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cu instances will not permit me to be preseutat
the great mass meeting to be held iu the Park iu behalf of ''Nicaragua aud liberty." My heart is with the movement in all its phases, let it be termed "filibusteriim," or, as some who unfortunately have been elevated to high positious in this country,-have called fit,"pirat icalism." If Walker aud his brave associates can, in any sense of the word, be stigmatized as either, J am willing to be placed iu the same "category. If it be piracy to aid an oppressed people in securing to themselves the blessings we enjoy in this favored land, I, for one, am willing to aid and sustain all such piratical acts. Jf the representatives of the people of the United Stales proclaim their true policy, it seeuis that we are getting to be timid and vacil lating; we proclaim the Monroe doctrine, and threaten John Bull with our due vengeance if he eveu squints towards American territory, yet the old hypocrite laughs in his sleeve at all our blustering, and through the especial grace of her Majesty, Queen Victoria, quietly an nexes the beautiful island of Ruatan, and the contiguous islands in the bay of Honduras. While John Bull, sustained by many of our more wise than honest statesmen, ib declaiming against the filibusterism of General Walker, her Majesty is annexing one of the richest por tions of Bengal, deposing its kiitg, and taking iuto her own keeping its treasures and rev enues. Look at the filibustering history of John Hull for the past eight years, and what do we witness ? First, we have the consolidation of her power iu the " Punjab," its people forced into the ranks of the army, its princes stripped of every shadow of authority, and the country reiuiered another footstool*for the luxurious filibustering EaBt India Company to rest its gouty legs upon. Second?His " Bullsbfp" not being satified with Punjab, resolved to enlarge "the arena of liberty," and picked a quarrel with the King of Burinah. Burrnah had to submit to a simi lar late, aud forms auother province under the control of his "Bullship," which commands a larger army aud more inexhaustible resources thau the mother country to which it is nomi nally subject. 1 bird. It has been but a few dajs since that the New York papers contaiued the decree of his "Bullship,"' annexing the wealthy kingdom of Oude?the dethronement of its king; and, finally, we have the following special warrant of Victoria, in regard to the "Bay islands:" "Whereas it has been represented unto us that the islands of Ruatan, Bonacca, Utilla, Helene, Barbarat, aud Moxat, in the Bay of Honduras, are inhabited by divers subjects of our crown, who are rapidly increasing in num bers, and we have, therefore, deemed it expe dient to make provision for the government of the settlement or settlements already formed, and to be formed, iu these islauds."' Such, in part, is the history of English fili busterism for the past eight years. And during this time, what American statesman has ex claimed "filibusterism?" Our representatives at home aud abroad have been silent. They knew the atroeities of British rule iu India, but they neglected to review them. They called the annexation of the Punjab "progressof civilization," aud con tented themselves that John Bull was a smart fellow, who had a " taking" way with him, which it was better not to oppose. Meanwhile we dare not touch Cuba, or look upon Central America with a hungry eye. This has been the course of English filibustering, and I trust the day is fast approaching when the mealy inouthed policy of our Government will be abandoned. Politicians may continue to quarrel over the different planks in their platforms, but the great an<J strong plank of the people is yet to be in serted. It is to repeal the odious neutrality laws, and give due notice to every nation ou the lace of the earth that the policy of this Gov ernment in future will be, to permit its people to aid every oppressed nation in securing for themselves a more liberal form of government General Walker and his associates have been most grossly misrepresented in this country by the e nemies of liberty. He is purer in heart and deed than any of his slanderers, and his name will occupy a high placc in history when they and their descendants are forgotten. Invited to Nicaragua by the Democratic party, composing two-thirds of the people, he aided in overthrowing the despotic rule of Cho morrow, who held supreme power over the departments of Granada and Biva, the other portions of the Republic, comprising the most populous cities and districts, never having sub mitted to Chomorro's authority. From that time until the invasion of the forces of Costa Rica, everything looked prosperously for Nica ragua. In the country, the people began to cultivate their estates, and the cities in every quarter evidenced progress and improvement. American enterprise was there with capital to invest, and a new state of things was the order of the day. This has been checked by the war of Costa Rica, brought about through the in trigues of the British Government and the unfortunate delay of our own Government in recognizing Nicaragua. While our Adminis tration, with great strictness, has enforced the neutrality laws, and interfered with the emigra tion of our people to Nicaragua, the British Government has been furnishing " material aid" in the way of arms and ammunition to the enemies of American advancement, for the pur pose of driving out every American in the country, and destroying every system of liberal principle likely to be engrafted on that fertile soil. But the course of " mauifest destiny" is not to be completely checked in its onward ca reer if all the powers on earth combined against it, for Freedom * battle* once begun, Bequeathed from bleeding aire to son, Though baffled oft, are ever won. Central America will become Americanized.' And why should it not? The moit beautiful country imaginable, capable of bringing forth the richest productions, with minea of gold, silver, copper, Ac., unequalled, and with a cli mate for health and comfort unsurpassed, it only requires the industry and enterprise of our own people to make it the most desirable spot in the world. About Nicaragua especially, it will require too much space to go into de tails ; but for the information of those who contemplate emigrating to that country, I will state that the reports published in regard to the unhealthineiis of the climate, are incorrect A person can sleep with safety night after night in the open air; this 1 am enabled to state from actual experience. Again, many are under the impression that large forest* would have to be cleared away before the lands could be cultivated. On the contrary, a large portion of the land is prairie, and ready for the plough immediately. The Chontales region is beat adapted for the agriculturist emigrating from the United States. It is an elevated dis trict, with a climate the year round resembling the present month of May. The thermometer, I shouM judge, seldom reaches 80 degrees. Two and three crops can be secured from the soil within the year. As 1 have before remarked, Central Ameri ca is destined to become Americanized, and the Sta'es of Nicaragua, Costa Rica, San Sal vador, Honduras, and Guatemala will eventu ally form one great republic. The territory of those States, taking in Yucatan and the Bay islands, is equal to the old thirteen States of this glorious Union, and "manifest destiny" has decreed that the day is not far distant when the republic of Central America will be the compeer of the glorious republic of the stars an! stripes. Respectfully. Ac., JOHN P. I1EISS. A Hungarian refugee named John P. Kalapsza, haa obtained a divorce from his wife, in the Cincinnati court, on the ground of wilful absence for more than three years. His wife resides in Hungary, and haa not answered any of hii lettera during his exile. ISagjiiTijjtnn * BEVERLEY TUCKER, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. THU8HDAY MORNING, MAY 21), 1H5U. F 0 H PRESIDENT, JAMES BUCHANAN, OF PENNSYLVANIA. Subject to the decision of the National Con vention. The Washington Sentinel is published Tri weekly and Weekly by Beverley Tucker, Editor and Proprietor, Ward's Building, near the Capitol, City of Washington. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. Tri-Weekly *5 00 Weekly 2 00 To Clubs or Individuals, (subscribing to five or more copies? Tri-weekly per annum, in advance $3 00 Weekly " 44 1 50 TERMS OF ADVERTISING. One square, (ten linen,)..l year $8 00 44 " 6 months 5 00 " 3 44 3 00 Two squares. 1 year 12 00 " *' C months 8 00 " " 3 , 44 5 00 Three squares 1 year 15 00 " '? 6 months 10 00 ?? " 3 " 7 00 One third column 1 year IS 00 4 4 4 4 44 0 months 12 00 44 3 44 8 00 One column 1 year 50 00 44 44 G months 30 00 All advertising (or a less time than three months, will be at the usual rate*?$1 per square for the first three insertions, and twenty five cents for each subsequent issue. IBfet?" Letters on business should be addressed to John Shaw, Sentinel office, Washington. The CINCINNATI CONVENTION meets on Monday next, June 2d. TO VIRGINIA. At the Baltimore Democratic Convention of 1852, Virginia presented to that convention, as her first choice for President, the name of James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania. Her dele gates were men of large political experience, and themselves possessing fully the confidence of their constituents, and representing truly the popular will. If the people of Virginia then held Mr. Bu chanan in the highest esteem, giving him a preference over the veteran and distinguished senator from Michigan, over Judge Douglas, over all others without exception, has there been anything in the career of Mr. Buchanan since that demonstration of preference which could j uatly forfeit that high regard, or in any degree diminish it. His political action since that period is com prised in the history of his diplomacy in Eu rope. With what ability and fidelity he ac quitted himself of the delicate and important trusts confided to his management, let his un exampled receptions, at all places, without dis tinction of party, answer. To the preemi nent ability displayed by him, people of all parties, without exception, united to give their testimony. If, therefore, Mr. Buchanan was worthy of the decided preference given to him by Vir ginia in 1852, then is he greatly more deserv ing of that preference in 1856. Why should not this preference be unani mous? What good and sufficient reasons can any give for withholding this preference so richly deserved? Was ever a son of Virginia elected President without the aid of Pennsyl vania? Did not Pennsylvania stand shoulder to shoulder with Virginia in throwing over board that arch traitor to the South and to the Constitution, Martin Van Buren? For whom and for what good reason should Mr. Buchanan beset aside? The parties whose names stand prominent for nomination are Mr. Hunter, Judge Doug las, General Rusk, General Pierce, and Gov ernor Wise. Mr. Hunter baa many claims to considera tion?he had almost as many in 1852, but Mr. Bcchaxan'b services gave him the unques tioned preference in Mr. Hunter's own State. Since that period, Mr. Hunter has earned fur ther distinction, but certainly has done nothing entitling him to greater credit than does Mr. Buchaxax's diplomatic services; so that Mr. Bccbahan's prominence over Mr. Hunter has not been diminished since 1852. If the pre ference, therefore, be justly decided, Mr. Been an a n is still more entitled to it now than in 1852, for the additional reason that Virginia must now manifest that regard for Mr. Bum AM AM to which she has already declared him eminently worthy, or the mutt refute it to him forever. While to Mr. Hunter no such present necessity exists. But not only upon these grounds, is Mr. Be* chakax entitled to the warm and decided sup port of Virginia, but also for other and far more important and decisive reasons. The contest which approaches, is a war against the equality of the States and the rights of the Southern people to an equal and com mon possession of the common territory of the whole of the States. We have already seen this spirit of aggres sion eject a House of Representatives consist ing of two-thirds Democrats and substitute in its place a House of two-thirds opponents to the Democratic party. We have seen this fell spirit, like a besom of destruction, sweep over the land carrying in its trail every Northern State without exception. Should a similar result follow the coming contest, we should find a House of Representatives overwhelming ly Anti-Democratic, and such changes would be made in the Senate, as would give rise to well founded apprehensions, and the Executive with the entire Federal patronage and exclu sive control of the army and navy, would pre sent such an array against what the South conceives to be iU constitutional equality and rigfits, as to render it a matter of inevitable certainty, that a series of the most irritating and injurious measures would be brought for ward and the attempt made to carry and to enforce them. These would be the lightest of the evils, for disunion with grim discord and civil war, would stand at our very portals. It is not the part of wisdom, with the late experience before us, to discard these things as idle dangers. It was solely to the fortunate circumstance, that 1865 was not the year for the Presidential election, that we are indebted for an escape from most of these evils. Upon this grave fact, let all the South deep ly ponder. It must have its weight with all who are not blinded by ambition, selfishness, or mad with personal partisanship. The object, the great object, we might almost say with truth, the only object of the Democ racy in the coming contest is to avert from our country these calamities, which the madness of fanaticism and of party threaten so imminently. This crusade is against the rights and inte rests of the South ; and from the absolute cer tainty of their occurrence, there is no assurance, except by the Union with the South of so many Northern States as will (jive it a preponderance and certain victory. That no one will question this position, we may safely assume. These premises being mutually accepted, what course of action must be adopted to se cure the defeat of this unhallowed crusade, the triumph of right and reason ? There can be but one solution ; and that if, to adopt such a course as will most certainly secure the co-operation of at least so many Northern States as may be necessary to ensure victory. Can any one else give a better solution ? Can any one give any other solution ? Will any one venture the assertion, that the nomination of Mr. Hunter by the Convention at Cincinnati, will most certainly secure the votes of the required number of Northern States, and that therefore the question is solved, and victory made sure by his nomination ? We opine not, and all may and will so say, without detracting one iota from the extremes! credit which may be awarded to him by his most zealous admirers, and most ardent per sonal friends. It is the peculiarity of the coming contest, which postpones Mr. Hunter, not a want of merit, and the postponement casts no shadow of discredit upon his general claims, as he would be delayed in reaching the highest honor, not by a preference for another over him, but by circumstances for which he is not to blame, and could not control. The duty of his friends, in the case is so to conduct themselves, that with an eye single to the exigencies of the case, they shall so act as to secure for themselves and for Mr. Hunter the good will and confidence of the whole Democratic party?divesting themselves of all personalities, and select for a candidate the man who can certainly secure for the South the triumph of its rights and interests. In a steadfast adherence' to that cardinal point, they will have the gratification to know, that if their course does not command the approbation of every portion of the Democratic party, they will, at least, have deserved it. By any other course they will neither receive nor deserve its commendation. We speak upon the very safe hypothesis, that no name will be before the convention as likely to receive its support, which is not fit to be there. What we have said of Mr. Hunter may be applied with no intention of disparagement to General Rusk and Governer Wise. In regard to General Pierce, it might suffice to refer to the late election, in which, for the first time, the Granite State, bis own State, was permitted to fall in the hands of the Abo litionists. How could it be otherwise, when I he gave official authority to Democrats to join the Abolitionists in opposition to the Kansas bill, without loss of standing in the party; and when his agents and interpreters represented the bill as giving assurance to the acquisition of new free States south of the Missouri line. It is certainly impossible for any one to feel assured that General Pierce can carry any single Northern State whatsoever. If the Kansas bill were the only sessame to the nomination at Cincinnati, and General Pierce's records were confined to his last annual and special messages, his claim might be promi nent. We have never omitted an occasion to give to these eminently just and able papers the high credit which is due to them. But we put it to the candor of every than North and South to say, if he had not presented these messages, what would have been his position. I Would he not, by universal consent, have been overlooked. As a reward for them, he had in advance received the full honor. His course, previous to the presentation of these messages, had inspired such deep and general distrust, that no one can presume he has in the North sufficiently recovered public confidence. A suitable acknowledgment of the merit of his messages will leave the Democratic party fully acquitted of all that might be due to General Pierce. At the nomination of 1852, Judge Douglas was before the country for a nomination?Vir ginia gave Mr. Buchanan her preference over this gentleman, and as nothing has since oc curred to lower him below Judge Douglas, it would seem to follow, as a natural consequence, thatthose partial to Mr. Hunter, to General Pierce and Governor Wise, should, perceiving the circumstances which exclude these parties, without hesitation give to Mr. Buchanan their support. They know full well the testimonials of confidence Virginia has already shown this eminent statesman, and that bis nomination will undoubtedly secure the victory, and that, therefore, in supporting him, they cannot pos sibly err, while they might greatly err in the selection of any other man ; and there can be no justification in sacrificing great interests to personal partiality. The selection of Mr. BcrnA.vA.v can cast no discredit upon the others, or weaken the claims of any of them at the next Convention. On the contrary, a true view of the case wonlJ clearly show that their future success in nomi nating Mr. Buchanan is in full harmony with the public interest now requiring Mr. Buch anan's nomination. ^('MMKlt litXURIBB. We invite Attention to the advertisement of the "Mountain House," at Capon Springs, Virginia, and that of the "Hygeia Hotel," Old Point Comfort. New and improved arrange ments have been made in order, if possible to furnish additional luxuries to the visitor. The reputation of these resorts is so well established, that any words of commendation from us would be superfluous. 'I heir very names are suggestive of everything that can serve to ren der a sojourn desirable and pleasurable. Mtt. IBDDON'I IPBIOH. In our last issue we had only room to give our views of that portion of this gentleman's speech which related to Mr. Buchanan. We proceed to-day to discuss the other part of it which relates to the other candidates. At the district Convention, to nominate dele gates, held at Richmond on the 16th instant, Mr. Seddon made an elaborate speech, in which he expressed his first preference to be for Mr. llunter of Virginia; in doing so he passed as high wrought an eulogium on that gentleman as his most ardent admirers coald desire;?he enumerated all the qualifications of that dis tinguished Senator, and all his claims to con sideration. After stating these fully and placing them prominently in view, and allowing to | them their full weight, and with all his own strong personal partiality, Mr. Seddon found himself, by force of controlling circumstances, compelled to yield this preference and to make ?election from the North. We give here his masons: " Despite this decided preference, I recog nize in the juncture of the times that amid the contingencies of the convention there may be a paramount obligation on me even primarily to vote and labor for others, and these candi dates from the North. While in many respects the present aspect of affairs in the Union is ominous and menacing, in others there is room for gratulation and hope. The nefarious agita tion of the slavery question at the North seems urgiug to a crisis. More completely than at any time within my memory, are we, the great Democratic party of the North and South, as now purged of anti-slavery elements, identified in feeling and principle, and withdrawn from the flimsy refuges of transient compacts and compromises, to be established in the solid temple of the Constitution. The Northern Democracy now stand arrayed openly and without equivocation on the principles of the Constitition, as embodied in the great measures of the Kansas-Nebraska bill and the Fugitive Slave act, in defence of th* equality of the States and the rights of the South. They have been battling, and are battling still, for the most part, with a fidelity and gallantry worthy of all piaise in this cause, and even more than this, ag&inst the banded forces of free-soilism and abolitionism, which have been incessant in their appeals to the lowest passion, and pre judices cf the North?to its lust of acquisitions to bigoted intolerance and anti-slavery fanati cism. Under such influences, it is not surpris ing that the Democracy of the North, who were weakened by not a few treacherous elements in their midjt, should have sustained very gener ally temporary reverses, and that their wily and unscrupulous adversaries should have been deluded into the imagination of assured and permanent triumph. Under this confidence, they ha/e, thank God, abandoned the artful game of battle they have long played, with as much insidiousness as success. They no longe wage a guerilla war, lurking in coverts and firing from ambush, watching every change of I opinion, and availing themselves of every pass ing weakness. They no longer play between party anc party, changing here and shifting there, joining now one side and now another, tainting and demoralizing all, while their as sumption of the balance of power led to a toler ance of their infamous opinions. The demon has sprucg from his lurking place in his full dimensions, and now openly aspires to rule and ruin. He is embodied in a party?the Black Republican party?who, under the guid ance of their leaders, Seward, Wilson and others, now grow bold to spurn, disguise, and prepare to meet in open field and direct con flict, on the arena of the North, the great Democratic party of the Union. They must be met and dealt with effectually, now and for the future. That is the first and greatest duty of the Democracy. Within the limits of the South, indeed, no such conflict can rage. All parties?eren the bitterest opponents of De mocracy?concur in unmingled disgust and abhorrence of this wicked organization; but at the North, unfortunately it is far otherwise. There, most potent influences?delusions that claim the sanctity of religion, pharisaical pro fessions of humanity and philanthropby, mis taken conceptions of liberty, and prejudices of I class and section, are invoked with but too much success, oftentimes, to oppose the just principles and clear Constitutional obligations on which the Democracy rest In this posture of affairs, I cheerfully acknowledge it to be the first and highest duty of the Southern Democ racy to give all possible aid and encourage ment to their gallant friends of the North. Too many have already been sacrificed politically ?have nobly preferred justice and principle to preferment and place, at the cost of honor and duty. To the rescue with all our hearts. Let that be the cry and the effort of the Southern Democracy. How then, shall our aid and en couragement be most effectually afforded to our Northern allies in the approaching dire conflict of parties for the Presidency, its power and patronage? May it not be incumbent on the South to renounce her predilections. He asks, "who among them should be our first choice?*?(among the men of the North) ?and he answers himself and says: "In all candor I humbly think our present Chief | Magistrate, Franklin Pierce." His reasons for his preference are that? To us of the South, his Administration should be specially satisfactory, for all the great questions affecting our rights and insti tations?the Kansas-Nebraska bill, the repeal of the odious Missouri restriction, the Fugitive Slave Law, and all the mischievous agitations, freesoilism and abolitionism?have been met by him with signal manliness, decision, and vigor," and that the South is indebted to him for the consummate ability with which in his messages he made exposition of the constitutional rights of the South, and of the justice and modera tion of her course; and Mr. Seddon thus winds up the narrative : "We owe to him, therefore, a large measure of appreciation aud gratitude, and should we not exhibit it by continuing him, so far as de pends on our suffrages, to the high functions administered with so much fidelity and equity to us, and which we may have from the past the fullest confidence he will continue to exer cise for our defence and the assertion of our rights." We concur with Mr. Seddon in his conclu sive arguments surrendering or tendering the nomination to a northern man. Mr. Seddon endorses the perfect soundness of the northern Democracy on the Nebraska issue, and he asks: then, shall our aid and encourage ment be most effectually afforded to our northern allies?" and he answers himself, and says: " May it not be incumbent on the South to renounce her predilections and aspirations for her sons and unite cordially from the. first in bestowing the candidacy of the party on one among the able leaders proposed from the North.11 We have italicised this sentence because it is the summary of the speech?it is the gist. Everything else is msre commentary. We adopt cordially this premise of Mr. Seddon as a position conclusively established by him. In regard to the just and proper action by the South which should necessarily flow from the adoption of this postulate, we differ from Mr. Seddon, and we proceed to give our reasons. Mr. Seddon himself endorses the perfect soundness of the northern Democracy on the questions at issue in the coming con test?acknowledges that it is incumbent on the South to jield the nomination to a northern candidate presented by the North. It would appear to us to follow as a fortiori, that when this sound Democracy of the North (vouched for by Mr. Seddon) presented a can didate bearing in his hands an assurance of victory, that the only course open to the South would be to u unite cordially from the first in bestowing the candidacy of the party on one" ! (that one) " of the able leaders proposed from the North" who comes with the offering of as sured victory. We might stop here and proceed no further with our remarks, as every one knows there is a candidate presented by the North holding victory in his hands, and everybody knows who that candidate is. Mr. Seddon's "gratitude" is of a partial and peculiar character. He states the services of General Pierce, and claims for them in pay ment the nomination for the.pgxt Presidency; but he entirely overlooks the fact that he had already been paid in full to do these services. In his eagerness to pay General Pie roe twice over for services rendered, he entirely over, looks the longer and greater services of others who have not been paid even after service rendered. The Democracy at the North know full well to whom they owe their late disastrous routes, and to whom to look to rally them to certain victory. Mr. Seddon predicates his preference for General Pierce upon his connexion with the Kansas-Nebraska bill. What is the history of that bill and of General Pierce's connexion with it which renders oae Presidential term so insufficient a reward, that all others claims must be set aside to give him prepayment and sub-payment? The bill was originally introduced by Judge Douglas. Several Senators?Messrs. Toombs, Dixon, and others, conceiving the opportunity a good one to complete and carry out the Com promise measures of 1850, prepared a clause repealing the Missouri Compromise. It was offered in open Senate as an amendment by Mr. Dixon. General Pierce's organ, on the next day, opened its batteries of denunciation against this very amendment, upon which, as a hobby, General Pierce is to ride again into office. The unanimity among Democratic Sen ators compelled a partial retraction. As the fight waxed warmer, those Freesoil Democrats to whom the Union had, in the name of Gen eral Pierce, promised that, "in the bestowal of Federal patronage and in the selection of agents to administer the Government," de manded official authority to coalesce with Abo litionists to defeat this bill, and yet to be retained in the Democratic party, ex equo, with the best Democrats. That official authority was formally given in the Union, and the test withdrawn to license this intended, this pre-avowed treason. So far, the action of General Pierce, however good may have been his intentions, would hardly entitle him so exclusively to the whole credit of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, as to require a second Presidential term to repay the debt of gratitude due to him for his services in the pas sage of the bill. The denunciations by the Union of the amend ment repealing the Missouri Compromise, and the prompt and full liberty given to Democrats to join the Abolitionists in defeating it, opened a chink wide enough to let the Abolitionists and Freesoilers see the weak point of the Ad ministration. It showed whose counsels were in the ascendant. To sustain these counsel lors, whose advice against this bill had done so much, the Abolitionists and Freesoilers, by con cert, set up one of those loud, prolonged, hide ous, reverberating yells which only fanatics can utter. The sound and fury which they got up, frightened many of the supporters of the bill, and instigated to the most desperate means the opposition to this bill. The Union was between two fires?the South unsparingly applying the lash, the North assailing, with hideous and dis cordant yells, and threats of vengeance. Strange to say, both parties succeeded. With the hand the Executive approval was affixed to the bill, while the averted face told the yelling demons of the North that it was intended for their spe cial benefit?to get free States. So far, General Pierce does not yet show any such overriding and exclusive claim to the merits of the Kansas-Nebraska bill. We next find in the progress of this matter the appointment of Reeder, governor to this Kansas Territory, an appointment, however, honestly intended, was widely disapproved of at the time. The political career of Reeder, while Governor of Kansas is familiar to all. The organ of General Pierce endorsed, after his border-ruffian speech, the entire political course of Governor Reeder, past, present, and future. So far as our knowledge extends, this sweeping approval has never been retracted. Thus in the origin, amendment, passage of the bill, and the organization of the Territory, we find no traces of those extraordinary ser vices for which our gratitude can offer nothing less than two Presidential terms, one before and the other after the act. Again, in the ensuing elections, is it not clear, beyond contradiction, that he went be fore the North everywhere, claiming reward there upon the express ground that it was legislation intended to, and would secure ad vantage to the North?that it teat a bill for freedom. If Mr. Seddon will take General Pierce upon his own view of his claim to re ward, be might, give him another direction than to the White House. This story of Kansas-Nebraska bill?being a " bill of freedom,"?being intended for the ben efit of the Northern States, was repeated over and over until after the elections. He lost every Northern State ; he had not one cent capital left at the North; it wm a no go. He had nothing to lose there, this North which, according to Mr. Seddon, ought to offer a candidate, had done with him its worst. Disgusted with those counsellors whose ad vice had brought him to this predicament, General Pierce turns towards those counsellors, to whom he had lent a deaf or unwilling ear. The aspect of affairs now changes. The first symptom is in the late annual message, which received its dua meed of praise. The second was the masterpiece of his special Kansas message. Such was the merit of thase admi rable papers, that a generous party raised them, like a mantle of charity, to cover the record of hi* paet errors. Let his friends be cautious how, in the eagerness of their strife to raise him in this mantle to the Presidential chair, that they do not uncover and agaiu lay bare the record so generously shielded. A CON TRAIT.?"LOOK ON THIS PIC TURK AMD ON THIS." " When the President's term of office," says Jared Sparks, of the close of George Washing ton's first term, " as prescribed by the Consti tution, was drawing to a close, no little anxiety was felt and expressed as to his willingness again to receive the suffrages of the people. The reluctance with which he had consented to the first election, was so great that it was feared he could not be prevailed upon to re main longer iu public life. From his friends in different parts of the country he received early communications on the subject, urging him not to decide hastily, and, if possible, to reconcile himself to a second election." Among the most prominent and urgent of these appeals will be found the letters of Thos. Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, and Edmund Randolph! "The confidence of the whole Union," said Jefferson, "is centered in you. j You being at the helm will be more than an answer to every argument which can be used to alarm and lead the people, in any quarter, into violence or secession. North and South will hang together, if they have you to hang on," Ac. Hamilton said: "It is clear that, if you con tinue in office, nothing materially mischievous is to be apprehended. If you quit, much is to be dreaded." ***** "I trust and I praj God that you will determine to make a further sacrifice of your tranquillity and happi ness to the public good." Randolph spoke with the same urgency: " The fuel which has been already gathered for combustion," he observed, " wants no addi: tion. But how awfully might it be increased, ! were the violence, which is now suspended by j a universal submission to your pretensions, let loose by your resignation," Ac. Such were the strenuous and powerful con siderations addressed to George Washington, and which finally prevailed with him to accept a second Presdential term! A Hamilton, a Jefferson, a Randolph, uniting their importu nities to preserve the services of that great man to his country! while Franklin Pierce, with none but sycophants and parasites about i him, visits, feasts, flatters, and threatens by turn, each delegate as he arrives in the Me tropolis. How changed in this day of small things from that in which giants lived?giants in intellect giants in patriotism?giants in everything that go to make up the true excellence of human character. George Washington was our Presi dent! Franklin Pierce is our President! The first displaying that nobility of nature, which at taches to true greatness, modestly desiring to re tire with the glorious civil trophies which a single term had added to his illustrious military name, then, as now, unrivalled in history ; the second, an accident, whose election was the re sult of one of those strange fantastic freaks of fortune that Providence sometimes permits to succeed, for some wise, but to our finite minds, inscrutable reasons. Perhaps, in this instance, to show us our retrogression?to point the way to our reformation?to open our eyes to the fact, that the institutions of our country were not made for the sportive tricks of politicians, or to be tampered with by the sacriligious machinations of mischievous de magogues. Franklin Pierce, instead of being thankful, humbly thankful, for this unusual fortune?kind to him, cruel to us?draggles the Administration robes of an office filled by George Washington into the political cess pool to electioneer for his own re-election. Nay, he goes further still, he imperiously announces to the delegates chosen by the sovereign people to name his successor, that if he is " not nominated, no other Northern man shall be!" We know we war iu a venal age, aud we know that seventy millions of official patronage are hard to resist, but we cling to the hope that wisdom, dignity, and virtue are not so entirely disregarded by the people, as longer to allow the path to the highest preferment to be too easy to blockheads, profligates and parasites. We must emerge from this day of small things. It is inconsistent with the great mission of the American republic, it is at variance with the settled principles of the Democratic party. One more such blunder as we have made, and the safety of our institutions is imperilled. Let us take men for their merit, for their wisdom, experience, and virtue. But we simply intended to make a contrast of the modesty and dignity of the great Wash ington in desiring to decline a re-election, and the present small head of the same great people, pressing audaciously and contume liously his claims for a re-nomination. Verily, it is but a step from the sublime to the ridicu lous I ?QuWe give tbe following just view, from the Petersburg Intelligencer, of the chastisment of Charles Sumner. It is characteristic of our friend Sytne, who always takes a common sense view of matters and things?outside of politic*: Liberty of Rpcech. The late affair in the Senate Chamber will be seized upon by the Fanatics as a capital oc casion for sputtering forth all sorta of nonsense about the Liberty of speech. It is a fine sub ject for rhetorical flourishes and declamatory platitudes. We are in favor of the said liberty provided it is restrained within decent limits. But we draw a distinction in the case which we think an important one. Lil>erty of Speech is one thing. Licentiounncnx of speech is another and a very different thing. In every country where free institutions like our'a prevail, there must be free speech and a free press. But we have yet to learn that the cause of freedom ever had its bulwarks in the unrestrained ex cesses of ribaldry and vulgarity of personal in vective, to which too many of our political speakers and presses of the present day are ad dicted. In the case of Sumner and Brooks we have an apt illustration of the evil which re sults from this reckless practice, which most unhappily for the nation has found its way into the Senate Chamber and the Hall of the Rep resentatives. There is nothing in this affair that ia akin to an attack by Brooks upon the great republican franchise, in its true and pro per sense. Sumner himself was guilty of an outrageous violation of it; and when lie used the language that he did towards Butler and Douglas he fairly and fully forfeited all claim to his Senatorial privilege and to exemption from personal responsibility, and deservea the consequences which he so wantonly and shame fully proroked. Even a Senator in Congress is, or ought to be, amenable for gratuitous inso lences and insults to individuals?for if be can himself forget the dignity of his station and the proprieties of debate so far as to desceud to the coarsest scurrilities against an opponent, then he deserves any personal chastisement which he may receive. We have read over this man's offensive allu sions to Judge Butler, (who was not present,) and we do not hesitate to say that, although Mr. Brooks ought to have selected some other spot for the altercation than the Senate cham ber, if he bad broken every bone in Sumner's carcase it would have been but a just retribu tion upon this slanderer of the South and of her individual citizens, for the atrocious verbal assaults for which he was called to account. We say, down with Buch "liberty of speech" as that of Sumner's. The sooner it is utterly subverted the better for the country. Let Senators confine themselves within their legiti mate sphere of privilege. ' If they cannot ob serve the courtesies of debate?if they cannot argue a question upon its own proper merits, let them be silent. But if they will rudily and without cause traduce individual character let them suffer as Sumner has done at the hands of the aggravated party. The abolition papers will but waste their ink in the endeavor to make a martyr of Sumner in this matter. It was a naked c%se of voluntary and c<>ol ag gression on his part. He went out of the way to insult the State of South Carolina and one of her worthiest representatives, by name, in the grossest terms, and the castration which was administered to him was richly merited As to its having been an invasion ot the "lib erty of speech, the idea is simply ridiculous. It was punishment justly due to intolerable licentiousness of speech. It was resentment in the right spirit of a mean and unmannerly insult, which was no less foreign to the discus sion that brought it forth than to the decencies of parliamentary life and the urbanities which characterize a gentleman. From the Baltimore Republican. gpceeli of Mr. Dallas at the Royal Liter ary Fund Dinner. At the Anniversary Dinner of the Royal Literary Fund Association held in London on the evening of tbo 7th of May, the Duke of Cambridge in the chair?after numerous senti ments had been responded to? The Chairman gave " The Literature and Science of the United States and his Excel lency the American Minister," dwelling with much force on the union that ought to and must exist between the two nations, and ex pressed his belief that nothing was so well calculated to promote the sympathy and friend ship of the two countries as a common litera ture in the same language. The toast was re ceived with repeated cheers. Mr. Dallas, the American Minister, then rose, and was received with most emphatic and long-continued applause. He said?after thanking, as now I do, his Royal Highness for recognizing by this toast the literature and science of my couutry, and after thanking this company for having received the toast with impressive cordiality, it would perhaps be most prudent for me to resume my seat and to avoid the risks necessarily incideut to the handling of a subjact which I cannot pretend to be mas ter of? A little learning is a dangerou* thing, Drink deep or taste not the Pierian spring. There are, however, a few recollections which stimulate me to do somewhat more. Let me remind you of a historical fact, particularly in teresting to me at this moment, that over a small and hesitating meeting in 1773, which constituted the germ of this now flourishing and briliant institution, there presided a coun tryman of mine. [Hear, hear, and cheers.] And, if it be true, as doubtless it is, that the severe and practical character of his mind re fused to entertain the sanguine hopes of its subsequent founder, still Benjamin Franklin, the American sage, philosopher, and statesman, lent from the chair his grave sanction to tUe purposes which, having been subsequently most zealously persevered in, have obtained the tri umphs which I now witness. Nor am I alto gether insensible to the fact that a relation of my own was the great-grand-son of your first chairman. [Hear, bear, and cheers.] Marked by the intellectual characteristics of his ances tor, he is now acting in official occupation in the United States, and amid the loftiest spheres of science, he has displayed powers at least equal to his position. [Loud cheers.] Perhaps, too, I am individually, as his representative in this country, bound to co-operate in the ex pression of all honor to, and to give my adhe sion to, a corporation whose generous and sus taining hand is unstraightened by invidious limits. It was my lot, about ten years ago, to act as the presiding chancellor of an institution for promoting the increase and diffusion of know iege among men?among all men, without dis tinction of class, or party, or faith, or country. I acted in that capacity in an institution founded on and subsisting by the bounty of a wise and benevolent Englishman. In accepting the mu nificent bequest of Smithson to found an insti tution bearing his name, and now being in successful operation in the city of Washington, in the United States, and giving it a direction analogous to your own: the Government of the United States itself paid a just homage to tho Erinciples and practices of this Society. [Hear, ear, and cheers.] It will affyd mc great pleasure, and perhaps it might cater to my national pride, if I am admitted to belong to an intellectual band by which the literature of the United States has been advanced and illus trated. They owe a heavy debt, payable in the coin of the brain, to the genius of this island. But let me say that they labor indefatigably to reduce that debt, and already they cease to re gard as a hopeless achievement the payment of the debt in future. [Hear, hear.] Since my arrival, and during the last seven weeks that I have been in your great capital, I have been delighted to listen to eulogies on American judicial science coming from the lips of those who are the most exalted and learned in the Westminster Hall. I have been delighted to hear intermingled the names of Alison, Bancroft, Macaulay, Prescott, Grote and Irving. I have been delighted to remark that no exclusion from the almost mimical precincts of Warerly, and Vanity Fair, and My Novel, is harshly pronounced against the Indian romances and the sea stories of Cooper, or against The Houte with Seven Gables, or The Scarlet fetter. [Hear, hear.] And, in fine, I have been delighted to perceive as having grown obsolete and permanently banish ed the sarcastic criticism I used to hear in my youth?" Whoever reads an American book?'' [Hear, hear.] It is from this harmony of scientific and literary expression between the two countries that we oraw the best hope of harmony in the general intercourse between them. [Loud cheers.] The influence of au thors over communities were neither to be doubted nor exaggerated. Let us, then, trust that the copious, strong and polished language which is common to Kngland and America, may cease to be the medium of strife?[loud cheersj?but, on the contrary, become the in strument of mutual instruction, of conciliation, and of peace. [Loud and continued cheering.] Runaway Hlnvri. The Hagerstown (Md.) Chronicle states that on Sunday night last five slaves belonging to Mr. Geo. Shaffer, of Knnkstown, and three of Mr. Claggett's, of the same place decamped for the North. They came to Hagerstown and stole two horses, from Mr. Snider's livery stable, and carriage from Mr. John I. Underwood, in which they started at a rapid rate for Penn sylvania. More than one thousand barrels of eg gi are daily received at New York.