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Washington sentinel. (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, July 19, 1856, Image 3

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JfctT'VVe take the following from tbe Buffalo
Commercial Advertiser, which we commend to
all true lovers of unselfish heroism:
Krtuuut ICxplorer.
The reputation of the Republican candidate
lor the Presidency ha* been due more to his good
fortune than his merits. The respect univer
sally felt for science leads everybody to speak
favorably of those who are devoted to scientific
pursuits, and so long as there is no motive for
strict scrutiny into their conduct, they seldom
suffer from the voice of censure. Besides the
advantages which Col. Fremont's reputation
has derived from this amiable prejudice,his rela
tionship to Col. Bentou has shielded his career
from rigorous criticism. But now, wheii he is
brought forward as a candidate for the highest
olhce iu tbe gift of the people, it becomes a duty
to examine his career with the eye of impartial
truth. The fact that his only merits are those
of an explorer, will, with most judicious minds,
decide the question of his unfitness for the pres
idency, and it will hardly add to tbe contempt
thai is felt for bis presidential pretensions to
learn that he did not even act his part well in
the character of an explorer. But as great stress
is laid on his exploits iu the wilderness by those
who have espoused his cause, it may not be im
proper to undeceive the public. Fremont bas
been his own historiau, and the testimony he
has always borne in his own favor is that of an
interested wimeHS. Fortunately for the public,
a journal was sometimes kept by men who ac
companied him on his expeditious, and these ex
hibit him in quite a different light from that in
which he appears iu his own pages. Some of
these journals are in existence, and in the course
of the campaign we hope they will be brought
to light, in order that the country may see how
Fremont was regarded by the men who accom
panied hitn in his enterprises. The specimen
which we publish below is quoted from the col
umns of a journal which now ranks as the fore
most of all the advocates of Fremont's presi
dential claims. It appeared in tbe New York
Tribune iu 1849, and although copied from an
other paper, it contains evidence that the editor
oi the Tribune regarded it as of more than ordi
nary importance. Stern, the'writer of this diary,
was an intelligentengineer and respectable man,
who was well known to Capt. Sitgraves and
Capt. Simpson, of the army. He was after
wards one of the unfortunate party of Capt.
Gunnison who were killed by the Indians in tbe
vicinity of Great Salt Lake. Let it be borne in
mind that this account of the imprudence of
Col. Fremont and of his injustice to his men, is
not invented for the occasiou, but is copied from
a newspaper of the period, when there was a
strong and general prejudice in his favor:
[From the New York Tribune]
?Journal of one of Fremont'* Bleu.
We arrange the following statement from
the Quincy (111.) Whig:
Mr. Stepperfield, who was one of Fremont's
men, and who suffered with others of the com
pany, iu the attempt to cross the mountains of
New Mexico last winter, returned to hi* home
in this city on Tuesday last. From a conver
sation with Mr. S. we are led to believe that
the sufferings of the party were not fully de
tailed (even if known) by Col. Fremont; and
as tlie public will probably never have an &u
then lie account of the disaster from his pen, it
rests with the men who composed the party,
and who shared the suffering, to give the detail
ns events transpired from day to day. A daily
journal of tbe transactions was lcept by some
of the men, which may be of some interest to
the public.
? It will be. seen that Colonel Fremont is much
censured in these paye*, and with considerable
justice, if the testimony <J the men of his party
is to be relied on. The journal appears to have
been kept by Richard H. Kern :
Struck the river, Dec. 8.?(The river referred
to here is evidently the Rio del Norte, which
Fremont's party reached about 3 weeks after
leaving Pueblo.?Ed. Trib.)?Course west and
southwest. Snowed all day. Camped on tbe
river; plenty of timber and snow.
Dec. 9.?Move I in the valley of the river, on
its eastern bank. Entered a small canon of the
river, but on account of tbe deep snow, were
forced to turn buck and pass over the top of
the hill; crossed the river and camped. The
deep snore of to day should have warned Col.
Fremont oj'his approaching destruction, but
with the willfully blind eyes of rashness and
self conceit and confidence he pushed on. Course
N. and W.?Elk signs abundant.
Dec. 10.?Lay in camp until 12 o'clock,
llien moved 3 miles further up the river and
camped in a fine grove of cotton wood. Course
W. bv N.
Dec 11.?Trail to-day very hilly and diffi
cult, the hills being steep and rugged. Day
clear and windy. Made 12 miles and camped
in deep snow on the river. Course same as
Dec. 12.?Passed through a little valley that
lay to the right of the camp, and had some very
difficult canons to contend with?the aides in
many places almost perpendicular. Camped on
on the sloping of the canon. Made from five
to seven miles ; course nearly north.
Dec. 13.?Had a very difficult hill to climb at
?tart; road better after. Passed through large
pine forests, and camped in a beautiful valley,
with another running from it to the right.
Made about 7 miles ; course N.
Dec.?14.?-Iload over pine bills and through
deep snow valleys. Passed over a high bald
mountain, from the summit of which, ona of
the finest mountain views in the world can be
seen. Camped in a deep pine forest, near the
head of a fluff little valley; some little grass;
course north. Made about 5 miles.
Dec. 15.?Very bad hill at the start; after
terwards the trail passed over the summit of
hills. Made about 8 miles; coarse east
Dec. 16.?Made start to pass what was sup
posed to be the dividing ridge between the
water* of the Rio del Norte and those of Grand
river. Passed dead mules, and riding and
packed-saddles lying beside the trail. After
hard work reached the hill summit, but the
wind and voudrt were so dreadful we had to
return. Eleven men were frostbitten in va
rious places, the cold being so intense. Re
turned to onr old camp-fires amid a furious
storm of wind and snow, which continued all
day and night.
Dec.?17.?A party of the men went ahead
to beat a trail, while those remaining in camp
were to bring the animals up. After hard
labor reached the top of the hill, and safe the
trail winding up the opposite hill, on whose
summit some grass could be seen; the trail
panged through ?now from 3 to 15 feet deep.
Wc unpacked tfu mvlti on a little point, after
which some were driven to the hill-top, and
tho?e thai were too weakf left to peruh. Thit
wan the lant time we packed them. Every ani
mal thould havt been butchered, and we would
have had plenty m camp. Camped in a small
pine grove, in which we remained until the
24th, when we moved southwest about 3 miles,
to a large pine forest. The snow 6 feet deep.
Meanwhile, camp was employed portaging the
baggage from the last to Christmas camp.
On the 26th, Henry King, W. S. Williams,
F. Breckinridge and Cr?utifeldt were
sent to the settlements to bring us relief.
Remained in Christmas camp until the 28th,
when we moved three miles farther toward the
river, and two, Mensrs. Topi in and Kerns, en
camped in small valley, while the rest remained
on the hill-sidp.
Dec. 30?Moved on about threo miles nearer
the river.
Dec. 31.?Reached, with the Colonel'* pack*,
what was called the Quaking-asp camp, about 2
miles beyond the last.
Jan. 2.?-Moved the Col. to the Rio del Norte,
about 8 miles, and east of where we left the
river Dec. 12. Continued portaging the packs
to the Colonel's camp of Jan. 1, and to some
cotton woods a mile beyond, until Jan. 11,
when we were ordered to come and camp on
the "river?the Colonel, with Mr. Preuss, Godey
t^nd nephew, and Jackson, his cook, having left
early ume day, to meet and hasten Mr. King's
Raphael Proulz died on the 9th.
(The following letter was left by Col. Fremont
us directions for the party?Yincentbaler in
"L. L). v incenthalkr.?I am going to start
for Abaca; I want all the men to bring the
baggage down and put it in the lodge. If no
relief comes then, let them take their guns and
blankets, and follow the river down to Rabbit
Creek; and if no relief at Rabbit Creek, then
come to Abaca; aud come quick, or you will
not find me there, as I shall have left for Cali
Jan. 16.?All camp moved down the river
about 2 miles; Manuel turned back.
Jan. 17.?Moved about 8 miles?Wise died
Jan. 18?Moved a mile and a half and re
mained in camp, while the hunters went to loak
for game.
Jan. 19.?Made camp to near where we first
camped on the river; a deer was killed by Hib
bard, and ten men received as their share the
two fore shoulder blades, and eleven men all
the rest, including the blood, hide and entrails,
Vincenthaler intended to have kept the deer
from the rest of us, packed it among his party
and pressed on to the settlements. Scott refused
to agree, and so we got our small portion.
Jan. 20.?Moved 3 miles farther down the
Jan. 21.?Made atfout 15 miles.?All the
strong men together and ahead.
This camp was made with the hope that
some of us would be left on the trail. Lord
and Moran did not come up, and when Yin
'Centhaler (commonly called Hayler) was in
formed of it he observed, that if two of his had
fallen into the river (alluding to Scott and
himself,) there would have been more of you
left. This day he gave up all command and
declared the party dissolved, and that we should
divide in parties of two and three to hunt small
Jan. 22.?Vincenthaler, Hibbard, Ducatel,
Marlin, Scott, Beadle, and the two Indians
Gregorie and Joachim, all strong men, started
ahead accompanied by Ferguson and Beadle,
determined to leave us?Taplin, Rohrer, Step
Eerfield, Andrews, McGebee, Captain Cathcart,
>r. Kern, E. M. Kern, and R. H. Kern, to get
along as we could, or perish. We weak ones
made four miles?(Roher and Andrews did not
come up.)
Lay in this camp until the 28th, when Godey
came with relief.
Feb. 9.?Reached Rio Colorado. Reached
Taos on the 10th. Colonel left on the 13th.
Raphael Proulx died January 9,1849; Henry
Wise, January 17; Henry King, January?;
Vincent Sorel, probably January 22 ; Joseph
Moran, between January 22 and 28; Car
ver, probably January 22; E. T. Andrews,
United States Navy, probably January 22;
Benjamin Beadle, January 26, George Hibbard,
January 27.
The above dates are copied from my Journal,
aud are believed to be correct. Under the cir
cumstances, of course, in some instances, no
definite information could be obtained.
Upon Colonel Fremont a arrival at Taos,
Major Beall, commander at that post, ordered
the Commissary to issue to the Colonel thirty
day's full rations for the twenty Jive men then
in the mountains, and expected in. These ra
tions were never turned over to the men, and
were probably taken to California by Fremont.
The men were obliged to buy their own provi
sions from the people-of the country, who came
to iheir relief.
Itio Honda, March 19, 1849.
From the Penneylvaninn, July 11.
The Qualifications ot Col. Fr?mont>
Colonel Fremont, who had acquired some
reputation as the writer of interesting narra
tives of explorations among the Rocky moun
tains, has-recently had "greatness forced upon
him" by a nomination by the Black Republi
cans as their candidate for the Presidency.
That they should nominate an unknown and
unfit man for that exalted and important sta
tion is not surprising.
Colonel Fremont owes his introduction to
public life to the nullification excitement of
South Carolina in 1832. General Jacksou in
that year despatched the United States sloop
of-war Natchez, Com. Jesse D. Elliott, to
Charleston, with the orders, "That the Union
must and shall be preserved." The Natchez
had on board some twelve or fourteen midship
men, for whom Com. E. desired a teacher of
mathematics, and on the recommendation of
Mr. Poinsett, appointed J. C. Fremont to that
On the settlement of the nullification ques
tion, the Natchez for the coast of Brazil, under
the command of Captain Zantzinger, a native
of Pennsylvania, where she completed her
cruise for three years, with J. C. Fremont
teacher of mathematics, and it was in the har
bor of Rio Jeneiro that the writer of this first
made his acquaintance.
His reputation was that of a quiet, steady
young man, "who always kept a bright look
out for No. 1 And the main chance," and who
reported the sun at an altitude of 110 degrees
to the officer of the deck, which is only 20 de
grees higher than the sun can rise I
On the termination of the cruise of the
Natchez. Fremont found Mr. Poinsett Secre
tary of War, and Mr. P. had him appointed
sccond lieutenant in the corps of topographical
engueers, then formed.
Ifere commenced his explorations" in which
he wa* far behind Captain Bonneville,Colonels
Long and Lewis and Clarke, whose adventures
over the same grounds had been long before in
the hands of the public.
During the war with Mexico, Col. Fremont
and Lieut Beale, United States navy, were
both intrusted with important despatches to
the commander of the American forces in Cali
fornia, and both set out in the autumn for Cali
fornia. Colonel F[cmont failed, to cross the
mountains in consequence of the snow, but Lieut.
Beale did cross them and delivered the de
spatches agreeably to orders.
In this Col. Fremont was excelled in energy
and enterprise by Lieut. Edward Beale, United
States navy, a fact well known to all the army
and the navy.
Commodore Stockton's opinion, expressed at
all times, and on all occasion*, of Col. Fre
mont, was, "that Fremont was never at the
right place at the right time," and, as a proof
that Com. Stockton was not wrong in his
man, at the time when both the army and
navy were in frequent conflicts, and always
with a superior force, Frerhont teas not in a
single battle.
In California he made one bit. He pur
chased the Mariposa grant, and that may be
worth millions when he gets the money, which
will be so soon as one week has three Sundays,
and not sooner.
In 1845 Lieut. Fremont was in California
exploring, when the bear flag was raised, de
claring California independent of Mexico.
Fremont joined that party, and thus made
himself the head of the filibusters. Subse
quently he was tried by a oonrt-martial and
"dismissed the army." Thus, it will be seen,
all his antecedents prove him to be the proper
candidate for the party?the Black Republi
cans, who have placed him in nomination?
and "he never will be at the right place at. the
right time.>1 DECATUR.
We learn from Vera Cruz that Lieut.
A. J. Gwin, of the United Slates revenue ser
vice, has been missing from his hotel since the
13th instant, and fears are entertained by his
friends that he is no more. Lient. Gwin is a
nephew of Dr. Gwin, late member of the
United States Senate from California.
[Boston I\*si.
Will any ^ood Republican inform us whefe
John C. Fremont (stands, ou the great quea
lions which have divided parties during the
(last four or the past twenty yearn.' In his
etler accepting the liepublican nomination,
he deprecates the repeal of the Missouri Com
promise, as a measure to which we must attri
bute the preswnt agitation of the slavery ques
tion; but he very carefully avoids telling us
whether be is iu favor of restoring that com
{routine to the national statute book or not.
s he in favor of it? Will he speak out? Will
his friends speak out on this important subject?
It is well knowu that wbeu the Territory of
Oregon was organized, the southern members
of Congress asked to have inserted iu th?* bill,
as an amendment to the clause prohibiting
slavery, the words?"inasmuch as the whole of
said territory lies north of 36.30 north latitude,
known as the line of the Missouri Compro
mise." Every southern man in the House voted
for this recognition of the compromise line;
and every northern man voted against it?
After the close of the Mexican war, and we
bad acquired new territory, the South pro
claimed its willingness to extend the Missouri
line to the Pacific. The Wilmot proviso party
claimed a majority in the House, and refused
to accede to the proposition. James Buchanan
was in favof of it. The Fremont party opposed
it, and defeated itl John P. Hale declared
that he would never, so help him God, vote for
that line! There was then nothing left but
the non-intervention doctrine which Mr. Cass
bad already proclaimed, and which the South
had objected to. The compromise measure of
1800 was brought forward, and was supported
by Mr. Fillmore, Mr. Clay, Daniel Webster,
and other promineut Whigs, and by nearly all
Democrats?the abolitionists themselves hav
ing killed the Missouri policy, and rendered it
impossible for the North and South to unite
upon any other ground. This compromise of
1850 organized the Territory of Utah and
New Mexico upon precisely the same doctrine
as that recognized in the Kansas-Nebraska
bill; and yet it was accepted and advocated
even by Horace Greeley himself,J as more favo
rable to freedom than the Missouri line I Yet
now there is a great clamor about this Missouri
Compromise. What we want to know is,
whether John C. Fremont is in favor ol restor
ing it. Dare be speak out like an honest man ?
But again : Mr. Fremont in bis letter of uc- j
ceptance, says: " Nothing is clearer in the his
tory of our institutions, than the design of the
Dalion, in asserting its own independence and
freedom, to avoid giving countenance to the ex
tension of slavery." Well, while there is not
a word of truth in this declaration?the ques
tion of independence of, und freedom from,
the uorthern country, as asserted by the na
tion, having not the remotest connection with
the question of domestic slavery?we will pass
over what may be styled the rhetorical flourish
of the sentence, and ask this aspirant to the
Presidency, what he proposes to do in the way
of preventing the extension of slavery He
states emphatically that be is in favor of the
admission of Kansas into the Union as a free
State. So are we. But if Kansas, or Nebras
ka, or Utah, or New Mexico, or Oregon, or
? ashingtOD, or Minnesota, should ask to be ad
mitted as a slave State, what then would be do?
If a bill, so to admit either of them, were
brought to him, wovld he veto it f That is the
question which we want answered. Does he
plant himself upon the ground, "no more
Slave Statesf' lfheisan honest man, why
not answer this question? And why does
he not inform us whether he is in favor of the
Wilmot Proviso for all the Territories? Why
does he not say whether he would veto a bill
which should organize a Territory without pro
hibiting slavery? And finally, since he con
fanes the slavery Question to Kansas alone, why
does he not say what he thinks of the Topeka
Constitution?a Constitution which drives free
colored men from the Territory, and which
contains a provision excluding the possibility
of amending it, in the smallest particular, in
the next nine years ?
On many other questions of interest, Mr. I
*femont is as silent as a stone post. Four
ufths of the men who support him have been
clamoring for six years against the fugitive
slave law. It has been their electioneering
steam engine, ever since it was enacted. Is he
opposed to it? Would he sign a bill to repeal
u? Slavery in the District of Columbia used
to be a matter of some confequeuce. While
this John C. Fremont was a member of the
Senate, a proposition was made to abolish it,
with the consent of the people of the district.
He voted against it. Would he veto such a bill
as he voted against t
Once more. The party which has carried j
this and most of the other Northern States in
the elections held during the last two years,
has again and again proclaimed as its distinc
tive principle, that no Roman Catholic should
hold any responsible civil office. It has pledged
itself, again and again, that it would not vote
for a foreigner or the son of a foreigner. It
has advocated the disfranchisement of men of
foreign birth, and such an alteration of the
naturalization laws as would require a resi- I
dence of twenty-one years in the-country be
fore naturalization could be effected. Will
John C. Fremont inform us where he stands
on these important questions? He is the
American as well as the Republican candidate;
then why does he not endorse or repudiate the
American platform f Not a sentence, not a
line, not a syllable has he uttered in relation
to it, since his name was first mentioned
in connection with the office to which he
now aspires. Are we not entitled to know
whether he is oris not an "American" in the J
platform sense of that word ? Is it not high
time that he broke this uncalled for and con
temptibly dishonest silence on these questions
of vital importance to the country? He is
called a Free-soiler; yet ntt a line from his
}*n nor a sentence from his lips, written or
sjyoken more than six months ago in favor
of Free-soil in Kansas, or Free-soil' any
where, has been or can be produced! He is
called an American ; yet no American dare
assert that in his whole life-time he has uttered
a single word in favor of any one of the dis
tinctive doctrines of the'American party! Ig |
it not time that be hoisted his colors?
We give the following extract from a letter
received by one of our compositor* from a rela
tive who went oat to Kansas with Minor Bo
ford's company:?Montgomery (Ala.) Journal,
Four Mtlu Soutrbf Kantas City,
Jane 22, 1856.
I have been through the " wars" in Kansas
Territory, and am now perfectly tired out. I
have been in one battle and several skirmishes,
without receiving any personal injury, except
a slight bruise received trom my horse falling
on me when be was killed from under me; but
I received three bullet holes through my hat and
had a "tub full" of Shsrpe's balls to whit
around me. I have killed two of thfe "dogs"
and Cosgrove one.
The United States troops will not permit us
to enter the Territory armed any more, and
hence " Othello's occupation's gone." I am
coming'South just as soon as I can make a
M raise."
Buford's expedition is unfortunate. His
men are scattered all along the frontier, trying
to make money enough to "carry them back
to Old Virginia."
This if undoubtedly the finest country in the
world, without any exception ; and if some of
our wealthy slaveholders were to visit it once
they would emigrate with all their household.
The Soath oaght to send 20,000 men here
this fall well armed and provisioned. If she
don't begin to stir her " stumps'' Kansas will
be a free State sure, J. P. S.
?? A lasy fellow once declared, in a public
company, that he could not find bread for the
family. "Nor I," replied an industrious me
chanic; "I am obliged to work for it."
A L?tter?ry Trlbut* to th? Black ttepub
llc?u CAutlldale.
The Savannah Geori/ian, partaking of the
peneral diagust which possesses the entire
South at the uoiyinatiou of the adventurer,
Fremont, thus refers to that individual:
John Ci' a hi.ts Fremont.?II is with pride
that the isorth can boast, in the chaos of po
litical elements, a sturdy band of patriots who,
setting at defiance the howls of the abolitiou
horde, stand with the noble souls of the country
on guard over the sacred fortress of the Con
stitution. She can record the names of Cass,
Buchanan, Pierce, Douglas, Toucey and others,
as the guurdian spirits of the Union, acting
aud confederating with those true sons of a
more southern latitude, for the preservation of
constitutional liberty.
The giatifying task is allowed to the South
in the .year 1856, to herald to the world the
distinguished name of her first traitor, John
Charles Fremont, the abolition nominee for
the Presidency *of the United States. The
State of South Carolina can claim his nurture,
and the city of Savanuah, in the State of
Georgia, has had the accidental honor of be
ing the place of his birth.
Dues not the earth seem to heave under us
at the thought? Does it not try in vain to rid
itself of this foul disgrace? No, it does not.
It looks with pity upou the poor wretch whose
judgment is so much at fault as to place him
self in the hands of an unscrupulous and de
signing crew, who will use him for the moment,
but cast him at last from them, "loving the
treasou, but despising the traitor/' He has
played thus far the successful part of the
"knave," and the sequel will cause him, with
out any violation of his own, to be the actor
of that more pardonable character of the
The great man of the party in which this
Abolition trio is now the prominent luminary
is William H. Seward. No doubt our readers
and the public generally must have remarked
iu what profound political retirement he has
kept himself during the last six months. Yet,
if the anti-slavery game ever does succeed, he
is the man who will reap its rewards. Ue rests
Eerfectly content for this mad climber of the
Locky Mountains to break his neck in the
more difficult ascent which he has recently un
dertaken. When the political carcass of the
great John Charles, the beloved son of South
Carolina, shall burden the plains at the base
of the eminence which he once dared to essay,
iu 18G0 the arch fiend of New York proposes,
iu his owu person, to fight the great battle of
his party.
Ihe poor creature Is indebted for his present
elevation to the idea inculcated by his bosom
frieud Greeley, that from his own experience of
the practical operation of slavery he can, in
the magnificence of his unsullied conscience,
face the people of his birthplace. Coriolanus
ouce stood at the gates of Home with the hos
tile Volsci at his back; his mother aud his
wife, willi streaming eyes, went forth to subdue
the heart of the incensed Roman. If John
Charles Fremont, (who is to Coriolanus in dig
nity as the oppossum is to the lion) shall ever
appear with the legions of abolition at the gates
of the Constitution, and shall but touch with
his unhallowed hand its sacred portal, his
mother land will sally forth, not in tears, but
displaying the cord of hemp, as well the emblem
of his treason as the reward of his treachery.
From the Richmond Enquirer.
Squatter Sovereignty I
uotfeU ?hPPrU8il!0" Pre"8 Rnd "peakers are siren
uously, but vain!y endeavoring to fasten upon
^ma?Utf ??n ?f <hc Democratic Partj the foul
stigma of Squatter Sovereignty. The third of
lb. miserable b.lcb ?f XoZf ?
he Staunton Convention, points to the Kansas'
N e brask a act ascon tai n i ng t he od ious dockri ne;
the Richmond Whig says it is unequivocally set
forth m Mr Buchanan's letter of acZ?
and Senator Ihompson, of Kentucky, and the
Lone Star of the \ lrginia delegation in the
House boldly proclaimed its distinct recognition
fi'ith A8DMnrDaR ^eC,aration of Democratic
lii Buchanan cordially and unre
servedly accepts and endorses the platform and
gives his unqualified adhesion to the principles
of the Kansas-Nebraska act, confining himself
"emTmust0^ pr0p08ilion? enunciated in
them it must be apparent to every reasonatfle
mind, that if his letter sanctions and approves
Squatter Sovereignty the same doctrine must
braska art" a'"// - P ?rm Kansas-Ne
braska act. And since the platform does no
more than recite, almost tolidem tvrrbu the
oPunrnseCifes9.o?a ?V^ " P^86 t0
ourselves to a vindication of the act itself
the loose charge fulminated at Staunton The
deTid? t!qrs: ^T^r7 m'7 Zu,
denned to be the right of the people of a
Territory, at any time previous to taking the
initiatory steps to become a State, as prescribed
by the ( onstitution of the United States to ex
ercise all the functions of an independent body
politic, and necessarily includes the powe^
to prohibit or establish slavery as the will
ol the majority may determine. Now we
defy human ingenuity to discern the fcint
est semblance of such a doctrine in the
Kansas Nebraska act. Aye, we challenge the
famous necromancer of the Richmond Whiq
with nil his spells, sorceries and incantations'
to evoke the grim genius of Squatter Sover'
eignty from the body 0f the ? A?t to organise
the I erritones of Kansas and Nebraska"
Let us examine its provisions relative to this
subject. Section 4 enacts that the legislative
power and authority of said Territory (Kansas)
shall be vested id the Governor and a lerisla
live assembly, which assembly shall consist of J
xincil and House of Representatives, whose I
members shall be elected by the qualified I
voters in each district and Joun^ If the
people of the Territory can, previous to the
formauon of a State constitution, inhibit or es
slavery, they must do so through the
agency of the Territorial Government. But
he Territorial Government is the creature of
Congress, erected for certain well defined ob
jects and derives its entire powers from the act
than that r " ?rdftinf d- Nothing is clearer
than that Congress cannot delegate to it a
power which it does not itself possess. Sec
ion" It C thf P^nciP'? of non interven
Uon by Congress with slavery in the States and
Territories In its most latitudinous sense It
follows, therefore, that the Territorial Govern
ment cannot interfere with slavery. The de
duction is inevitable, that as long ? a Terri
Uhai'tl!! II th.e.jur,9dictjon of Congress, until
it has the requisite population to enable it to
form a State Constitution, the people thereof
are not sovereign, and have no power to frame
an organic law.
Mr. Buchanan's letter merely states the gen
eral principle of the act, without it* limitations,
affirming that the people of a Territory, like
those of a State, bhai.l (ultimately) decide
K. the'r institu
"Th. neJnU % t0 *#*d bj th? WkiH
he people of a Territory may at any timr
4c. rfut what is the language ofIL KM*
Section first j M And when admitted as a State
?h r6^ i?Bi? TerritorJ? or any portion
thereof, shall be received into the Union, with
or without slavery, as their constitutions may
prescribe at the time of their admission." And
section fourteen: ''Jt being the true intent
?nd meaning of thisaet not to legislate slavery
t#n5"* D0? t0 <xclnd? therefrom,
but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to
form and regulate their domestic institutions
?? ?f
Now, applying the principle of legal con
ruction, Exprttsiounms est cxclusio altinut " ?
slavery, taken together,'we are fbrced to the
conclusion already reached by a process of
reasoning opriori, via i that the people of the
until ?hJvTn?l profh,hit or establish slavery
D^Darato7rvT%t0 f?rm.? S,??? constitution,
preparatory to admission into the Union.
Whilst all atatutea must be eonatrued atrictly
and not in accordance with the intent and
I meaning of their framera, where such intent
and meaning' are directly at variance with the
plain and obvious import of the language in
which they are expreaaed, jet when there is
merely a patent ambiguity in their phraaeology
we muat have recourse to extraneous sources in
order to determine their true signification. We
therefore refer those whose minds are beclouded
with doubts and clogged with difficulties in re
gard to the proper construction of such por
tions of the Kansas-Nebraska act as relate to
the subject of slavery and the real import uf
Mr. Buchanan'a letter, to the able and elaborate
report of Judge Douglas, us chairman of the
committee on territories, March 12, 1856, and
to the speech of Mr. Buchanan on the admis
sion ot Arkansas into the Union?to his
speech in Washington in 1848, concerning the
admission of California?to his letter on the
compromise measures of 1850, and to the fol
lowing expose from the Chicago Tribune, a
Black Republican sheet:
"Buchanan'a platform: 1st.*Congress has
no power to exclude alavery from any terri
tory; 2d. The people of a territory have no
power to prohibit slavery ks long hs the terri
torial government lasts ; 3d. - Squatter Sover
eignty is a humbug, and no longer a plank in
the Democratic creed."
It may be well "to make assurance doubly
aure, to quote an extract froin the card of Col.
Wm. A. Richardson, (published in the Wash
ington Union sometime last May,) as he was
one of the warmeat and ableat champions of
the bill, aud the staunch friend of Senator
Douglas. His interpretation of the act is au
thoritative, and sustains the views we have
above presented. "My position then was, aud
now is, that the Kansas-Nebraska act was
based upon the true principle" of the Constitu
tion, in recognizing the right of each State
and Territory, preparatory to its admins ion
into the Union, to form and regulate their do
mestic institutions in their own way, subject
to the Constitution of the United States, and
that I should vote for the admission of each
new State, with' or without alavery, as its own
people should decide."
We shrewdly suspect that, if the truth were
known, at least nine tenths of theae furious
declaimera about the squatter sovereignty fea
ture of the Kansas-Nebraska act, staud in the
same category with a gentleman of acknow
ledged intelligence and ability, whom we beard
the other day inveighing lustily against it, and
modestly acknowledging in the same breath
that he had never seen the act, and knew
nothing of its provisions, beyond what he could
glean from the public journals?i. e. from the
proli&c columns of the Richmond Whig. He
reminded us of Sir Fretful Plagiary, in Sheri
dan's Critic: " The newspnpers! Sir, they are
the most villainous, licentious, abominable, in
fernal?not that I ever read them; no, sir, I
make it a point never to read a newspaper."
The Kansas-Nebraska act t Sir, it is the most
infamous, atrocious, execrablc?not that I ever
read it: no,Iamnodirty, time-serving politician,
and therefore not presumed to be acquainted
with the legislation of the country] The same
gentleman defined squatter sovereignty to be
the right of an unnaturalized foreiguer to vote
in the Territories, and said that as the Mis
souri reatriction gave the North all territory
above 30? 30' and the South all below (!) its
repeal had opened the entire public domain,
both above and below the line to a "general
scramble"?a free fight! Plaudite Samites!
Where ignorance is popular, 'tis folly to be
anything but a Know-nothing!
Yours, Ac.,
Westmoreland, July 12, 1856.
From the Charleston Mercury.
Buchanan on Slavery.
From 1837, the data of Mr. CaM> >un's fa
mous slavery resolutions, and for*l..h Mr.
Buchanan voted, until the present time, there
has been no pause of Abolition agitation in
Congress. About the same time the Texas
question came up, and it at once excited, to
the highest activity, the anti-slavery elements
at the North. Mr. Buchanan took an early
and prominent part in behalf of the annexa
tion of Texas; and, in 1844, when the ques
tion of ratification of the Treaty with Texas
was before the Senate, he delivered a powerful
and eloquent speech in its support. He dis
cussed and refuted all the objections urged
against the measure, and this in the face of
remonstrances and petitions from the North,
and the people of his own State, against the
admission of "more slave States." IIis speech
on that occasion has be?n much commented
on, as affording evidence of Mr. Buchanan's
freesoil principles. Let us examine it.
Among the many considerations urged in
favor of the annexation of Texas, by Mr. Bu
chanan, there was one to which he gave special
prominence. He asserted, in the spirit of Mr.
Calhoun's resolutions, that the South had a
right to be protected by (he Federal Govern
ment in her domestic institutions ; that "Texas
would become a dependency of England, un
less it should be annexed to the United States;
and that, through the agency of English abo
litionists, a servile war would be lighted up,
endangering the existence of the southern
States." To protect the South from such a
contingency, was a conclusive argument with
Mr. Buchanan in favor of annexation.
But that portion of Mr. Buchanan's speech,
upon which the moat invidious comments have
been made, and to which we call special atten
tion, was as follows:
MIn arriving at the conclusion to support this
treaty, I had to encounter but one serious obsta
cle, and that was the question of slavery.
Whilst I ever have maintained, and ever ahall
maintain, in their full force and vigor, the con
stitutional rights of the Southern States over
their slave property, I yet feel a strong repug
nance by any act of mine to extend the limits
of the Union over a new slaveholding territory.
After mature reflection, however, I overcome
these scruples, and now believe that the acqui
sition of Texas will be the means of limiting
not enlarging the dominion of slavery.
"In the government of the world, Provi
dence generally produces great changes by
gradual means. There is nothing rash in the
counsels of the Almighty. May not, then, the
acquisition of Texas be the means of gradu
ally drawing the slaves far to the South, to a
climate more congenial to their nature; and
may they not finally pass off into Mexico, nnd
there mingle with a race where no prejudice
exists against their color. The Mexican nation
is composed of Spaniards, Indians, and negrnes,
blended together in every variety, who would
receive our slaves on terms of perfect social
enuality. To this oondition they never can be
admitted in the United States,
"That the acquisition of Texas would, ere
long, convert Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky,
Missouri, and probably others of the more
Northern slave States, into free States, I enter
tain no doubt.
? ? ? ? ? ? ?
"But should Texas be annexed to the Union,
causes will be brought intp operation which
must inevitably remove slavery from what may
be called the farming States. From the best
information, it is no longer profitable to raise
wheat, rye, and corn, by slave labor. Where
these articles are the only staples of agriculture,
in the pointed and expressive language of Mr.
Randolph, if ifee slave does not run away from
his mister, the master must run away from the
slave. The slave will naturally be removed
from sncb a oountry, where his labor is scarce*
, ly adequate to his own support, to a region
where he can not only maintain himself, but
yield large profits to bis master. Texas will be
an outlet, and slavery itself thus finally pass the
Del Norte, and be lost in Mexico. One thing is
certain, the present number of slaves cuntiol
increased by the annexation of Texas.
" I have never apprehended the preponder
' a nee of the slave States in the council# of the
nation. 8ucb I fear has always appeared to
; me visionary. But those who entertain such
apprehensions need not be alarmed by the ac
quisition of Texas. More thau one-half of its
territory is wholly unfit for the slave labor, and
therefore, in the nature of things, must be free,
j Mr. Clay, in his letter of the 17th of April last,
on the subject of annexation, states that ac
cording to his information?
" 'The territory of Texas is susceptible of a
division into five States of a convenient size
and form. Of these, two only would be adapt
ed to those peculiar institutions (slavery) to
| which I have referred ; and the other three,
! lying west and north of San Antonio, being
; only adapted to farming and grazing purpose*,
1 from the nature of their soil, climate and pro
ductions, would not admit of these institutions.
In the Ctid, therefore, there would be two slave
and three free States probably added to the
"And here, permit me to observe, that there
is one defect in the treaty which ought to
be amended, if we all did uot know that it is
destined to be rejected. The treaty itself ought
to determine how many free aud how many
slave States should be made out of this terri
tory. Or it, in express terms, leaves the ques
tion of slavery to be decided by those States,
in their constitutions, as they severally apply
for admission into the Union."
Now, what was the position of Mr. Buchanan,
according to this language ? Why, simply
that, as a northern man, he had prejudices
against the extension of slavery; but which
prejudices, nevertheless, were not to be grati
fied at the expense of the South or of her in
stitutions. That, as a northern man, he de
sired emancipation ; but that, as a legislator
aud a senator, he was bound to forego that
feeling in the duty laid upon the Government
by the Constitution, of " protecting aud up
holding" the rights of the South. That, as a
northern man, in perfect consistency with these
principles, and without any violation of the
rights of the South, he could vote for the an
nexation of Texas, on the ground that, while
proteqting slavery from foreign interference,
it would open to it an outlet in the southwest
by its own voluntary immigration. Such is
the whole scope, bearing and intention of Mr.
Buchanan's remarks, above quoted.
Tbo South has never demauded of any
Northern man that he should surrender his
prejudices, and approve the institution of
slavery. She had demanded only her constitu
tional rights, leaving to all their private opin
ions. Mr. Buchanan recognized her true
position. He had already sustained it in his
course upon the admission of Arkansas; and
now, against the remonstrances of his people
and his own feelings, he again came forward,
and fulfilled to the letter his constitutional ob
ligations to the South. As au act of duty, and
a practical recognition of her rights, his con
duct deserves the greater praise because of the
sacrifices of opinion aud popularity which he
cheerfully made. What more does the South
?can the South?ask of any man? She points
to the Constitution, as the bond and term of
the Union, and claims only her rights as therein
guarantied. Her language has been, "differ
as you will about slavery, but fulfil the compact
and let me alone."
But, in order that the absurdity of the charge
of Mr. Buchanan's being a " free-eoiler" may,
if possible, become apparent, we need only cite
the fact, that two years ago, he signed the Os
tend Manifesto, a document whose sole object
was to acquire Cuba, out of which two or three
slave States could have been formed. Here,
then, is his record. The champion of the ad
mission of Arkausai?the champiou of the an
I nexation of Texas?the champion of the acqui
sition of Cuba?where is the taint or suspicion
of freesoiliem in all this? Whatever are Mr.
Buchanan's prejudices against slavery, hia
votes and his acts are with us.
Cut this Oct.?A correspondent of the Lon
don Literary Gazette, alluding to the numerous
cases of death from accidental poisoning, adds:
"I venture to affirm there is scarce even a
cottage in this country that does not contain
an invaluable, certain, immediate remedy for
such events?nothing more than a dessert
spoonful of made mustard, mixed in a tumbler
. of warm water, and drank immediately. It
acts aa an emetic, and is always ready, and
! may be used with safety in any case where one
i is required. By making this simple antidote
known you may be the means of saving many
a fellow-creature from an untimely end."
OH 1 .cilngtuii street, Baltimore. Md.
OPI NI,l> BY T. H. "TOCKTON, for
mer.y Editor of (he Christian Worl.l, Bible
Alliance, Jtc., ??d author ol Scrnioms lor the
Prop ?.
Bible I>epartiueiiL?This relate* to the puU
I chIioii ol the* Bible itself in separate vola. or con
venient combination* ol v> la.; each book accord
ing to the authoifsed vertion, but in paragraph
form ; the chapter* and ver>ea indicated by margi
nal (inures without brraking the connexion of
subjects; the paper and press work of the be?t
quality; the text in the moat readable siyle, fol
lowed by a copious and complete index and with
or without an unequalled atudent'a memorandum.
The book* ol the New Testament will appear
firat. The Goapel by Matthew is already out~-a
beautiful 16ino vol. of near.y 200 page*, with
gliuced paper and leaded type. Mark la nearly
ready for the press, and the other books will
rapidly follow. They may be bad in all the
varietiea of binding at prices to *uit pur. haaera,
and can readily be sent by mail. Put in a case
they will forui an elegant Divine Library.
Tract Department.?Thia i* devoted to the
publication ol a monthly aerie* ol Bible I racta,
the firrt of (be kind ever issued and confessedly
the beat tracts in tbe world. No. 1 contain* the
Sermon on the Mjunl; No. 2 the Ten Commsnd
menta. with additional related and illustrative
passages; a. d No. 3, the Celebration of tbe Law.
as found in tbe 119th Psalm These tract* are so
arranged a* to make the beauty and utility of the
Sacred Text more apparent and impressive than
in any ordinary form. They are sold singly at
one cent; and in packagea, '<40 for IS cents; 35 tor
25 cents; 50 for 35 cents; and 100 for 60 cents.
1'ostage if prepaid, on packages over & ounces,
only half a cent an ounce.
Paper Department.?Here is the publication
ol a small, nea', monthly paper, entitled Tkt Dibit
T-*nts, devoted to the promotion of all Bible inter
ests, and particularly of tbe cause above repre
Whoever wi?he< further information of the
ori/in, character, and progress of this cause
should send lor Tk* Bible Tim?. Tbe first num
lier appean d hi April. Back numbers can yet lie
aiipplie ', a* some are still on band, and a reprint
of more has been ordered.
Th? Timet is published at 25 cent* for the
voIiih e consisting of nine nutul>er*, Irom April
;o December; 5 copies, $1; 12 copes, $2; 20
copie?. >3; 18 copies, >4; and 40 copies for $5? in
Send two letter stamps, and a specimen num
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promptly returned.
Address T. H. STOCKTON,
OS Lexington street, Baltimore, Md
June I4g
ART Ml NTH. Architecture, Sculpture,
and Painting, by James Jackson Jarves,
author of History of tbe Maadwich Islands, Jrc.
Price St '-25.
Waikna, or Adventure* on Ihe Mosouito
Shore, sixty engraving", by Samuel A Bard.
SI 25
Tbe Heire** ol llaughton, or the Mother's
Secret, by the anther of Aubrey Castle. Avon. Arc.
Price 37J cents.
Just published and for sale at
IUYLtlR A MAUKY have the houor to
announce the completion of preparations lot
the festive season. In addition tu their ordinary
stock, (which ha* always been characterised bv
; elegance and variety they have received?,
! A choice selection of beautifully illm>trat*d mv
tastefully bound Book*.
Articles of'* venti," in Porcelata, Hwmi, and
other manufacture.
Writing Deska, in papier nsache end rorsweod.
Card Baske s, lokstands, Ladies' Cabas.
In thr senate, yesterday, Mr. Yulee. from the
Committee ou ibe Post C'lfii'" tud I'uil Roads,
reported a bill providing Tor thr coin (Ml I-of y pre
payment of postage oa all If tMneiil mail mailer.
The Senat?? discussed until ihe hour of dj >urfi
rnent, without coming to any conclusion upon
the subject, the bill to extend Husky's patent for
h reaping machiue
Tiik House ok Kehkesentatives wrrf engaged
in ihe consideration of tne eoulc?trd cle ion
cane from the seventh Consiessional District of
Illiuoia, and ciiue to the conclusion that neither
James C. AlU;n,(deuiocrui,)ilie Miung member,nor
William B Archer, (Republic<itT,) he ountestaul,
is entitled to the seat. The matter ha* i>eeii re
ferred hack to the ( eople for a new election. I he
Hoit.-e adjourned.
Harvard University.
iiosTuv, July 16, lHatj.
The aunual commencement ot this venerable
aud celebrated institution was ob8erve?l lo-tluy
with the usual cerctnouies. 1 he institution at
the present time is in a very flourishing ami
prosperous condition, and the number oi grad
uates unusually large. The number ot students
for the preaent collegiate year justeuded is six
hundred and seventy. Among the graduates
are Mr. Robert G. Thriff, of Maryland, and
Mr. W. J. Gorham, of Georgia, upon whom
the degree of LLD. was conferred. Messrs.
Thriff and Gorham are gentlemen of fine talent
and acquirements, and are worthy oi the honor
confered upou them by their long famed Alma
Mater. We bespeak for them much success;
they will no doubt adorn the profession in
vbich they intend to move and act.- ***
? *
washington INFUIMAKY.
PEKHONS requiring Hospi:al attendance are
invited, aa u=ual, to the Washington lnftrma
ry, whicft in?titution ia under the prob ssi.-nsi
charge of the faculty of the National M die.I
College, and is provided with a resident physi
cian, several medical assistants, and competent
nuraea. The following resolution- of the Board
of Directors are published to correct uny misap
prehenaion that may exist iu rrgnrd to the usages
of the institution inflation to patients:
Resolved, That we invite the medi.al profes
aion generally to place in the Intirinary any patient
or patients that they think may be bem-fited by
hospital advantage* and treat them us their private
patient*, aubject of course to the discipline of the ..
Resolved, That, during the term of service of
the attending physician and surgeon his services
are given gratuitously to whatever patieuta may
enter the common ward?vof tne Infirmary; but it
is expected 'hat persons placing ? hemselves under
hi* care as private patients should remunerate
him a? in attendance e'sewhere.
Resolved, That any physician or surgeon attach
ed to the Infirmary who may be required by a
patient in the institution to render bin prolessional
services, who at the time is not in attendance
up"n the inmates of the institution for such
period at is allotted to him in the division ol tt>e
term of service with his colleagues, shall have
liberty to charge him as under the conditions
attending the ord.nary relation between paiienl
aud physic an.
Resolved, That it would l>e an act >>? g osa
I injustice to the profession to receive in> In
firmary and attend gratuitously any e
circumstances would enable him to render coin
I pensstion for medical -ervice* to physician.- out
of the Institution -
jul 17?3td Curator Washington Infirmary.
i ue*t Annual Bcsnlmi of this lnstl?
1 tution wib commence on the 1st ot October,
and continue until May following.
Hugh 11. McGuire, M. D., Professor of Surgery
and Physiology ; J. Philip Smith, M. D., Professor
0> Practice of Medicine and Obstetrics; Alfred
B. Tucker, M. D., Professor of Anatomy, Chem
istry, and Materia Medica.
Fees for the whole course, $100; matriculation
fee, $0; dissecting ticket, (once only,) $10 ; diplo
ma lee, $20.
The course pursued is that of daily examina
tions on the preceding lecture; generally but two
and never more than three lectures are delivered
during the day. The study of practical anatomy
ntay be pursued at a trilling expense Clinical
ectures delivered duriug the session.
By a recent act of the Geueral Assembly, the
College educates fifteen young men troui the State
of Virginia, free ol all expense tor tuition, use ot
rooms, ice. It is required that applicants'hould
I be of good, moral character, und unable to pur
sue their studies al iheir own exj?en?e. For fur
ther infoimation apply to
May 1?TtwOl
Mathematical dictionary and
Cyclopedia of Mathematical Science cum
Erising definitions of sll the terms employed in
lathi manes, an analysis of each I ranch snd Ol
the whole m forming a single science, by Chart**
Davtes, L. L D.. author o( a complete course ot
Mathematics and Wm. O. Peck. A. M , Assist
ant Professor ot Mathematics United Slate- Mili
tary Academy. Just published, and lor sale at
the Bookstore of R FARNHAM.
("tOURT OF C1-A1M?*.?Digested summa
j ry and alphabetical list ?>( private claims
which have been presented to the House of Rep
resentatives from the First to the Thirty first Cou
gress, exhibiting the action of Congress on each
claim, with reference to Ihe journals, reports, bills.
Afc., elucidating its progress, compiled by order ??l
the House of Rcpreseniatives. A few copies for
sale by R FAKNHAM
Gt ALJTt fcK'M.?Jiini received a tnr$;?- ?!?
f sortinenl ol l'atc Ue Fonstrru* troi, -irn^
burg. in small ?ml lar.e jar*. ^
inn tl 9 OAUTTEK
At Capon Sprluftt, Va..
ILL I* opened lor the trcrpiiai ot vi-iior*
on Monday, (be ItU b day 01 Jum*
Ft I ma fur Horn.
Firat week >12
Second week 10
Third week 8
Four week* or 2b days (1 mom h .... 35
Children and colored servants halt price.
T. L. BLAKEMORE, Proprietor.
May 27? 1m
1AHE Subacrlbera, having made addition
to their active capital, ar? now prepared lo
purchase an unlimited quantity of Land W arrant*,
not only at the very highest market price*, but at
t*m?* will pay more than any house >n tin* city,
Baltimore, Philadelphia, or New York, and cer*
tainly always aa much ; and willdeal very liberally
with correspondents. forwarding Warrants l.y
mail, alwaya allowing them more liberal rate* in
consideration ot the ioasoftime nrcenrary lor their
tranambition to this city, and our return drafia on
Northern aad Southern citieain payment. Addresa
J, M. CLAKKE & Co., Banker*, and
Lealera in L*nd Warrants, Washington. D. C.
Colonel James G. Berret, Poatmaater, Wa*h?
ington, D. C
Suter, Lea, i Co., Bankers, Washington, D. C.
All the Officer* of the Banks in NVheeling,
Beebee At Co., Bankers, New York.
Fetera, 9pcnc?, 4c Co. Bankera, Lynchburg, Va.
Paul jt Hinton, Bankera, tVisishurg, V'a.
R. H. Maury St, Co., Banker*. Ri hruonJ, Va.
Cashier Bank of Virginia, Richn ond, Va.
Caahier Farmers' Bank of Virginia Richmond, Va.
Cashier M aud M- Bank, Parkerabuiw, Va.
James Robb 4c Co., Bankers, New Orleans
J. W. Clark J? Co., Bankers, Boston.
W. M. At J. C. Ma/tm, Bankera,Charleston,S. C.
F. & A. Vinton. Banker*. New I'hiladflj>hia, O
T ATklK VKAR*, by the Author ol ?? the
1 A Old Houae by the River." *
"^Wr. Rutherford's Cb ldren, second volume.
FebWes from the Lake Shore, or Miscellaaawu*.
Poeius, by Charles Leland Potter, A. M.
General Notions of Chemistry, trnnftbttvd iroiv
the Preach, by Edmund C. Evans, M. IX
The Land oi the SarncetiK, hv Baward Tayier.
Brushwood im Iced trp u* tin Continent; or
L?*i Summer'" Trip tv vW? VU4 Wor.'d, by Orville
The above ivfe sch-cini from a larve arri val o(
Mw books at TAYLOR Ac MAURY'S

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