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BT5V RLBY TUCKER, K iK AND PROPRIETOR. it: * v . iw i ?< ii m m ii mmmmmmmmmmmmmfammmmttKmrnmamm k?i il MDKMNG, JU1.1 1? 1K>?. i ??? DKMOCH.lTIC KOMI N ATIONS. F 0 ? PHkI, SENT, JAM KS 14 U C II A N AN, OF l'KNN-YLYANlA. 1 ? VI 15 PUESIDKNT, JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, op ki:\ rrt kv. XOTKK. National Democrat!!* Committee Rooms, July 5, 1850. State e.vt utive committees, county and city clubs and associations, organized to promote ihe election of the Democratic nominees for the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the United States, will address their communica tions to Hon. Charles J. Faulkner, of Vir ginia, Chairman of the National Democratic lifsidnU Committee, Washington city, 1). C. Democratic papers throughout the United States ar? requested to copy the above notice. ' ]iy order of the Committee. JAMES buchanan. " We find the following sentiment in a speech of Mr. Piiu'lmnan, delivered in tti?* llouse of Representatives in 1822. lio^ perl'eetlv has it been illustrated by his subsequent public ca reer ? ' It I know myself, I aiu a politician neither of the East, nor of the West, of the North, nor the South?I therefore shall forever avoid any expressions, the direct tendency of which must be to create sectional jealousies, sectional divisions, mul at length disunion,that worst of ail political calamities.' " The pirajraph above seern-< to have taken so well with our contemporaries?for we find it e pied into many ?>! them, with our own e ii! iial comment, that we reproduc it th;s nio. i.ing, especially as they seem at a 1 ?.<.-? to ,iaper to credit it. Til K NOMIK EK OP TIIK THE ASl'ItV PLl'KDKUKHS. 'I here is one qualification which the nominee ot the Black Republican party possesses in tin eminent decree. It was this qualification which recommended him a:id secured his nomination. 1 lie wire workers of that party did not want a statesman, nor did tlioy want anv man of commanding abilities and character, who would feel the responsibilities of the high station, and who would surround himself with men of unim peachable honor and integrity, as well as com manding ability. f( luit they want f'ir President is a man who will surround himself with officers associated like himself with desperate schemes and schemers. 1 hey want a President beneath whose auspices the ireasury shall be opened to plunderers. We have seen from the letter of J. Denny Sarjent, the accredited agent of Mariposa, the Tucaus resorted to by the desperate and un scrupulous gamblers engaged in that monstrous speculation upon public credulity, what means will be resorted to to plunder an unsuspecting public. Place these Mariposa conspirators in power over the treasury, and we can readily foretel the wide and deep corruption which would ensue. For such persons as these contractors, job bers, and pseudo-bankers was the Black Re publican nomination made. It is truly a nomination fit for such purposes. We have seen a bauking house in California with the funds of the State in hand, twice al low the honor of the State to he compromised. V? e have seen the nominee of the Black Re publican party "shinning" it all through Wall street, offering to pledge the persona! re sponsibility of the owner of Mariposa to raise funds to pay the interest on the California bonds, to screen his partners md compeers from the exposure of their guilt and fraud. W hy did he do this ? Here a pregnant ques tion arises, what has become of the money of the Siaie of California, placed in the hands of the partners of theBlack Republican nominee to pay the interest due on California bonds ? Aye what use has been made of these fund*, that this nominee finds it imperative on him self to try and provide for this inte^st to ?creen an investigation as to what use, and for whose benefit these funds have been fraudu lently used. But nobody in Wall street would trust this Black Republican nominee, v?uh Mariposa and I aimer. ( ook and Co., to back him. And why not ? If California had not provided the funds and placed them in the hands of Palmer, Cook & < o. to meet her interest, the State of Cali fornia could have been made responsible, and would have been, and the loan would have been perfectly safe. But the cause of all this caveat on the part of Wall street was this: Believing, as \Y nil street did, that California had provided the funds and had placed them in the hands of Palmer, Cook k Co., and that I a.mer, Cook & Co. had fraudulently used these funds for themselves and the nominee of theBlack Republicans; that California would be exempt from any responsibility for any loan to these parties to pay int. rest, and they were not in Wall street willir, :o trust Palmer, Cook & Co., the Black Repub licans, and Mariposa, ,u ^ether, for the missing amount. In the first place they could not trust men who had acted so dishonestly, even if they had security; and secondly, they did not believe they were able to meet tl,,ir engagements, even with the money received from the State of California. And yet it is expected that Wall street will join to put this clique in power. It is precisely because they are steeped to the eyes in speculation, and so greatly need help that they can be thoroughly controlled and engaged in all sorts of contracts. If suoh a party as this ever get power, the most stupendous corruption on the records of history will begin. It will be an administration of speculators, scbeemers, stock gamblers, contractors, job bers, and every other species of pilfering upon the public Treasury, That the nomination of the Black Republicans is eminently fit for such results all can readily perceive; the nomina tion is not for statesmanship or lor any quality suited for the high position, is a fact patent to every eye. The nominee himself, engaged in gigantic speculations advocated on most questionaljle grounds, affiliated and associated with des perate recklessness in speculations, and nomi nated by the influence of men tainted with scheems of every questionable variety. This is the ticket offered to Northern men. No principle avowed save only and except the one of confiscation of the Federal domain to the exclusive benefit of the Northern States. Its flag?its only Hag?the black tlag of slavery. Will not the people of the North distrust the fruiis from such a tree? Can any good come from this gambler's ticket? Let prudent men look to what the Black Republicans mean to do, not what they sat/, fur with Heaven on their lips, they have hell in their hearts. Stil'ATTEIt SO VKKEIUMTYi This legislation is founded upon prin ciples us ancient as free government itself, and in accordance with tlieni has simply declared that the people of a territory, like those of a State, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within thei-i limits."-?Mr. Buchanan's letter of arctptouce. We prop se to advert again to this clause in the letter of the Democratic caudidate for the Presidency, which partisan feeling and prejudice have distorted into a recognition of the principle of squatter sovereignty. We but do our duty to our readers in continuing these comments, although convinced that there are those who would not be persuaded though one rose from the dead, and who belong to that unfortunate class who, "when convinced^igainst ibeir will are of the same opinion still." And first it should be remarked, that as in the limited compass of a letter it. is impossible to enter fully into a discussion <>f the many questions involved in the canvass, we must take the language oi the writer in connection with other facts and other language to which it evidently refers, luking this a-- th?r b:tsis of our cor.'.meiita, a basis to which no/air, inge nious man can object,let us compare the clause in question with a subsequent clause in Mr. Buchanan's very letter, and we will thus have some light thrown upon the meaning which he designed should be attached to the word "ter ritory."' Mr. Buciiaxax, in commenting on the Nebraska-Kansas bill, proceeds to say: " This is apparent,from the lact admitted by all that after territory sball have entered into the Union and become a Slate, no constitutional power would then exist which could prevent it from either abolishing or establishing slavery, as tin' CHse may be, according to its sovereign will and pleasure." Now, here it is evident that thjf word " terri tory" is not to be construed a& an unorganized people merely acting in their popular capacity, but as an organized community exercising for the first time the form of a sovereign. A ter ritory cannot enter the Union as such, for the Constitution only provides for the admission of new States ; and hence it is apparent that it is in this sovereign capacity, or, as some have expressed it, in this indicia'e condition as a State, that the writer speaks of the territory. Now, apply this definition of the word territory where it occurs in the clause which forms the caption of our article, and we will find that the language of that clause applies to a terri tory in that chrysallis condition, when having thrown off its dependent condition upon Con gress, it emerges into a sovereignty and applies at the door of the Union for an equal partici pation in the benefits of that Union. Such, according to every principle of construction, to be found even in the law books of criticism, is the fair interpretation of this language. And where is the roan who will deny the pro position; where the man who will assert that to-day Congress has entire control over the domestic institutions of the Slate applying for admission, and to morrow withdraws that con trol, and rests the whole power in the sover eign people of that Slate? But Mr. Bcciiaxax is here speaking of the Nebraska Kaunas bill, and by his language j approving the doctrines contained in that mea sure. The language of this act, when properly understood, entirely precludes any doubt as to the true construction to be placed oil the word territory, either in the phraseology of the law or in the letter of Mr. Bcchanax. It is true that in the aeal of opposition, it has been charged that the Kansas act itself saVors very strongly of the doctrine of squatter sovereignty, but if we apply the same canon of criticism to that bill, and take its language in connection with other clauses, we will find no foundation for the charge. The clause of the bill to which objection has been made, is as follows: " It being the trae intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into nftiy territory or Stale, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." Now. in order to ascertain the true intent and meaning of the word "ter ritory," in this clause, let us advert tothat part of the bill which provides for the admission of Kansas into the Union, and we find the same word used in a sense which cannot be mis | taken. " And when admitted a? a Slate or States, the said territory, or any portion of the same, shall be received into the Union with or with out slavery. as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission." llere it is dear that the word territory is uaed in that limited sen^e to which we have be fore referred, and alludes to the xtatnn of Kan sas at the time of its admission, and if the same definition he applied to the term territory, in the clause above recited, it free* it from every taint of sqnatter sovereignty. If anything were wanting to complete the chain of reasoning on this subject, the link would be afforded by the recent action of the Senate in rejecting the Topeka constitution and passing the bill of Mr. Douglas providing for the admission of Kansas into the Union. This Topeka constitution was formed by a con vention organized upon this very principle of squatter sovereignty, assembled without au thority and acting without law. Vet the au thors of the Kansas bill (the Democratic party in the Senate,) have expressly repudiated that doctrine,'and have put their own construction on the language of the original act. They have shown that, in their view, and according to their intent, the people of the Territory, who are authorized to'form a constitution previous to its admission into the Uniou, are not an un organized mass of squatters, as in the Topeka convention, but are the people " acting through the fairly and legally expressed will of the ma jority of actual residents, whenever the number of inhabitants justifies it." Now, when is this will of the majority legally expressed? Clearly, when expressed according to law ; and, as the territories are under the pupilage of Congress during their territorial infancy, that will mubt be expressed in accordance with a law of Con gress. Hut it must also be expressed only when the number of inhabitants justifies it. Who shall decide when that number does justify such action? Surely not the people themselves, for a dependant can never judge of the extent of its own power. This, too, then, must be regulated by a law of Congress; and thus, so far from the Kansas bill recogniz ing the doctrine of squatter sovereignty, it as serts, in the strongest terms, the doctrine that the people can only act through the authority of Congress, empowering them to tlirow off their dependent condition, and fairly and legally to assume a sovereign power. And this brings us to a comparison of the language of Mr. Buchanan with the language of the Cincinnati platform, which he so fully endorses. By that platform the Democracy "recognize and adopt the principles contained in the organic laws establishing the Territories uf Kansas and Nebraska us embodying the only sound aud safe solution of the slavery question." And, then, in order that there may be no doubt as to their construction of these principles, the convention proceeds to define its meaning more clearly in the following lucid resolution: "That we recognize the right ot the people of all the Territories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the fairly and legally expressed will ot the majority ot actual resi dents whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a constitution, with or with out domestic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States." Take this in connexion with the language of Mr. Buchanan's letter of acceptance, and we have another rule of interpretation that must prove satisfactory. " In accepting thenomination, I need scarcely say thai 1 accept in the same spirit the reso lutions constituting the platform of principles erected by the convention." Now with this broad announcement of his endorsement of the principles of the platform, it was unnecessary that Mr. Buchanan should be as guarded in his phraseology, or as careful in his qualification and definition ot terms, as if his letter were taken independent of the platform. No one, conversant with the able career of Mr. Buchanan, can doubt for a mo ment that be understood the meaning of the qualification placed by the convention on the words "people of the territories"?accepting this definition with the platform of which it forms a part, he deemed it unnecessary in the brief limits of a letter of acceptance, to throw the same guarded qualification on his language as was used by the framers of the platform? because he designed that his letter should be taken in connection with the language of that platform. Let us then reduce the language of Mr. Bu chanan which has formed the text for these comments, to iis equivalent, when taken in connection with the resolution of the conven tion, (and to this no candid mind can object,) and we arrive at his true meaning in relation to this subject. So minified, his language will read thus: "This legislation is founded upon principles as ancient as free government itself, and in ac cordance with them has simply declared that the people of a territory acting through the fairly expressed mill of the majority of actual residents, and whenever the number oj their in habitants justifies it, like those of a State, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits.' We have thus candidly, and without preju dice, sought and found the true interpretation to be placed upon the language of Mr. Bu chanan's letter of acceptance. We have com pared it with other language contained in the same letter, which shows what was the mean ing which he designed to convey by the word territory. We have compared it with the lan guage of the Nebraska-Kansas bill, and shown that like that measure, the doctrine of the let ter is sound and conservative. We have taken it in connection with the Cincinnati platform, and the broad and satisfactory endorsement of that platform by Mr. Buchanan, and have thus aruved at the conclusion that the opinion thus entertained and set forth in the letter of ac ceptance, is one which is perfectly consistent with the well established principle of the Dem ocratic party, and the clear construction of the Constitution itself. TII K DEKPOTIfdi OF HLACK RE PUBLIC AW ISM?FRK MONT'S L.KTTRR AKI) HIS PLATFORM. It is ft subtle policy of error to give itself a good name, and involve great authority to sus tain it. The sacred name of Republicanism has been adopted by the party of despotism, and the great authority of Washington and Jefferson has been involved to sanction its principles. . "You call me," says Colonel Fremont "to a high responsibility, by placing me in the van of a great movement of the people of the United States, who, without regard to past differences, are uniting in a common effort to bring back the action of the Federal Govern ment to the principles of Washington and Jefferson." The platform of the Black Republicans, which Colonel Fremont approves, asserts the right and duty of Congr?ss to forbid a citizen with his slave property to settle in the Terri tory of the States. It asserts that Kansas should be admitted now as a fret State, (and we suppose, only localise it i* free,) under a pretended constitution, adopted by a conven tion called, without law, elected under no law, and by only such of the people of Kansas, as out lawed themselves,by open defiance of law, order, arid government. It asserts that such a con stitution should receive the sanction of the Government, whose laws itg framers have out raged, and trampled under foot; and who have done so in the teeth of their declaration, that Congress possesses " nurtrtiyn power over 1/te Territories <f the United Hto.te* !" The party with its leader, thus adds the the meanness of hypocrisy to the crime of law less and treasonable disobedience to the power, whose sovereignty it concedes ! It does more! It taints with its own shame less infamy the name of Washington, by using it as a shield ugainst the vengeance of a peo ple's indignation ! Where did that venerable nume yield itself to sustain insubordination, or to defend treason? What part of his history will sanction the action of any combination of men against the legal authority of an acknow ledged sovereignty? He was the impersona tion of law?the embodiment of conserva tism?the unflinching supporter of order, and the great teacher of submission to rightful au thority. And yet, with a brazen effrontery, which only equals their unpardonable treason, these Black Republicans, with Freemont at their head, seek to gull the people, by naming their infamous doctrines Washingtouian ! But while it utters sentiments, which it sup poses to be extremely virtuous and elevated, it asserts doctrines whose essence is the ex tremest despotism. We submit to any honest Northern man, whose virtue is not withered by the blighting influence of this outrageous fanaticism. We submit to any candid member of this so-called Republican party, if it is not essential despo tism for any other authority than that which is the repressntative of a people to forbid them to have what they do want, or to force them to have what they do not want. How is Congress to forbid you, a citizen in Kansas, who have paid for your quarter sec tion, from working it with what labor you please ? poes Congress represent you ? Have you a voice in its deliberations? If not re presented, is it not the essence of despotic power for Congress to make a law which shall forbid you to use your own property as you please? Is it not tyranny for those who have no common interest with you in your affairs, to prevent you from doing what your interest may prompt you to do ? And yet this is the so called Republican doctrine. The common territory is open to the favorites of its leaders?but closed to the peo ple of half the Union. Instead of the broad banner of an equal constitution to protect her, the South is driven from the land purchased with her own money, and won by her own valor, by the hordes of Abolition under the black flag of tyranny and injustice. ? He, who with heroic hand, planted the en sign of the country upon the palace of the Moutezumas, is excluded, as unworthy to dwell upon the territory acquired by his exer tions. The valor of the South is rewarded with the badge of a debased inferiority. Is this freedom, or despotism ? Is it justice or rank injustice and wrong ? " That the highwayman's plea, that might makes right, embodied in the Ostend circular, was in every respect unworthy of American diplomacy, and would bring shame and dis honor upon any government or people that gave it their sanction." Such is a flower (?) plucked from the garden of the Republican creed! Fragrant, as it is," it falsely attributes to the Ostend circular a prin ciple, which serpent-like, is coiled beneath the | fair appearance of virtue it was designed to exhibit. Talk of the highwayman's plea! Who uses it? The Democracy who render to Ca*sar the things which be C&sar's? Or those, who with the pretense of virtue on their lips, organ ize a sectional power, to shut out from all par ticipation in the privileges of our system of government, those whose equal rights, entitle them to it, and whose treasure and valor was expended to secure them ? . Which is the highwayman? Which the pirate? Where waves the black flag? \^ho uses the plea?of might to give the right? The Southern minority which appeals to the Northern majority for mere justice; or the sec tional Republicanism which appeals to North ern passion and prejudice to perpetrate outrage and dishonor upon the South ? The principles of Washington and Jefferson I Does Colonel Fremont remember that the organization he represents, the Father of his Country jrropheticallg condemned; and that the line he aims to restore, Jefferson denounced as the signal of disunion f Does he remem ber this? Or, in his journey to the Rocky mountains, has he forgotten it? "In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminati6ns." Such is the language of the Father of his Country I The Republican party has a sectional basis? exists in but sixteen of thirty-one States?and is organized to proscribe the other fifteen States! Is it not a party characterized by geographi cal discriminations? Is it then Washingto nian t In speaking of the Missouri question, Mr. Jefferson said : "But this momentous question, like, afre bell in the night, airakened and filled me with terror. I considered it at once as the knell of the Union. It is hushed indeed for a moment. But this is a reprieve only, n<?t a final sen tence. A GEOGRAPHICAL LINK, coinciding with a marked principle, moral and political, once conceived and held up to the angry passions of men, trill never be obliterated, and every new irritation will make it deeper and deejter Again : " The line of division lately marked out between different portions of our Confed eracy, is such as will never, I fear, be oblite rated.r What he feared would " never be obliterated," the Democracy have erased, and the Republi cans wish to restore. That line which, like a fire bell at night, awakened and alarmed the sage of Monticello, no longer can disturb the tranquil rest of his' patriotic spirit. The De mocracy, true to the principles of its apostle, have wiped it out forever. That line, which alarmed him, Black Republicanism seeks to re-enact. The division which it created, the Democracy lealed, and upon the troubled watern of an angry sectionalism poured the oil of peace, unity and equality. The Union thus reformed, Republicanism seeks again to divide?and the division thus destroyed, it wishes to revive. Is IJlack Republicanism Jefjerroxian ? It is neither Jeffersonian Democracy, nor Wash ingtonian Republicanism. It revives the mon archical despotism of the pro-revolutionary period; subjects the South to an unjust ine quality and colonial vassalage. Its patriotism is sectional hate; its organization a treason able combination against l&w. Its aliment is human passion. It seeks to rido into power upon the whirlwind of popular fury, stimulated to injustice and wrong by the appeal# of traitors, who hate the Constitution which they violate, and war upon the Union, whose princi ples they trarnplo on and despise, to borrow the image of another, the worst of all parties, blots from the ensign of the Union fifteen stars of our Constitution, and leaves the stripes as emblems of their shame and degradation. People of the North! will you support such a party? Will you violate every principle of justice and the Constitution? Will you war upon the South, and attempt t6 degrade them? Will you drive them from, the Union to find and to maintain that equality which you deny to them in the U nion ( Rally under the thirty-one Stars, the em blem of our common glory?the manifestation of our equal rights. Remember that the South cannot be, you will admit it should not be, an unequal partner?a degraded member of the Federal Union I She will not be! As an equal she will remain in the Union ; as an inferior, never! She claims only justice. She rallies to the principles of the Democracy and to its northern leader. She seeks only equality. Let the North sustain the Democracy, and the Union is safe, and the Constitution and peace will be restored. Mil BUCHANAN IN NEW JEliSEV? PO LITIC :al consistency-senator JOHN R. THOMSON. The True American, published at Trenton, New Jersey, in its issue of the 9th instant, re publishes a communication from the same jour nal, under date of January 14, 1842, (upwards of fourteen years ago,) recommendiug James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, as the candidate of the Democracy at the ensuing Presidential election. We annex this communication, which is addressed to the people of New Jersey, as well on account of the clear views and sound arguments it advances in lavor of the dis tinguished Pennsylvanian, as to give credit, to its author, and the editors of that journal, for their political consistency and powers of dis crimination in reference to our great statesman. It atrords us additional gratification to know, from the announcement which now accompa nies the address, that the writer was our much valued friend, John R. Thomson, United States Senator, from New Jersey, " then as now, the constant and unwavering friend of Mr. Buchanan." The address is introduced by the True American, as follows : Consistency.?On looking over some old files a friend of ours fell in with, and furbished us with a number of the hmporium and Trite American, under date of January 14, 1842, in which we find, an article recommending the nomination of Mr. Buchanan for the Presi dency, from whisb we make the following ex tracts : " To the. people of New Jersey: The sub subscriber, u fellow-citizen and a Democrat, most respectfully begs leave to present for your consideration, James Buchanan, of Pennsyl* vania, as a candidate for the office of President of the United States, in the year 1843. 44 In presuming, individually, to nominate this citizen, the writer does but echo the feel ings and sentimeuts of a large portion of the people of New Jersey, who have waited, for some time past, in the expectation that this nomination would have been made in a more formal and authoritative manner. 44 The Democracy, in various parts of the United States are turning their eyes upon this distinguished statesman, with refereuce to the next Chief Magistracy ; and he has already re ceived the nomination of a very large portion of the political press of Pennsylvania. "Of his ability, experience, principles, and fitness, in every respect, for this high station, no Democrat can doubt. 44 But it may be objected, that the nomination of candidates for this office, at this early day, is premature, and calculated to disturb the har mony of the Democratic family. But this is believed to be a fallacy; and that so far from having such tendency, it is the best means of preventing it. The Albany Arcjus has nomi nated Mr. Van Buren for another term. A small party in Philadelphia have nominated Commodore Stewart. But the large body of the political press of Pennsylvania has ex pressed ita preference for Mr. Buchanan over all the candidates thus far brought before the public. In other Srates this question has scarcely yet been agitated in the public papers. An apparent indifference and unwillingness to be committed, is but too manifest, throughout the whole country. "We think, therefor?, that it is not premature to invite public attention to thin subject, and to call upon the press and the people to express, frankly and manfully their sentiments. If a general concurrence of opinion, in favor of any one candidate should be found, the harmony and confidence of the whole party will be re assured and strengthened. But if on the other hand a great diversity of opinion should exist? then, in that case, the sooner it is ascertained, the better, that treasures may be promptly taken to prevent the ill consequences of exaspe rated feelings upon the unity of the party. "Pennsylvania, we think, is entitled to pre* The Keystone State?the Arch of Democracy? has never yet been honored by the elevation of one of her sons to the Chief Magistracy of the Union. She has now presented one worthy of her, and of whom she is worthy. The charac ter and principles of Mr. Buchanan are known to us all; and to too are his services'and claims. His feelings and his principles are all identified with New Jersey interests. Pre-eminently dis tinguished in the councils of the nation, by his ardent support of the grain growing, manu facturing and iron districts; in him more than any other individual can we reply for their pro tection with the most unwavering confidence. In presenting the above address, the True American, after announcing the name of Sena tor Thomson as its author, gives the following as its editorial preface, in that paper of Jan uary, 1842: "The Presidency.?We freely open our columns to the following well-written and good tempered article on the suhject of the next Presidency. It is the production of a highly respectable gentleman, who is a Jerseyman, and a warm friend to the cause of Democracy. We commend it to the 'sober second thought of the- people'?confident that iL.will receive that calm reflection which the importance of the subject, and tho best interests of the great Democratic party demands. "We cannot believe that a fair and dignified discussion of the claims of any of our distin guished citizens to the Presidential chair, will produce any other effect than to enlighten the public mind, and prepare our people for a question which they must eventually decide." The True American ihen comments with just and becoming pride, concerning the pa rentage of the above editorial, and says: "It was written by Franklin S. Mills, now the assintaut editor of the True American; then, as now, the earnest and determined advo cate of Mr. Buchanan, and the Democracy of New Jersey. Fourteen years have elapsed since this article was written ; tho same rea sons for elevating Mr. Buchanan to the Presi dency exist now ; tho party who stood by him "MERCER." than, stand by him now; the same True Ame rican which stood by him then, mauds by him | now. What man in the opposition ranks can point to such uniform and continued confi dence and devotion?" KHVI VOCATION. I he Black Republican papers, stung to the quick by the truth and force of Mr. Fillmore's charges against them ol a treasonable sectional nomination, pretend to misunderstand him. He has said that this was the first time that an exclusive Northern nomination was made, both names on their ticket being Northern ; men. They instance, with pretended triumph, the nomination of Adams and Hush, both Northern men. But Mr. Fillmore was right, and these Black Republicans know it. The oonvention which nominated Adams and Rush was represented by the whole South, was nominated by the South equally as by the North. 1 he South could with propriety expect to partake of the administration in that case. The convention was not a Northern conven tion, called for the sole, the avowed sole pur pose, of robbing the South of all participation in the federal domain, and adopting such prin ciples as would exclude all honorable Southern men, and of course monopolizing for the North the exclusive power of legislation, and of the Executive government, under the influence of principles of avowed deadly hostility to the peace and welfare of the South. Mr. Fillmore well remarks, if the North be so steeped in the blindness of passion as to perpetrate the worst tyranny and usurpation on the South, without the semblance of bentfit to fhemselves, is it strange that the South, which will have such monstrous evils and in justice inflicted on them, should, on their part, seek safety by dissolution from a majority, which, without benefit to themselves, will thus tyrannize and oppress the minority. If the North, without just cause, will inflict insufferable evil on the South, the South with this just cause must very naturally withdraw beyond the reach of such reckless and oppres sive power, and cast off what is made the yoke of the federal Union. The North has no excuse for driving the South to the wall. The South has great reason, it would have the law of necessity to recede from the coils of so fatal an Union. Let the North view these thing in their true light. That they have no wrongs to complain of. 1 hat the South is struggling only toward off the violence of aggression. 1 hese two sentences show truly the attitude of the North and of the South. 043^* For sometime past we have been in the receipt of communications proposing the names of different persons as suitable candi dates for the Presidency. We clear our table of the list to-day, remarking that although we have long thought that Colonel Fremont had before him the hardest road to travel, he has ever yet attempted, we did not think he would have so many formidable competitors, (of equal claims with himself,) for the Presidency. A Voice from Taos, in the Valley of New Mexico. Taos, July 11, 185G. Mr. Editor: Permit us to introduce to your notice, the name of Christopher Carson, esq., (vulgarly known as Kit Carson;) as a suitable one for the next Presidency; many people at the North talk of voting for Col. Fremont, and use us an argument in his favor, his many hard ships in the Rocky Mountains, his heroic suf ferings, his scientific explorations, Ac.; now, it is true that the Colonel had his trials, and did suf fer, and perhaps if exact justice had been done him, he would have suffered more than he did. But Jiis tried friend and " companion t/u voy age," Kit Carson, suffered more than the Col onel, because the Colonel was younger and more active than Kit; now out of deference to the age of the latter, we respectfully submit that the Colonel should step aside, and give the first chase to his old friend. His nomitia tion will be hailed with delight by the citizens of this valley, without respect to party or color* 3,000 cheers for the Rocky Mountain Trapper! Many Citizens of Taos, besides one or two Delegations of friendly Camancdes and Apaches. Near Bcrlinotow, Vt., July 1, 1856. Mr. Editor: Some of our friends at the North lay great stress upon the fact that Col. Fremont has suffered long, and endured much, in his various trips to the Rocky mountains. Indeed, the many enterprises in which he has been engaged, seem to be regarded as quite ne cessaryqualificatioiiH for the Presidency. Now, if the power to endure much be a qualification for the Presidsncy, the deeds of Colonel Fre mont, even including his ride of eight hundred miles in eight days, upon eight different horses, (by the way if he had performed the ride upon one horse, it would have been, something for the horse,) and that too because he was obliged to do it, or disobey orders, all sink into the shade, when compared with the contributions given to man by Israel Comstock, commonly known as the "Wheel-barrow man." He is called the wheel barrow man because he undertook, without human aid, to wheel his wheel-barrow, solitary and alone, across the plains and through the gorges of the Rocky mountains to the mines of California; and he accomplished his wonderful fete. Now, we say again, if powers of endurance are necessary qualifications for the Presidency, (which we do not dispute,) we have a right to ask which of the two, Colonel Fremont or Major Comstock, is entitled to the suffrages of the Black Repub can party? We believe posterity will do the Major justice; and we therefore nominate him for the next Presidency. A majority or Voters. Near Berryvili.e, Va., July 8, 1856. Mr. Editor: I announce as a most fitting candidate for the next Presidency, William Henry Johnson, of this neighborhood. His poWers of endurance are surprisingly wonder ful; he determined, for some reason, to fast forty days, a period of some thirty-six days longer than Colonel Fremont was compelled to go without food, and only gave in on the thirty-ninth day. Very respectfully, ROBERT WILLIAMSON. Near Newport, Rhode Island, July 10, 185C. Mr. Editor: As tho power to endure heat and cold, and the capacity to make loog marches through snows almost chin-deep, and the good sense to eRt mu'e meat, when nothing better offered, and the strong stomach not to reject it when eaten, are considered desirable Sualifications in a candidate for the Presi ency. Permit me to introduce to the notice of our Northern friends through your valuable paper, tho name of Zepha Dixon. I regard /epha as a most remarkable man, remarkable solely, however, for his powers of endurance. I Haw Zepba on one occasion, attempt to walk 100 boars, without stopping; I witnessed his heroic bearing in bis ninety-ninth hour; and he would most certainly have accomplished the daring feat, but for an accident, which com pelled him to relinquish the bold enterprise, just as be was entering bis 100th hour. Very recently he walked for 100 hours, near Boston, without any rest whatever, and only fainted when attempting to walk for one hour longer. Such contributions as these to his country, illustrating'as they do, the wonderlul powers of endurance, of which man is capable, entitle him to the gratitude of at leust a por tiou of the American people, and 1 hereby present bim as a suitable candidate for the Presidency. One ok tub People. LANCASTER INTELL1UEKCE11. It gives us great pleasure to notice the man ner in which our contemporary of the Lancas ter Intelligencer speaks of its having published a letter from its correspondent in Missouri. We thought at the time there was some mis take about the matter, and are glad that our friend of the Intelligencer has so stated. His explanation will be found below: Our St. Lout* Correspondence. We learn by the Sentinel that some objec tion is made at Washington (Jity to the vie as expressed by our St. Louis correspondent last week, in reference to the unfortunate division of the Democratic party in Missouri. The paragraph to which objection has been taken, we are lree to say does not express our own sentiments in relation to the difficulties in that State, nor do the writer's strictures on the action of the National Convention in reference to the question; and even if we entertained a similar opinion with our correspondent, which we do not, sound policy would prevent us from en dorsing his views. But, we presume, it will not be contended by any that the mere publi cation, without note or comment, is an en dorsement of the writer's views by an Editor. This would be something hew in newspaper publications. The obnoxious paragraph, with some addi tional strictures in the same letter, were crosscd out by as, (rather an unusual liberty tuken with a communication from a responsible source,) previous to banding it to the composi tor; but somehow or other, through some strange mistake of the latter, the paragraph in question was put in type, contrary, to our ex pectation, wish or intention. At the time the proof was taken, it so happened that we were busily engaged with several gentlemen who had called on business, and therefore directed one of the hands in the office to read it?sup posing, of course, that everything was right, except, it might be some typographical errors of no importance. This is a correct history of the why and wherefore it appeared in the In telligencer; and no one regretted more than thfc editor, the appearance of the paragraph in print. In fact, we had intended noticing the matter this week, even had not our attention been called thereto by the Sentinel. We have studiously refrained from any med dlesome interference in the disputes amongst our Democratic friends in other States. The Benton and anti Benton divisions in Missouri both profess to go in heartily to the support of the Cincinnati nominees?so do the Hards and Softs of New York;?and it is not our busi ness, nor should it be the business of any Dem ocratic paper, to seek to drive either from their support, and thereby endanger the election of our candidates in those States. In conclusion, we embrace this opportunity to remark, ouce for ull, that, for anything which appears in the Intelligencer, the editor is alone responsible, and it is very unfair for our friends at Washington, or elsewhere, to throw the blame on Mr. Buchanan. The Sen tinel was right in the declaration that Mr. B. had no knowledge of the communicatiou in question?nor had he seen it at all, we will add, until his attention was called to it by that paper. More than this?Mr. Buchanan has had no previous knowledge of any article, editorial or otherwise, that has appeared in the Intelligencer for the last four years. We have not submitted anything of the kind to his inspection during all that time; nor has he, at any time, in the seven years we have been in Lancaster, written for our columns, or dictated iu any way as to what should or should not ap pear in the paper. We hope this brief statement of the case will be satisfactory to all concerned. Extract of a Letter from. Jiichmond, from tJie pen of one who knows a thing or two. " The people will soon be mad? to believe that all the false praises of Fremont in his Cal ifornia career are true, unless they are prompt ly and surely exposed. Those briiliunt services his friends claim for him iu California, are all the purest bosh. He never saw a musket fired in anger there during the whole war. He was not in the country when the flag was hoisted. He was in oregon. Even after he was over taken by GiHespie, it was only by strong urging that he could be induced to retrace his steps. We had, in fact, entire possession of Upper California, when he returned to Monterey. Then Stockton sailed for San Diego, leaving Fremont to raise a battalion of volunteers and to march southward. Now, he did march by the longest and most circuitous trail he could find, so that he only arrived, like a jackall to knaw the bones, after Stockton had beaten the natives, or in other words, in their retreat they fell in wiih and capitulated with Fremont. Old Benton has done more to misrepresent that war in California than any one else, and of course makes his son-in-law the hero." We assure our correspondent that we shall take good care fully to expose the spurious fame of this man of straw. In our next, we shall open the batteries and by the blessing of God, will never hush them till the whole fabri cation is laid bare. Jigr At a meeting of the Stockholders of the Hank of the Metropolis, on the 7th instant, the following named gentlemen were unani mously re-elected Trustees for the ensuing year, viz: Thomas Carbery, Lewis Johnson, Robert P. Dunlop,. George Lowry, Stephen P. Franklin, George Parker, George W. Graham, James Thompson, Charles Hill, William B. Todd. At a meeting of the Trustees, July 14, Thomas Carbery, esq., was unanimously re elected President of the Board. The Herbert Cur. At noon on Tuesday last, Judge Crawford received the following from the jury : 7b his Honor, Judge of the Criminal Court: Sir: The jury confined in the case of the United States vs. P. T. Herbert, after due at tention and consideration of the case, regret to inform your honor that they find it impossi ble to agree to a verdict, and further, after several days close confinement^ and the indis position of several of the jurors, respectfully ask to be discharged. With great respect, your obedient, Peter F. Bacon, Foreman. The jury returned seven for acquittal and five for conviction.. One of tho latter was dis posed to render a modified verdict, which would attach a considerable amount of cen sure to the prisoner, but no action was takpn upon it. The interest, thus far, has been un precedented in our city. The case was resumed yesterday, with a reasonable prospect of increased (rouble to get a jury.