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Masiiingttni ?nrfhif[. BEVERLEY TUCKER, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 12, IH&?. UEMOCH AT1C NOMIN ATI O INK. for president JAMES BUCHANAN, OF PENNSYLVANIA. VI C K PHESIDKNT, C. BRECKINRIDGE, OF KENTUCKY. NOTICK. National Democratic Committee Rooms, ?July 6, 1856. State executive committees, county and city clubs and associations, organized to promote the election of the Democratic nominees for the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the United States, will address their communica tions to Hon. Charles J. Faulkner, of Vir ginia, Chairman of the National Democratic hesideiit Committee, Washington city, D. C. Democratic papers throughout the United Suites are requested to copy the above notice. Hy order of the Committee. A VOICK FROM LINDKXWALD LKT TI.R OK EX-PREglDKNT VAN BUREN. We give place in another column to the letter of Martin Van Buben, addressed to the Committee of the Tammany Society of New ork, in response to an invitation to unite with its members in their celebration of the Anni versary of the Declaration of Independence. We commend this letter to the careful perusal of our waders, North and South. It is a pro duction of matured reflection; and, whilst it teaches a useful lesson to Northern men, who are balancing on the brink ?f the Rubicon, bounding the Constitution and the Union on one Bide, and Abolition fanaticism and dis union on the other, it gives assurance to the South that the patriot of olden times. North or South, although he may have swerved from the true path on occasions, will come boldly to the rescue whenever the integrity of our institu tions is seriously assailed, and the existence of the Imon put iu danger. We have the most cheering evidence of this patriotic spirit, in the recorded history of the great df-ad patriots and statesmen of the once proud and powerful ^ big party, who now sleep their last sleep? and, in the action of the living, who have now placed themselves again on the same constitu tional platform, upon which they were illustri ous champions in the days of Andrew Jack son. The "sober second thought" restored the dominion of their sound judgment, when ever their Country's life became imperilled. The political history of Martin Van Buren is too well known to require any tracing by us, in presenting his last production to th'e public. He has passed through all the grades of public service, in times of peril and pros perity. As a member of the Legislature, and an occupant of the gubernatorial chair of his own State?in the Congress of the United States?as Secretary of State, under the im mortal Jackson, and as chief executive of the Republic, he discharged his duties with ability, with fidelity to the great Democratic party and to the country. Some of his subsequent acts, in which we have taken part, have been the subject of bitter animadversion. But time has done its work?human infermity is ackow ledged and vindicated-and errors of the past no matter by what cause produced, are now consigned to oblivion. Martin Van Buren, once the head of this great nation, is now in retirement, at his home of " Lindenwald." He has passed the age of three-score and ten years. He has no longer any views of official ambition, he has retired from tbe turmoil of party political strife, and feas nothing to do now ,n this world, but to complete the record of an American patriot, to be left as a le gacy to his children and his country. In his masterly production, which we, to-day, present to our readers, he makes the declaration that it shall be his la?t appearance in a political canvass, accept at the ballotWe again say, especially to our friends of the Northern section of the Union, read Martin Van Buren s letter, and reflect upon it. for JOHN THE MAN OF STRAW. Heretofore candidates for tbe Presidency have been selected bj tbe great parties, from those who bave rendered great and important services to the nation. No national party pride to 1856 has ever presumed to offer a man as a candidate for President, unless he had a national reputation, and tbat won by long continued service in posts of high respon sibility. Examine the history of the country and this will be found to be strictly troe. John Quincey Adams and Andrew Jackson were tbe first Presidential candidates who did not belong to the era of the revolution. Then came Mr. Van Bnren, who had been long in the Senate ?f the United States, Governor of New York, a Secretary of State of the United States. To him succeeded General Harrison, who for forty years had occupied posts of honor and high trust. Generals Taylor and Scott bad both won a national reputation, which justified their presentation as Presidential candidates. Mr. Polk and Mr. Fillmore for many years in Congress, had been considered among the first statesmen of the country before their names were offered to the people for their suffrages. But what are the antecedents of John C. Fremont? He had been an explorer of dubi ous reputation. We know of no useful prac tical results from his services as an explorer. Capt Wilkes detected errors in his lines and observations, and emigrants to California and Oregon, misled by bis published reports, have denounced him as a humbug. Twenty-one days in the Senate of the United States wax the amount of bin service in the Councils of the nation. In that time his posi tion was below that of mediocrity. He partici pated in no important discussion?be proposed no mean tire of consequence. He was really be most insignificant member of the body to rhich he belonged. His constituents properly estimated his wortfTand did not repeat the ex periment of electing bira to the Senate. He was indebted for his first election more to the fact that he was the son-in-law of Colonel Benton than to any intrinsic merits of his own. The Califomians supposed that if they sent Fremont to the Senate they would have the benefit of Colonel Benton's exertions iu aid of the great mass of legislation which they re quired of Congress. Since he left the Senate he has been engaged chiefly in vindicating his title to California lands, which it is said abound in gold-bearing quartz. These lands, it is said, have made him rich, though others say that they are worthless, and that it costs more to extract the gold from them than it is worth. His services in California, wheu examined by the light which public documents afford, are found to have been neither important nor brilliaut. They might have been as well per formed by almost any other person. He was never in a single battle iu California. He al ways arrived after the fighting was Over. But he was undoubtedly able to command funds with which to purchase the Republican nomination on the 17th of June. This was the greatest exploit which he ever performed. But what are his qualifications for the Presi dency? We have not yet been able to ascer tain what peculiar merit his friends ascribe to him, constituting the semblance of fitness for the post of Chief Magistrate. Are the people prepared to elevate a man to the Presidency devoid of qualifications for the office ? If so, we might as well choose our President by lot. Mr. Fremont never would have been chosen as the candidate of any respectable party by the people. A few politicians who aspire to control the Government, selected him for his negative qualities, and under the impression which he has artfully creattd, that he has com mand of boundless wealth. He is a man of straic. They an- already sick of their bargain. They can arouse no enthusiasm for his course. They have made an egregious bluuder in se lecting him. The more his history is sifted, ? the more worthless his merits as a candidate will appear. He is, after all, not the candidate of the present party of opposition to the Administra tion, but simply the candidate of the Aboli tion party. The Abolition leaders contested the convention which nominated him. The platform on which he was nominated is ultra Abolition, denying the right of slavery every where outside of the old thirteen States. He will receive only the Abolition vote?slightly augmented by a few renegade Whigs and Free-soil Democrats. He has not the remotest chance of success. There is hardly a proba bility that he will carry as many States as General Scott. Messrs. Seward, Weed, Greely, Giddings, and Co., will have to try their hand with somebody else. They will never get pos session of the Government through the instru mentality of John C. Fremont. THE ISSTJK. The success of the Democratic party, in the approaching elections, will secure to the nation four years exemption from any legislation on the subject of slavery. The success of the Black Republican party on the other hand insures the initiation of a series of the most exasperating legislation. The simple statement of the respective re sults of the success of either of these parties, should of itself decide the victory without a contest. We ask considerate men one plain question. What benefit to the general and individual in terests of the country is to arise from a series of exasperating legislation on the subject of slavery. a&Ao render it a paramount matter? Of what benefit, Mr. Buchanan justly asks, has been all the legislation on the subject of slavery? Had there been no attempt at legis lation ; there had been no agitation, none of the fierce hate and alienatiop which now ren ders the North and the South alike almost in different as to dissolution; in fact, large masses, North and South, are sufficiently soured to de sire a separation. That a separation is inevitable if the Black Republican party principles be carried into action, no one can doubt; because fifteen States of the Union would feel that the Consti tution was only a chain to bind them submis sive to men, who express horror at their insti tutions, detestation of their people, and a de termination unreservedly to deprive them ol what they deem unquestioned rights. If the evils of dissolution approach in magni tude and fell disaster, the pictures drawn from its consequences by Washington and by every patriot whose memory is revered, bow impera tive should be that necessity which would en danger dissolution. The evils to flow from this would be too real, wide spread and enduring to be contem plated, without shuddering, by any honest heart. Sectional animosity, mutual recriminations, and retaliatory acts of State Legislation, in themselves unlawful, because in violation of the federal constitution, a general alienation of feeling and a deep-rooted hostility springing up are the seeds of slavery agitation, of attempts at slavery legislation. The evils which have flowed from this pro lific source of evil we all do know ; but who will ?how any particle of good which has sprung from this source. None can show it. The evil is unmixed and immitigable. Is it strange, therefore, that Mr. Buchanan should make it a primary matter of his admin istration, to hermetically Heal this pandora's box, and to afford to the nation a term of quiet, that men's minds and passions may subside, while truth, reason and justice be al lowed to resume their rightful sway. The issue between the Republican and the Democratic party is just this; that the one would restore quiet, banish the fell apple of discord, while the other would keep open this pandoras box, and swing ont its whole multitude of evils with which to affect the na tion. On the issne of the contest hang pence and dire discord. The Buchanan P,ag is the white flag of peace. The Fremont flag, is the black flag of demon discord. Patriot ? choose ye. HARD PR1CNIKD FOR AM OBJECTION. Unable to find any substantial or reasonable objection to the Senate bill for the admission of Kansas, the advocates for its admission, with the Topeka constitution, seek for "a reason as is not a reason," as Captain Cuttle would say. The New York Courier and Enquirer, the most modest of journals, with its perfumed handkerchief to nose, and a characteristic wriggle, presents its objection, to wit: " Its source discredits it." The bill itself, in all its provisions, is more fair, equitable, and impartial than any other, having, in addition, tke assurance of General Cass that the best men of all parties shall be on the commission to carry it out. This bill provides for, and secures to every bona JxdLe free-soil settler of Kansas, a full and equal participation in the formation of the con stitution. The Topeka constitution advocated by the Courier and Enquirer, was admittedly' the work of exclusive Freesoilers, no pro-slavery man having a voice in it. It was made by men of whose election we not only know was illegal, but we are also ignorant of how the nominal election was made. This Topeka constitution excludes from all participation a large portion, perhaps a large majority, of the people of Kansas, and is in direct violation of the wishes of a majority of the bona jide resi dents of Kansas ; but "its source discredits it," in the opinion of the Courier and Enquirer. It is the " source" of a measure which makes it right or wrong with this close logician. Two bills are presented. One, on its face, a patent and a flagrant fraud ; but " its source" consecrates the fraud. The other wears pateut on its face?all the features of truth, honesty, and equity, but "'its source discredits it." One would suppose that the " source" of the flrst bill would be discredited by the bill itself, and that the u source" of the Senate bill would be stamped as righteous, both upon the sim ple proverb, that a tree shall be known by its fruit. The Courier and Enquirer is the most amusing logician in the land; its premises and corrollaries harmonize somewhat after the fashion of cross readings. A CONTRAST?KANSAS* On Thursday last, (July 3d,) a bill autho rizing the people of Kansas to elect delegates to a convention and frame a constitution was adopted by the Senate. . On the same day, a bill admitting Kansas as a State, with the Topeka constitution, was adopted by the House of Representatives. We desire to draw the attention of the people of the United States to the contrast in the action of the Democratic Senate and the Black Republican House. The former has approved a measure well calculated, by its fairness and liberality, to heal the dissensions existing throughout the country in reference to Kansas. The latter has approved an unconstitutional measure which is unjust and tyrannical towards the people of Kansas, whose voice it in no wise represents, and which is aggressive towards the slaveholding States. The evideut object of the Senate was by justice to insure domestic tranquility. That of the House by injustice to gain political power. We publish in another column the bill passed by the Senate as we find it in the National Intelligencer of Friday laxt. The debate which took place in the Senate on the night preceding the passage of the bill is well calculated to open the eyes of the people of the United States as to the true objects of the Black Republican leaders. For a year past the Abolitionists have been asserting that a majority of the bona fide settlers in Kansas were in favor of making Kansas a free State, and that in the elections held in that Territory their majority had been borne down by Missouri ruffians; that Kansas had been invaded and conquered. The northern prints have teemed with these assertions, and northern Senators and Repre sentatives have declaimed on this topic and hurled invectives at the perpetrators of tho crime of stifling the true voice of "bleeding Kansas." Senator Sumner, in his late speech, said: "I show you how their dearest rights have been cloven down, while a Tyrannical Usurpa tion has sought to install itself on their very necks!" The wrongs of bleeding, invaded, and subju gated Kansas have been spread before the public in every variety of style which might be supposed to suit the popular taste. The remedy proposed for all this wrong was the admission at once of Kansas as a State, with the Topeka constitution, or a constitution prohibiting slavery. This was urged as a mea sure of justice, because, as was asserted, the majority of the bona fide settlers in Kansas ycere in faror of excluding slavery. Mr. Seward introduced such a bill. Mr. Sumner advocated its passage, as did other members of the Republican party. The bill introduced by Mr. Seward was, with other propositions as to Kansas, referred to the | Committee on Territories, which made a report, through its chairman, Judge Douglas, which will be found in another column. The Committee reported in favor of the bill introduced by Mr. Toombs. The Black Republicans in Congress asked for the immediate admission of Kansas as a State. Mr. Toombs's bill provides for this. The Black Republicans asked for (he admis sion of Kansas with a constitution prohibiting slavery, because, as they declared, such a con stitution was in accordance with the wishes of a majority of the bona fide settlers in Kansas. The Toombs bill provides that. Kansas shall be admitted with such a constitution, if the bona fide settlers trill make a declaration that such is their wish. We call on oar readers to examine the bill for themselves, and see how stringent are the provisions to secure a free and fair expression of the will of the bona Jide settlers in Kansas. It provides for fire commissioners to arrange all the necessary details, under regulations to be prescribed under the direction of the Secre tary of the Interior, and places at their disposal such military force as shall be deemed neces sary to secure the provisions of the bill. The proposition contained in the Toombs bill, as it came from the Committees on Terri- j tories, was opposed by Messrs. Seward, Wilaon, Wade, A Co.; among other reasons, because many hundreds of the "free State men" kad been driven out of Kansas and were scattered over the Northern States, and could not return to Kansas by the fourth of July. [See section 11 of the Toombs bill.] ? In consequence of this objection, the bill was so amended aa to give such persons until the 1st of October to return and vote; yet, not withstanding all this, Messrs. Seward, Wilson, Wade &. Co. voted against the bill, declaring that it was a bill to make Kansas a slave State!! The dignified and patriotic speech of Mr. Crittenden conveyed a deserved rebuke to Mr. Seward, and the bold eloquence of Mr. Toombs told with crushing effect on the same Senator. Mr. Toombs exposed the designs of the Re publican leaders to foment difficulties in Kan sas as a means of obtaining office, and declared it to be evident that they did not desire peace in Kansas?that they did not themselves be lieve their oft-reiterated assertions that a ma jority of the settlers in Kansas were in favor of making Kansas a free State, and that their sympathy with Kansas was feigned. The object intended to be accomplished by the Toombs bill was to give peace, and the Republicans were invited to propose amend ments such as in their view would better secure the important objects intended?objects, which they had all along professed to have in view. All along the Republicans have been crying out for peace?protection to bleeding Kansas? they have been demanding as an act of justice that the wishes of the bona fide settlers be carried out, and Kansas admitted as a State. All this was offered by the Toombs bill, in lieu of which Mr. Wilson made a proposition, which Mr. Seward advocated, to strike out all after the enacting clause of the bill and insert, " All acta passed by the Legislature of Kansas, or any asiembly acting as such, be, and the ?ame are hereby, abrogated und declared void and of no effect." The only effect which could be produced by the amendment offered by Mr. Wilson would be to increase the difficulties at present ex isting, to legalize outrages of every kind. This proposition was, in effect, what Mr. Toombs declared it to be?tlu offer of the cartridge box in lieu of a pure ballot box. The mask has falleu from the faces of the Republican leaders, and their "sympathy with bleeding Kansas" stands confessed, a sham. The admission of Kansas as a State with the Topeka constitution would be an outrage on the people of KaDsas, and an .outrage on the Constitution. The Topeka constitution or form of govern ment is not Republican, as the powers therein declared have not been derived from the people. The Topeka constitution was framed by men who were but a minority of the people, and were in open resistance to the constitutional authorities, territorial and federal. The following extract from the report of the the Territorial Committee gives the true history of this movement: "It is not pretended that any of the proceed ings which resulted in the formation of the Topeka constitution were had in pursuance of law. The preliminary meetings, the calling of the convention, the appointment of delegates, the assembling of the convention, the formation of the constitution, the voting on its ratification, the election of officers under it?each and every step in the whole movement was not only with out the authority of law, but a part of a scheme, openly and boldly avowed in their meetings and conventions, having for its object the subversion of the government established by authority of Congress in said Territory. They refused to recognize the validity of the laws of the Territory, or the authority of the offieers appointed to carry them into effect. Hence there was no law prescribing the qualifications of voters, or excluding illegal votes, or pro hibiting any person from voting as many times as he pleased, at as many different places as he chose on the same day. No law providing for the appointment of judges of elections, none prescribing the usual oath, no officer to ad minister the oath, and no law to punish its violation. In short there was no regularity, no legality, no security for fairness, no safeguards against fraud in any of their proceedings. Besides the whole movement was the work of a political party and not the action of the great body of the people irrespective of party. Their meetings were party meetings, their conventions were party conventions, their resolutions were of a nature which necessarily precluded the co operation of every man who felt it his duty to yield obedience to the laws and constituted authorities of the Territory under the organic act. Hence it was strictly a parti zan movement ?a movement of the law-resisting party in op position to the law abiding party. It was not a question between those who approved and those who disapproved the laws of the Kansas legislature; for many good citizens preferred obedience to a code of laws, a portion of which they did not approve, so long as they were held to he constitutional by the courts and remained upon the statute book, as a less evil than armed resistance and lawless violence. Thus it was a partizan movement?an organization of the law-resisting party against the law-abiding party; nnd the roost that can be claimed for it is, that it received the sanction of a decided majority of its own party." A DIVIDED SOUTH UPON TIIK IHKI R OF BLACK REPUBLICANISM I?IHALL IT BE t The leading issue which the Black Republi can party presents to the country is this?shall the Missouri Compromise be restored and the principle of the Kansas bill be annulled ? That issue is presented to the South especi ally, because to the South it is a question of equality, of honor and right in the Union. Shall the issue be accepted by the South, and the gauntlet of defiance from her enemy be raised by her champions? We insist that her vital interests demand of her boldly to meet the issue now?once and forever. If she do not, Bhe must submit to the yoke of degrading inequality which her enemy proposes, and to the restoration of a law im posing an unconstitutional proscription npon her people in the stead of that Constitution, whose foundation principle was re announced in the Kansas-Nebraska law. She must choose between the ascendancy of law over the Con stitution, or of Constitution over the law I How is she to meet the issue? We answer, by a bold assertion of her right, and a manful opposition to the intended wrong. She must not meet it apologetically; she must be pre pared to maintain her position upon the aver ment of its rightfulness. She must not ask to be forgiven for presuming to insist npon ex punging from the statute book the act for her defilement; but she must, in the face of the world, with an earnest consciousness of seek ing only right, and opposing only wrong, ask the verdict of the country upon that question, which involves her co-equal participation in the blessings of the common l uion. It is obvious that she will surreuder the strength of her position by creating an issue within herself upon the propriety of the intro duction of the bill to repeal the Missouri Com promise, and to re-enact the State equality upon which the Uuion rests; for, if it was improper to introduce the bill, it must have been, because it was liable to some charge of1 wrongfulness, or at least, that our rights neither required nor demanded it. And how, then, toith this admission, can she, with brazen face, assert thai Black Republicanism is wrong in repealing what she admits was wrong, or in restoring what she admits was no wrong upon her, but was proper, and should not have beeti repealed f Let the South by implication, or expressly, make this admission, and the verdict upon the issue joined must be for her enemy. The Southern people cannot, admitting the impro priety of the repeal of the Missouri Compro mise, complain of its restoration, or success fully, because they cannot conscientiously, op pose it. If that repeal is to stand, it must be upon the ground that it was right ! We can defeud it on no other ground. To admit it was wrong, and to insist on its non-repeal, iB to defeud wrong, and to make a personal issue in its defence, or it is to beg for a concession to weakness, what cannot be demanded as of right. In either Case, it is dishonor, which the South will never incur. That any considerable party in the South are prepared to shrink from this issue, we cannot, do not believe. That through an error of judgment, or the zeal of a blinded parti sanship, the South may be divided upon this issue, the events of the past few weeks would lead us to apprehend. The Democracy of the Union are wholly united upon this principle of the Kansas bill. They have unanimously in national and State conventions " recognized and adopted" it. Their candidate has boldly, again and again, proclaimed the restoration of the equality of the Constitution, and the abrogation of all poli tical inequalities between the States, as the watch words of the canvass. The issue, which Black Republicanism proposes, James Buch anan, the champion of the South, nobly, earn estly meets, and submits it to popular arbitra ment. Can the South refuse him as her champion ? It is answered, she should prefer another; and that other, Mr. Fillmore. We will not at present advert to the ante cedents of this gentleman, nor to the position he holds as the candidate of a party which the South has just repudiated ? We only ask, does he stand by us in the issue ? Does he espouse our cause f Is he prepared to defend and maintain it against our foe ? We answer, he is not with us on the great issue! He does not espouse our cause. He will not defend and maintain it. He condemns the position we have taken as "reckless and wanton/" Our Northern friends he either de nounces by indirection, or in satiric vein; hopes God may forgive them, as he freely does. He speaks of the Kansas law as Pandora's box, from which emerge all the evils now affecting the country; and insinuates it was introduced " to aid in the personal advancement of its author." This agitation of which* ha speaks is the result of Black Republican fury, that the Constitution has been restored, and an un constitutional reproach upon the South has been repealed! And yet Mr. Fillmore, ne glecting to Bee its unreasonableness, and un able to see the justice of the bill, imputes the Abolition storm to the " reckless and wanton" adoption of a measure to aid in the personal advancement of the friend of the South, Ste phen A. Douglas 1 Can the South meet the issue, with a man who concedes the wrong upon which Abolition bases the contest? With one, who denounces it as the offspring of the personal ambition of him, whom Abolition hopes to crush? With one, who adopts the platform which her sons repudiated, and which condemns alike the Mi* souri Repeal and the Kansas bill? With one, who will not now say he will veto a bill to re store the Missouri Compromise, ami to repeal the Kansas Law? It was but the other day, upon the motion to repeal that law and thua restore the " Compro mise," and to expel slavery now in Kansas from the Territory, (I) that Mr. Fillmore's Northern friends voted for it; viz: Broom, Harrison, Haven, Whitney, and perhaps others; and three of them, the same evening, spoke to a slaveholding people, to ratify their favorite's nomination for the Presidency. Now can any Southern man dream of pre ferring, upon this issue, Mr. Fillmore to Mr. Buchanan? Can he consent to divide the South with the enemy at his doors? Can he abandon that gallant Northern Democracy, which, true to the Constitution, stakes its be ing upon the maintenance of Southern equality, and grapples with our foe, upon the aoil of ths North? Will Southern chivalry abandon its most gallant friends for those who are con tent with lukewarm professions of friendship, but who encourage our enemies, by condemn ing our acts, denouncing our friends, and .re fusing to meet Abolition upon the issue it makes against us? It will not?it cannot be. True to her highest interests, and to her un questionable duty, she will sustain Mr. Bu chanan with her entire vote. Discord cannot prevail, with safety. In unity of action alone, is she secure. Surrounded, as Mr. Buchanan is, by Sena tors and Representatives from the North, who plant themselves upon his principles, how can the South fail to prefer him to Mr. Fillmore, who has no Northern Senator to support him, and only a squad of Representatives, most of whom vote against us upon the great issue? Elect the former, and you bring a powerful Northern jxirty into power, to sustain him in defending Southern rights?elect the latter, and you bring only a man into power (ar.d he not with you on the issue to be tried,) with no Northern party to back him for good, but with friends, who will tempt him to evil. We have thought proper to urge these views now upon the Southern mind, to prevent any divisions, which partizans may suggest, of Southern strength in this important contest. If concurred in, they must be propitious to the unity ofthe South, and thus tend to the peace and tranquility of th? Union. TI1K FATBON TO WHOM HL'MNKK DKDIOATKU HIS NPKKCH. It will be recollected that Mr. Sumner's speech or " Phillipic," as he termed it, wi|0, in a letter from him, dedicated to Theodore Park er. It was prepared expressly for consump tion by that class of mad men. Mr. Sumner looked to thera for approval and support. They and such as they were consulted as to the propriety of its utterance in the Senate. Mr. Sumner wisely withheld it from the criticism of the Cboats, the Everetta, the Winthrops and other honorable men who acknowledged fealty to the Constitution, and who revered the pro prieties of the Senate in discussion, he ignored their existence, and sought the applause and approval of the Parkers, the Wendell Phillips, the Garrisons, and such other moral lunatics as are allowed to roam abroad. We give below from the Boston P an exhibition made of himself by this patron of Mr. Sumner, to whom his "Phillipic" was dedicated. All will acknowledge, after reading what follows, that Mr. Sumner made an ap propriate selection of a patron to whom to de dicate his long-nursed bantling. Rev. Theodore Parker. All who were present at the Music Ilall on last Lord's day will agree that the performance of this reverend pastor on that occasion, was, in many respects, the most unique and remar kable ever witnessed on those u boards." If it did not stir a jubilee among the imps below, it is because they have been surfeited and sickened with too frequent banquets of the same style, served by the same distinguished caterer. There was not the nsual method in his mad ness. He was not in his usual good humor. He fretted and sputtered like the fishiest of fish-women. There was more of the hyena than the jackall. He almost swore : and doubt less would have felt relieved by the utterance of a few mild oaths. No class escaped his in sensate and frothy denunciations. He did not even spare his supposed friends. He denounc ed the New England Kansas emigrants as cowards. He denounced "the faithful" at Worcester because they did not even "swear an oath" over the cowardice and pusillanimity of the Sharpe's rifle men who had surrendered on the way to Kansas, and returned to the "heart of the commonwealth" minus their guns and their backbones. He endeavored to I show that cowardice was a New England pro clivity. He said these men should stay at home, and let the women and girls go out, and " make the rough places smooth" for them, by nutting to flight the " border ruffians" and the United States troops, and then, protected by women in front, women behind, and women in flank, all armed with dish-cloths and brooms, the men in the centre with their rifles might be taken through in safety. Said he, " Six half-horse, half-alligator men from Kentucky or Missouri will put to flight all the loud talking, spread-eagle Frpe-soilers and Aboli tionists of New England." [Sensation?some applause in the galleries.] The reverend gentleman was undoubtedly 1 correct in his estimate of the pluck of the canting, loud-mouthed crew he vituperated. The fact is, they dare do anything that requires only noise; but it is rather amusing to hear a man whose whole reputation for bravery con sists in freqnent reference to his grand-father's musket, and in his having (first securing his own personal safety) aided the excitement which led a mob to the murder of a United States official, set himself up as a commen tator on the quality of manly courage. At the time, in this city, of the restoration of a fugitive from service to his legal protec tor, there were at least ten thousand (thirty, it was boasted) who armed themselves and pledged " their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor" to his rescue. The dealers were literally stripped of fire-arms by these, con spirators. \ et it will be remembered that these high sounding pledges were redeemed only by throwing a little vitriol and red-pepper upon the troops (a mere handful, in point of numbers, compared to the pledged ana armed horde) from an upper story window. In his harrangue, on Sunday, after having drawn out from his somewhat copious vocabu lary every term which could aid him in the expression of his hostility to the general, State and city governments; the United States and State courts, from the highest to thelowest; near ly all the men of prominence connected with either of these branches of the public service; the Whig Central Committee, especially, and everybody who had anything to do with cele brating the "Glorious Fourth," outside of Framingham Grove, where the Union-haters and God-dcfiers meet annually to burn the Constitution of the United States, and indulge in similar harmless antics, he proceeded to in timate, very bravely, as is his wont, that after one more ineffectual attempt at the ballot box to crush this somewhat formidable combination of " ruffians," there was but one alternative left. He is evidently in full communion and svmpathy with the ridiculous old swagger ofthe Nvew York Enrpiirrr. He thought the people would rise at once in their might, and by such a revolution as was never before heard of, sweep the myrmidons of a corrupt oligarchy from power, by the strong arm of physical vio lence. This was a little ridiculous, after so elabo rate and studied an effort to prove that the whole people, riot excepting a single class, were wholly given over to an idolatry of the worst conceivable character. He must count on a very sudden and miraculous regeneration of the whole American people! On the whole, the "lesson for the day" as read by Parker, affords the best attainable evi dence that "the country's is safe." Unpaid Letters. The plan put in operation at New York some weeks ago for the disposition of unpaid letters addressed to persons within the United Statu being found to work satisfactorily, we are au thorized to say that the Postmaster General has given directions for it to be extended to all other offices as early as practicable. Blank circulars and note of instructions have been printed and will be distributed to postmasters in due course of business. 'The following copy of this circular and note will show what this plan is, viz: Post Office, , 185-. A letter bearing your address is detained in this office for non-payment of postage. By enclosing to me, immediately on receipt of this, three-rent stamp and prepaying your note of reply, the letter will be duly forwarded according to its direction. Respectfully, yours, Postmaster. Note.?Postmasters will fill up, address, and frank the above notice, without the use of an envelope, to all persons within the United States for whom unjmid letters shall have been deposited in their offices; and may dispense with the former practice of posting up notices in their offices that such letters have been de posited therein. JAMES CAMPBELL, Postmaster General. What is the end of morality? "The great est happiness to the greatest number." , What ia the greatest number? "Number One." LSTTBH OK THK HON. JAKK1 M. BU CHANAN, or BALTIHOKE. Among the many letters which were written to the Society of Tammany, where bo much genuine patriotism was poured forth, we find the following from our friend of Baltimore. We publish it because its patriotic and genuine sentiments are peculiarly adapted to the pre sent political condition of Maryland : From James M. Buchanan, Esq. Baltimore, June 30, 1856. Sir : I have waited in the hope that I might be able to accept the invitation of the Society of Tammany or Columbian Order, to attend at Tammany Hall, on the 4th day of July next, and am extremely sorry now to find that it will not be in my power to do so. Were it other wise, there is, I assure you, no quarter of the country in which I would find more sincere pleasure in spending that glorious day than within the walls of old and time-honored Tam many Hall. It is true (and to the houor of the Society of Tammany be it remembered) that since the year eighty-nine, it has on no occa sion faileu to commemorate with suitable fes tivities the adoption and promulgation of that immortal instrument which burst the bonds of thraldom and proclaimed a nation free. And it is equally true that at no time since the adoption of that sacred Declaration bus it been of more importance than at this very day, that we should, all of us, continue to commemo rate it, to revere its precept* and to vindicate its principles. That we are on the eve of dau ferous times, no one who thinks can doubt? ectional divisions are springing up among us and are becoming, day by day, more and more marked, and day by day more and more diffi cult to be reconciled. A false philanthropy, and a disregard of constitutional obligations impel a portion of the people of the North to interfere with an important institution of the South. The South, justlf indignant at a wrong so great, protests against it and avows her fixed determination at every hazard to maintain her rights. The North, at this, in holy horror, uplifts its hands and cries out, "Southern Bullyism!" "No truce with slavery I" " Let the Negro Drivers Starve"?and thus the breach between us widens. Man shall no longer be allowed to worship God as God directs! is the unholy doctrine of a class of modern Pharisees. What says the law ?t?the law of conscience, the law of God to man? " And when thou prayest, thou shalt not be as the hypocrites are, lor they love to pray standing in the synagogues nud in the corners of the streets, that they may be seen of men; verily I say unto you they have their reward. But thou, when thou prayest enter into thy closet, and when thou hast shut thy door pray to thy Father which is in secret, and thy Father which seeth in secret shall reward thee openly." This is the law of conscience. And yet man would dare, for worldly gain, to curb this sacred right! The Constitution of the country knows no religious test, yet man would strike the Consti tution down, and profess to do it " for the love of souls." The foreign-born must be proscribed though they be citizens by all the forms of law, and many of them patriots at any cost of blood. These are the doctrines which lead to strife, to sectional divisions, aud mayhap to civil war. Pray God avert it. There can be no wiser course of safety in these dangerous, times than that pursued by your renowned Society. To hold up to the public view, and to commend to the public mind, the sacred principles of that immortal instrument?the Declaration of American Inde pendence. It is a matter of sincere gratification to learn from your note of invitation that there is an entire oblivion of all past differences of opinion which may have existed between those who are ever ready to render cheerful aid in defense of the Constitution and the Union. This is as it should be. Brethren of the same faith should ever act in harmony together. ? With great respect, JAMES M. BUCHANAN. To the Hon. IjOrknzo B. Sbepard. give below, from the Boston Post, an account of those innoceut lambs, sent out by the Emigrant aid Society to Kansas to con quer a peace. Another Kanui Ulan Returned. Dr. Geoghan, of Albany, who went to Kan sas in March 1855, has returned, and the Atlas and Argvs says be brings favorable accounts of the state of affairs. He was driven from Topeka by the Free State party, who had or ganized a band of sworn men, forty in number, to kill every member of the marshal's party. But this state of disorder and insurrection is confined to Topeka and Hickory Point and Lawrence. Col. Sumner is driving before him, with ureat vigor, all armed bands. Buford's men, compelled to retreat to the Indian reserva tion, were driven from there by the U. S. troops. The country is infested by marauding and pre datory bands, who commit some gross outrages in the name of the "army of the north." Their main object is theft; but when they take horses, ("pressing for the army of the north" they call it,) they lay hands upon whatever is nearest; and if resistance is made, they do not hesitate at murder. The Hickory Point murders?five men mu tilated and tortured with worse than Indian cruelties, in one night, and afterwards killed? were perpetrated by this party without provoca tion, under the lead of an Ohio man, "Ossa watomie Brown." One of these murders was particularly atrocious, the victim's nose and ears being cut off before killing him. The Atlaii says : "Dr. O. went to Kansas without any preju dices against the so-called Free State men. In deed, he acted with them, until they took trea sonable ground. If they had obeyed the laws and gone on quietly, he is sure they would have had a majority of four to one in the territory. The northern States were Rending in an emigra tion of from ten to one. The first emigrants from the South came without slaves; and had no desire to introduce them. But the treason able Topeka movement drove these men, and a great number of the northern men into the ranks of law and order. Those have been denounced abroad, and assailed as pro-slavery men ; and, doubtless, at the time that party was in the majority. But the State is destined to be a free one; and there would not have ever been a question of this, at this day, but for the criminal fotly of the so-called Free State men." From the Lecompton Union, June 2G. More Attempts at Midnight Assassination. ?The outlaws of Lawrence have on two diffe rent occasions attempted to assassinate Deputy Sheriff Haney, who resides in that place, choosing, as they always do, to commit their diabolical deeds under cover of night. A week ago last Saturday night they fired upon the house of Mr. Haney with Sharpe's rifles through the windows thereof, but fortunately tire balls passed a little too high to strike Mr. Haney, who was asleep at the time with his wife and children in a bed near the window. Norhing daunted, however, by this failure to murder Mr. H., the assassins renewed the attack on the fol lowing night, by breaking open Mr. Haney's house, vmed to the teeth, and firing at his bed. Fortunately, however, Mr. Haney and his wife and children were not in the bed, but on the floor unobserved by them, and whilst they were firing at his bed, in order to murder him and his family, he shot one of the demons a man by the name of Hopkins, well known in Lawrenoe, dead in his track, upon which the others fled. The assassins had each a red blanket thrown around them, and after breaking into the house, fired at once at Mr. Haney's bed, yelling at the same time like Indians. Eleven balls were found the next day in Mr. Haney's bed clothes I