the part
of Mr. Hunter towards us, who, for seventeen
years, had been his devoted and ardent friend !
This we thought was manifested in his vote in
the election of Senate Printer to the present
Congress. We should have been more than
human not to have felt this blow. Mr. Hunter
I did more than almost auy other man to mould
| our political opinions, and in years long passed
was our political counsellor and friend. We
endeavored to repay it by services which it may
not be immodest to say he appreciated aud was
grateful for. The paper which we have edited,
we knew bad never advanced an opinion or
sentiment upon any political question that he
did not fully approve and endorse. Even
when his whole delegation, we believe with
but one exception, separated from him on his
laud bill, we stood firmly to him, undaunted by
the wide spread popular sentimeut against it.
We do not know whether our friend united in
his defence upon this subject or not. Opposed
to the principle ourself, we still believed the
measure proposed by Mr. Hunter was one ne
cessary to prevent the passage of a far more
odious bill, to wit: the Homestead bill. We
knew, furthermore, that Mr. Hunter had fre
quently expressed to us his fullest disapproba
tion of the course of the Washington Union.
It could not, indeed, have been otherwise, be
cause had he followed this iynus Jatuus, he
would have been here, there, and everywhere,
upon every public question before the country.
We knew the hostility of his State to one of the
then editors of the Washington Union, whom
the support of, by any senator or member from
! Virginia, was certain political death. We
knew his ofl-repeated declarations, that under
no circumstances could he be induced to vote
for him, or for any man with whom he had con
nection. We knew that he had refused to go
into caucus, because of the association of this
individual's name with the public printing. We
knew that the Washington Union had maligned
him, and that the Sentinel had supported and
defended him. We knew that the proprietors
of the Washington Union were his enemies,
and that the Editor of the Washington Sentinel
was his firm and devoted friend. We knew
that he had no reason to place any confidence
in the word of General Pierce, because he had
too often been deceived by him! We knew
that he owed his present elevated position be
fore the country to the breaking down, through
his friends, of the tyranny and despotic rule of
caucus! We knew that the Calhoun wing of
the Domorriilic party in Virginia was bitter in
its opposition to the caucus system ; and hence,
in our humble way, we joined in the crusade
against it. The effort succeeded, and Mr.
Hunter was elected. We knew that the Senate
caucus was created for our destruction, because
there were no candidates but Mr. Nicholson
und ourself before it; and hence no danger of
an opposition printer being elected. We admit
Mr. Hunter voted for us in caucus, but that he
knew our defeat was a foregone conclusion
before he went into it. Mr. Irving asserts that
" Mr. Hunter has done nothing to forfeit our
friendship but refuse to ally himself with Free
soilers to elect Mr. Tucker printer to the Sen
ate." Now, it is a fact that we received but
one out of the thirteen Freesoil votes in the
Senate; while, when Mr. Hunter votefl for ua
before, we obtained their entire vote! Farther
more, at the time of our election in 1853, we
were in as decided antagonism to Mr. Fierce
and his Administration as we have ever been
since; and yet we received the votes of Mr.
Hunter and ten other leading Democratic
Senators! All these things we knew. When,
however, without the shadow of a charge of
our leading opponents of infidelity in our office,
we were a candidate for re-election, Mr. Hunter
voted against us, and for those who were not
only his but our worst enemies.
He docs not pretend to justify his desertion
of us upon any other ground than party obliga
tions. Partg obligations were not imperious
enough to hold him in the caucus when Mr.
Forney's name was before it, but they were
sufficiently strong to sacrifice us, a personal
and political friend, under the insolent fiat of
Franklin Pierce.
The work of a handful of generous and gal
lant friends, who, with the whole Whig oppo
position, broke the bands of caucus in 1847
and placed Mr. Hunter in the Senate of the
United States from Virginia, seemed to have
been forgotten; and modern fealty toparty obli
gations rose far above the sacrifice of a friend
before its inquisitorial behests.
We know further, that he said that there
were no considerations which could induce him
to vote for the editor of the Washington Union,
unless he were fully persuaded by the most
unquestioned authority that Mr. Forney was to
have no interest in the benefits arising from
the public printing. This he readily obtained,
in the august and solemn pledge of his Excel
lency the President of the United States, that
the objectionable gentleman should have no
part or lot in the matter I The contract was
made, and Franklin Pierce was the high con
tracting party? The pledge was of course
broken, as like pledges had often been before,
and Mr. Hnnter's vote stands upon the record
practically in favor of Nicholson and Forney I
Now, this is the personal view of this matter,
and will not our friend Irving admit, if he
stood in our shoes, that it would exhaust a
vei'y .large stock of his amiability to be en
tirely composed under it?
Put what was the necessary political infer
ences to be drawn from this ? Surely that the
power of Franklin Pierce accomplished it, and
herefore with our views of him and his Ad
ministration, wo could not support any uian,
who would with his eyes wide open to his de
ceitful practices, be influenced and governed
by him I
We repeat our regret at the necessity im
posed by Mr. Irving for thin exposition of our
course with regard to Mr. Hunter for the
Presidency. We had almost forgiven it, for
auld lang syne, and were trying to forget it,
and while wo claim that we are justified in the
personal as well as political view of it, w^ will
accord to Mr. Hunter, if he is the nominee of
the Cincinnati Convention, our warm and cor
dial support. These, then, are our reasons,
fully aud frankly given in reply to the phillippic
of Mr. Irviug upon our charge of front, with
regard to Mr. Hunter.
[We shall reserve for a future number what
we have further to say in reply to Mr. Irving.]
TI1B RICHMOND <<KN<IU1IIBR" AND
OUR ASSAILANTS.
We confess our surprise at finding in the
Richmond Enquirer of the 8th instant, an
anonymous letter assailing the Washington
Sentinel, and enclosing to the editors an article
from the Chambersburg Valley Spirit, Penn
sylvania, which we had before seen, but deemed
wholly unworthy of our notice.
We say we are surprised, because really we
cannot perceive the motive of this novel mode
of warfare upon a contemporary. Certain it
is, when we have reason to complain of the
editorial course of the Enquirer we will do so
ourself with becoming respect for its editors,
but openly and frankly.
As to the anonymous letter, we have nothing
more to say of it than that the assertion that
William M. Burwell, esq., of Virginia is in
dicting the editorials in the Sentinel, denun
ciatory of President Pierce, is entirely desti
tute of truth. We do not remember Mr. Bur
well's having ever written a line for the
Sentinel since its first issue to the present
time, with the exception of one editorial, and
that containing no abuse of the President.
Even this editorial was furnished without our
knowledge of its author at the time, and' was
adopted because of our entire concurrence
with the sentiments contained in it. We have
not seen Mr. Burwell since the Virginia Legis
lature adjourned, nor have we had a Hue from
him upon any subject. S" much, then, for
the charge, which we should not have noticed
but for its appearance in a respectable Vir
ginia journal.
We will not, however, be misunderstood. We
do not mean to put forth the impression that we
would repudiate the kindness of our friend Mr.
Burwell in giving us the benefit of his able and
eloquent pen. On the contrary, we should hail
with pleasure and gratitude every contribution
from it to our columns, and are quite sure the
Sentinel would lose nothing by the force of his
reasoning and grace of his style. Mr. Burwell,
too, as we have learned, is no longer connected
with the "Know-Nothing"' order, but is pre
pared with thousands and tens of thousands of
Constitutional States Rights Whigs, to unite
themselves with the Democratic Party, if it
shall present a name acceptable to them. It is
not, it seems to us, the very best way to acquire
this valuable accession to our party, by un
civil reproaches of their former political affilia
tions.
In conclusion, for the benefit of all parties
concerned, we announce the fact, which we had
thought was well understood, that we are the
Editor of the Sentinel?the author of the edito
rials, and responsible, politically and personally
for all that they contain.
MR. BUCHANAN.
This distinguished gentleman, after a day's
delay in Baltimore, will arrive in Washington
this evening, in a special car tendered by the
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company. lie
will doubtless be here received in a manner be
coming alike to the hospitable character of the
city, and the eminent worth of the prominent
and veteran statesman.
Kay An unlucky typographical error occnr
ed in Thursday's paper. We were made to
head an article?"A Problem for the House."
The manuscript read for the "Wue." As the
second paragraph read " for the wise, perhaps
most of our readers may have detected the
error. It is 8uch an one as needs correction.
Lioit Money Restored.
About thirty-nine years a^o, the late Chas.
Gassaway of Loudoun Co., says the Leesburg
Washingtonian, whilo on his way to Winches
tcr, stopped for the night at a hotel on the
mountain above Snickersville. In the morning,
after he had had procewled some distance,on his
way, he discovered that his pocket book, con
taining four hundred dollars was gone?be re
turned to the hotel, where he and the proprietor
of the house made due search, but the money
was not to be found. Some time afterwards,
he indirectly heard that the money had been
found bv an individual who was at the hotel
that night, but his whereabouts could not be as
certained. After Mr. G.'s death his execntor,
F. W. Luckett, Esq., of this town, took the mat
ter in'hand and lately found out the residence
of the party in a western State where he had
accumulated a handsome property probably
from the start given by this $400. One day last
week two sons of the individual who found the
money, called upon Mr. L. and compromised
it with seven hundred and twelve dollars. So,
Jentlcmen, jon who have lost your pocket books
on't despair until thirty nine years have elapsed.
Correspondence of the London Times.
Th? Kr?*nation of Tnrkejr bjr the Allies.
Paris, April 21.?I omitted to mention
yesterday that the Treaty of Peace with Russia
contains a clause to the effect that the Allies
shall evacuate the Ottoman Territory on the
exchange of the ratifications. It u meant, no
doubt, that the order shall be then formerly
given, and that the evacuation shall take place
as soon after as possible. It ought not to be
forgotten that, with the best intention and the
sincerest desire to execute the treaty, France
and England are not in the same position in
this respect as Austria. The distance we are
from our encampments, and the vast amount
of materiel we nave to transport, independent
ly of any unforseen difficulties, will render the
operation laborious and slow. The A-nstrian
troops, who have gone through so harmless a
campaign in the Principalities, have no such
reasons for delaying their departure, and the
Vienna Cabinet is quite capable of maintaining
that the retreat of the Austrian heroes of Bu
charest and J assy shall be effected pari pastu
with the French and English from before 8?
bastopol.
Wu Dr. Orville Dewey has donated the
earnings of his last winter's lectures to his na
tive village, to be expended in planting shade
trees along iti street*.
*M>iu the PeimnylvHiiiaii ot May <J.
Nomiaation or Mr. B?ohau*?.
Iu the performance of* duty impo^d by the
eu'ocratic State Convention of the 4 th of March
under the following resolution :
nJ^<iV9c/' .^at a committee of fivo be kr.
zx sit/t the tus
i a n? ,* the unanimous choice of this Con
vention lor the next Presidency,
The following gentleman, w
Irewer, ol B'ranklin count,, Joei B. Banner,
of Adams county, J. M. Portor, of Northampton
county J A. Gibson, of Alleghany count,,
o/Zr llerri"' ?fI,bil?J?lpl"?,lncn,bcr8
' ' ?"?"?"ed "t Lancaster on
y bth at 10 o'clock. At 12 o'clock they
proceeded to Wheatland, Mr. Buchanan's rea
.dence, accompanied by a number of friends.
Mr. B. received the party ?Uh much cordiality
and warmth, many of ?hon, he had not seen
?.? h,s return from Europe. After a short
me spent in conversation, Mr. Q. W. Brewer
chairman of the committee, Addressed Mr'
Buchanau as follows ?
"r't^'hSrtVe ?f :p<
Ee?,T,ou T '?,rn""rr' y- eonU.rn.To
Chi"6?0f for fh'e'oBke1
cause in doing so, we speak the voioo ?f ?
away^nd^the ?PP?si'iou J? has passed
left without a rivaiTn the popXta,
and natnra?Ur nat!V0.State' a,^e to the 'tendtr
bo. yet more ??22"i"* h?'DC'
SSsssx^:^
cien? Comm?onwealth 90f?P ^
?srS^?SsKS
MSBsiss
?be wk
wbic'h they owe'to the
&iSS^-rS5
8ut?. of,hi. m%h,7co?nMemcy. *bT2?
| aVbound tlgetht'tTh" beJ"lifu''
Democratic truth, expaLngXngY. Mtb'
K SfDrjr P?rr ??d ?"????. ePver?'
! pact, and
ment of its grand mi-A'Sfc
r???r?t','d de?P?'ism shall have Well
it r ? ? f-eace and prosperity Ynnr
life of eminent service arwl r?f ? ? ,1 J ?
to t>>? i j .' ?' lr|ed devotion
5?' a;5S
ESg^SS
of power?vZr fi e' a,nd evorJ 8ta!'??
abroad nat,onaI supremacy at home and
convictioa that^ou will r!? "' "."hJke fi?
principles whinK i recognise in them the
and d&L tdJ ,\trh"IW^
country Vh? Ki * have scored to tho
S blessings of liberty, religious and
Mr. Buchanan's Itrply.
Gextlkme.v: I thank you, with all my heart,
for the kind terms in which, under a resolution
of the late Democratic State Convention, you
have informed me that I am their "unanimous
choice for the next Presidency."
When the proceedings of your Convention
reached me in a foreign land, they cxcited emo
tions of gratitude which I might in vain attempt
to express. This was not because the Demo
cracy of my much loved State had, by their
own spontaneous movement, placed me in nomi
nation for the Presidency?an honor which 1
bave not sought?but because this nomination
constituted of itself the highest evidence that,
after a long course of pnblic services^ my public
conduct has been approved by those to whom I
am indebted, under Providence, for all the of
fices and honors I have ever eDjoyed. In suc
cess and in defeat?in sunshine and in storm?
they bave ever been the same kind friends to
me, and I value their continued confidence and
good opinion far above the highest official
honors of my country.
The duties of the President, whomsoever he
may be, have been clearly and ably indicated
by the admirable resolutions of the Convention
which jjrou have just presented to me, and all
of which, without reference to those merely
personal to myself, I heartily adopt Indeed,
they met my cordial approbation from the mo
ment when I first perused them on the other
side of the Atlantic. They constitute a plat
form broad, national, and conservative, and one
eminently worthv of the Democracy of our
great and good old States.
These resolutions carried into execution, with
an inflexibility and perseverance precluding ail
hope of change, and yet in a kindly spirit, will,
'ere long, allay the dangerous excitement which
has for some years prevailed on the subject of
domestic slavery, and a^ain unite all portions
of our common country in the ancient bonds of
brotherly affection, under the flag of the Con
stitution and the Union.
We annex the resolutions referred to by the
Committee and endorsed by Mr. Buchanan:
Rftolrtd, That in the present distracted con
dition of parties, in which sectional and partial
issues have been allowed to attain a dangerous
supremacy, we recognise in the policy of the
Democratic party, that which rests upon the
Constitntion as its >>asis: and that it is the
party which above all others has, in the lan
guage of the illustrious Madison, ever continued
"to hold the Union of the States as the ba*is
of their peace and happiness; to support the
Constitution, which is the cement of the I'nion,
as well in its limitations as its authorities; to
respect the rights and authorities reserved to
the States and to the people, as equally incor
porated with, and essential to, the success of
the general system; and to avoid the slightest
interference with the rights of conscience or the
functions of religion,mo wisely exempted from
civil jurisdiction?'
Retohvd, That by the general consent of the
wise and virtuous of all nations, the framers of
the Republic of the United States, ?xhibite<! in

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