flJibjiingtott ffntitil.
BEV i.RLEY TUCKER,
I I ' i j It AND PKOPKIETOK.
I .. ^ MOKMNG. JULY *4 IM6.
DENOCKAYK' NOMINATIONS.
FOR PKE81DENT,
JAMES BUOH A N AN,
OF PENNSYLVANIA.
? ?U VI K PUEDIUKIIT,
JOHN cf BRECKINRIDGE,
OF aL:.\ 1UCKY.
HOTICK.
National Democbajjc Committee Rooms,
?) uly 5, 1856.
State executive c< nunittees, county and city
clubs and associations, organized to promote
tbe election of the Democratic nominees fur
the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the !
United States, will address their communica- i
tions to Hon. Charles J. Faulkner, of Vir- I
g1 ilia, Chairman of the National Democratic
Resident Committee, Washington city, P. C.
Democratic papers throughout the United
States are requested to copy the above notice.
By order of the Committee.
TO OUil I'ill ENDS.
We call uttention to the annexed terms of
tbe Sentinel for the Presidential Campaign:
The Tri-Wrekly Sentinel will be sent un
til the eleventh da1/ of November next?being ;
one week after the Presidential election:
To clubs of six subscribers, for ? 95 00 j
<* " fourteen subscribers, for 10 OO j
To ? single subscriber, for ?... 1 00
The Weekly Sentinel, for same time?
To clubs of Ave uitb-crlbers - - - 2 OO :
To ? single subscriber ..... 50
Tbe Trl-Weeltly, one year .... 5 OO
Tbe weekly, " .... 2 OO
The notes current in the section of coun trJ
where a subscriber resides will be received,
and for the fractions of a dollar postage stamps 1
may be sent at our risk.
*arNo name will be entered on our books
unless accompanied by the cash.
txtr All letters should be addressed to "John
Shaw, Sentinel Office, Washington City," who
is duly authorized to receive all moneys and
forward receipts.
BEVERLEY TUCKER.
BLACK KKPVBI.ICAN M1NSIKELSY.
Whether this j/reat foe to the Democracy
will aeek to defeat it by an appeal to passion,
reason, or sentiment, seems no longer to be in
doubt.
By a recent expose in the New York Herald,
it appears that an appeal to song is to be one,
at least, if not the most important, element in
the canvass, which Black Republicanism has
Commenced. The Herald is the medium
through which it is introduced to the public.
i bat paper, the mainspring of whose opinion
is the chance of success, and whose editor has,
within a short time, claimed Fremont's nomi
nation as its own meritorious offering to the
new party, because resulting from its sugges'
tion, seeing as he says, that in all probability
he would become a successful candidate for
the Presidency, has published upon one side of
its sheet a string of poetic gems the like of
which have not been seen since the notorious
" Yellow Kiverwent out of vogue.
Think of Black Republican melodies, set to
Ethiopian music, sung by the nigger-worship
ping followers of the chivalrous discoverer of
the " Rocky Mountain Pass," or the gallant
rider of the Woolly Horse! Quere? Is it not
the "Wooly Head" Horse. Think of this
stave for instance?(Air, however, not Ethio
pian, but Scotch.)
"If young Johnny \aoo ?weel Jessie '
From old Tommy's eye, Jtc.,
Wtn hi* Jestie, wed his Jescie,
Need old Tom my cry V
How delicate 1 How refined it would be 1
How well adapted to the party, whose only
aeuse of harmony is manifested in the discord
it engenders, the peace of a people destroyed?
the hopes of a world extinguished.
Or turn from the love passages between the
Candidate and CandulaUtt for the Presidency,
to the song of Jessie, the sweetest flower of
o' the land!
Or, if your taste should revolt from the sight
of a fair woman's name being the catchword of
a chorus in the mouths of Ethiopian serena
des, regale yourself with the political ballads,
in which the Hon. P. S. Brooks is made to
flourish a gutta percha cane, and the bleeding
carcass of the lamenting Sumner, cast for a
moment a shade of darkness over the merri
ment of the song of "Rally Whigs!"
Has it come to this? Are the glories of the
Uniou to be sunk from the heroic author of a
national song to the low street chorus of a mob
of traitors? Is the refinement of woman to be
forgotten in the attempt to rally a squad of
enthusiasts around the person of an unworthy
aspirant for the first office in the world? To
make "Johnny" President, must the shrinking
form of "Jessie" be dragged before a mob of
vagabonds, insulting her character and dis
honoring her poaition, by coonecting them with
the powers of liquor, and the name of the
candidate of a party whose purpose is treason,
whose object ia disunion?
This is a new phase in political centests. It
has been bad enough to open all the avenues
to the peraonal history of the unhappy choice
of a party for the Presidency. But it is a
novel and fearful om^n of the future that the
aacrednesa of the domestic relation ia violated
{Lq give eclat to a candidate, or lend romance
,io a canvas*. How long will it be after thia
/action shall have inaugurated ita new regime,
before we shall see in the court paper (qaere,
?will it be the Heraldf) how her highness Lady,
Jessie.rode through Uia Park, in company with
his Excellency and his Highness "Johnny,"
with the little highnesses, atwi the Right Hon.
Fred. Douglass, mounted upon that splandid
charger?the Woolly Horae!
If John C. Freemont be a man of merit,
ahow ftitn I We accord to his wife all that
chivalry will ever render to woman. But ahe
ia not to be voted for, nor will she be a part
of the Administration. Are we to transfer the
follies of European courts to our republican
system, or retain the aalique law, which ex
cluding woman from the strifes uf men in
politics, reserves her for that purer sphere of
action, where her dominion will be that of
love, and her subjects will yield entire devotion
to her peaceful reign ?
The times are out of joint! Nero fiddles,
while Rome is burning, lighted up by his own
band I The canvass is to be conducted among
a free people, uuder the iuflueuce of ribald
songs, and a triumph is to be heralded
with the vulgar and pretended chivalry of a
mob of plotters of treason! Shame! upon a
party which seeks power by such unworthy
means, for such diabolical purposes. Let the
true meu of the North, among whom it exists,
put it down, now and forever !
We present a man, whose demerit is, he
is a bachelor! Atrocious crime! How can
Mr. Buchanan hope to rival "Johnny"?the
Benedict? We present a man, whose merit
is, that he is wedded to his country?to her
prosperity?to her glory ! His vow at the
altar of God is to be true to her, to honor and
to love her until death. Most faithfully has he
cherished that vow, and now that his whitening
hairs remind him that his service to her must
soon cease, that crown of honor is more deeply
devoted to her interests, and to her advance
ment, than when in life's morning he dedicated
it to her. He claims no factitious popularity
by reason of his domestic ties. His integrity
has been tested by forty years of faithful ser
vice?his ability having been tried in the con
flicts of the past, he is better fitted for the
labors of the future, and in the discharge of
the highest official duties^ he will realize the
promi.se of his early and successful career.
A rational people cannot hesitate between
James Buchanan and John C. Fremont, to
prefer the tried and faithful statesman to the
untried, unstable, and now dangerous leader
of a traitor faction. Let all national meu of
the North concentrate upon James Buchanan
to dt-i'eat the hero of Black Republican min
strelsy, and the country will be safe ; and
Johnny and the fairest flower o' all the land
may enjoy the romance of their married life,
otherwise than in public position, and else
where than in the?White House!
IN A TIGHT PLACE,
General James Watson Webb, in his speech
in the Black Republican Convention, thus ad
dressed his fellow members:
" On the actiou of this Convention depends
the fate of the couutry; if the Republicans fail
at the ballot-box, WE will be forced to drive
back the slaveocracy with fire and sword."
[Great applause.]
The General, in reply to Mr. Stephens's
speech, referring to this thunder of his, says
that he spoke for himself alone, and that no
one else is accountable for the sentiment ex
pressed.
Did the General not meau by " WE," the
members of the Convention and of the partv,
and did not the members respond and endorse
the sentiusent by loud and prolonged ap
plause?
Or did the General use the u WE" in edito
i rial parlance, and mean only himself. If he
j did mean others than himself, then they are
I equally responsible. If he meant none other
' than himself, as he alleges, then it comes to
this, that General James Watson Webb will
be forced to drive back the slaveocracy wiih
fire and sword.
Were this threat thus urtde by any less for
midable or less successful hero than General
James Watson Webb, we should have less ap
prehension, but, coming from a quarter which
never makes a threat and then fails to accom
plish it, it behooves us to look round for means
to propitiate this dangerous man of war as
well as of words.
We will, therefore, appeal to his magna
nimity, and to his high sense of honor for his
pledged faith.
The General, as well as the publics large,
have fresh in their recollection the pronuncia
mento of General James Watson Webb upon
his joining the Black Republican party, in
which, studiously and with nice precision, he
defined accurately his position.
The General declared that be had not gone
j over to the Black Republicans, and that he did
not intend to go over; that he entered into a
temporary alliance with a party (whose princi
ples he condemned) for a single and a special
object, to wit: "the restoration of the Missouri
Compromise;" that this being done, he would
fall back into his old ranks, and all again be
as we were.
We have intended to state truly, and to state
fairly, the position assumed by the General.
Now, as the Republican party, including the
convention of which the General was a mem
ber, refuse to restore the Missouri Compromise,
or to allow it to be restored, and to avow it, we
do not exactly perceive how the General ex
pects to accomplish his avowed purpose, his
only purpose, his darling purpose, by adhering
to this party, by denouncing his own party?
the Fillmore party?which concurs exactly with
his wishes, and is seeking to accomplish the
only thing which the General in his pronun
ciamento declared he expected or desired to
get by his temporary change of front. Dear
General, why do you abandon the only possible
mode of securing your wishes, which would be
by joining Fillmore? and why. dearest Gene
ral, do you join the I^lack Republicans, with
whom the accomplishment of your avowed
purpose is a matter of admitted impossibility ;
I and ohl General, most perplexing of all, why
did you specially select, nominate and advo
cate Governor Seward as the nominee of the
Black Republicans for President, while you bad
still ringing in your ears this avowal, that he
was opposed to all compromises?to your com
promise ?
Now, dear general, as the only possible way
that you can hope to carry your point, your
only point, the restoration of the Missouri
Compromise, is by abandoning the Black Re
publicans, and joining the Fillmore party, we
earnestly entreat you to do so, alike for con
sistency, (which has always, with you, been the
jewel of first water,) as for an opportunity to
you to get rid of that dreadful threat which
" WE" did make.
Our great solicitude to escape the certain
and terrible effect of that fearful threat, has in
duced us to seek some bole through which
your anger might creep, aud clemency find
access to your chivalrous heart.
We have not got the heart to aak you to re
concile these grating discrepancies between
profession and action, it being the prerogative
of genius and of heroes to please themselves
with incongruities unintelligible to ordinary
ken.
But should you be absolutely inexorable,
how Jar, dear general, with fire Mnd sword do
you intend to drive us ? Let ua know the
worst dear General, we fear it may be very
far, as you are so careful "to exempt all others
from the terrible responsibility of the threat;
say dear, General, who " WE" are, aud what
you did mean ?
From the Louisville Journal.
The Washington Sentinel calls the Republi
can nominee "a man of straw." The phrase
is a very happy one, iuasmuch as the Republi
cans are just at present "sucking up" the
Sentinel's party with a relish and rapidity
worthy of the season. Every breeze from the
North comes laden with ominous gurglings
which tell of Democratic spirits passing through
the Republican straw. At the present rate of
suction, Democracy at the North will be to
tally drunk by Republicanism, and Republi
cans totally drunk with Democracy, before
next month. The probability is strong that
one fine November morning they will both be
found dead drunk. It is strange that, with the
thermometer at ninety-five in the shade, our
friend of the Senti/iel should not have be
thought himself that a "man of straw" is the
man of all tbu world for catching " suckers."
Our friend of the Louisville Journal in the
above article is thrusting at us with the edge
in his own hand, and the hilt towards us.
We have only to remind him, that in Michi
igan the " man of straw has sucked up " every
Fillmore man?theru is not one left to squeal?
Vermont ditto, Maine ditto, Rhode Island
ditto, Iowa, we think, ditto. And?more omi
nous than all?the only point South of Mason
and Dixon's Line, where he expects to find
gudgeons small enough to pass through his
straw, is precisely tbe locality of our friend's;
he is already in the vortex of suction?good
by old fellow, if we should never see you
more. Fillmore can't get up an electoral
ticket in any of the above States, while tbe
only State south, in which the "man of straw"
can find food for his digestion is the State of
our friend.
In which State is the Democratic party with
out an electoral ticket.
In Pennsylvania, though numbering less
than a sixth of the Fillmore party, the party
of the " man of straw " is swallowing the other
alive.
With the head aud shoulders of his own
party sucked in through the man of "siraw,"
our friend had better quickly lay hold on the
heels still sticking out, or all will soon be
drawn into the Black Republican man through
I this man of " straw."
Arrival of (he Steamer Persia.
The Cunard steamer Persia, with Liverpool
dates of the 12th, arrived at New York on the
23d instant.
There is hut little news of interest. Politi
cal affairs were quiet. The Tipperary militia
had revolted, but were suppressed with a loss of
three killed. There is nothing new respecting
American affairs. The tone of the press was
much milder on the Central American ques
tion. The Crimea had been completely evac
uated.
Lord John Russell's motion in Parliament
on Italian affairs was fixed for Monday. There
has beeu no reference to American affairs in
Parliament, except some interrogatories con
cerning the boundaries of Belize. .
The spinning mills of Joseph Ainsworth, at
Bolton, have been burnt. They contained
8,000 spindles.
Snyder & Sox, Brokers, Pennsyl
vania Avenue, next National Hotel, are buying
and selling Land Warrants at the following
rates for to-day :
BUYING PRICK. HELLING PRICK.
40 Acres. ...... .*1 10 40 Acre* $1 12
SO " ....... 99 80 " 1 01
120 " 9') 1W0 " V?6
160 " 9S 100 '? 1 00
HaT E xtract from a letter to the Editor,
dated: Sparta, (Tixn.) July 14, 1856.
"Dear Sir: The course pursued by the
Sentinel meets with my unqualified approba
tion, for it has advocated the political doctrines
which I love?that of State Rights Democ
racy, of which the Old Dominion has been the
first, and through her sons the ablest advocate.
Well, sir, in the recent National Convention,
that platform was re-adopted, which forms the
basis of one of the most engaging services
ever enunciated to the world of mankind, and
upon the vital issues of the day it is so clear
and distinct that he who runs may read, and
upon that platform we have placed a statesman
of enlarged experience?one who has directly
and unqualifiedly endorsed its principles?a
statesman who unites the past ana the present,
and who, by his past record on all subjects, of
like nature, offers the best guarantee of future
nationality and steadfast adherance to the prin
ciples of State Rights' Democracy."
Yours, 4c. ? U.
ffcgr Extract from a letter to the Editor,
dated:
Hygkia Hotel, Oi.d Point Comfort,
July 20, 1856.
"You can scarcely imagine the change
which has come over this establishment since
the inauguration of the new proprietor, Mr.
Seager. -Those who have l>een guests at it
heretofore, scarcely reeogniae it now. You
see all around you that the hand of reform has
been at play. It is obvious at once that en
J terprfse and taste are at work to make it a wa
! tering place of the very first rank. I am told
the proprietor is resolved to make it the great
watering place of the South, if he can obtain
from the government the privileges necessary
to make it such.
"The improvement runs through every de
partment. In the bar-room and wine-cellar,
you find the best 'refreshments for the inner
man." I am informed, indeed, that the pro
firietor has determined to allow no inferior
iqnors to be used at his establishment. The
dining room has been completely transformed,
and made one among the finest in the Union,
and when set out for the hungared, pre
sents a scene over which the veriest opicure
can make no complaint. You have amuse
ments to your heart's content?music, dancing,
billiards, bowling, and beach ride*; and as for
the bathing?oh I it is a luxury not to be
described. You must realize it before you can
know what it is!
"The company has been large from its very
opening. Now there is a very throng; among
the guests I see James Lyons, "*q., one of the
finest looking men, and one of tlie most agree
able and elegant gentleman I ever saw. Can't
you quit the dust of Washington for a day or
two." Yours, truly,
LKTTUIt OF WM. M. UUHWICLL, K&U-,
OK VIRGINIA.
We publish below the able and patriotic let
ter of Mr. William M. Burwell, of Virginia.
It breathes sentiments which should be cordi
ally adopted by every southern conservative,
whose eyes are not purposely closed to the
true interests alike of his section and the
Union:
To iny Conntltuenti.
Having been elected to the Legislature upon
the nomination of the American party, it is
with much regret that 1 find it inconsistent
with in) principles of political action to sup
port either the creed or the candidate of tbat
party at the ensuing Presidential election.
In doing so I mean no disrespect to those
who compose that party. I consider the im
mediate objects of its organization vindicated.
The necessity for some reform in the laws of
naturalization and alien suffrage is acknow
ledged. The alleged hostility of the Ameri
can party to a particular religious persuasion
has been resolved into the indisputable princi
ple : that no one who avows allegiance to any
law higher than the Federal and State Consti
tutions, each within its proper jurisdiction, is
fit for political trust. The obnoxious obliga
tian of secrecy has been abolished.
Hut another important agency was expected
from the American party, to which it has, I re
gret to say, proved wholly inadequate, and it
is this disappointment which has rendered my
withdrawal from its couucils, in my opinion,
a matter of public duty.
Regarding the question of slavery as para
mount to all others before the American peo
ple, satisfied that the Whig party of the North
i had fused with tlie Freesoilers, and that the
Democratic party wus paralysed by its own
dissensions, I had, with many others, sought
in the American party a love of Union, a fra
ternal affection, and a national pride, which
should reconcile and quiet forever the differ
ences existing among us.
The iirst uational action of this party en
couraged the hope that it would realize this
patriotic expectation. It announced in June,
1855, that it would maintain the existing leg
islation upon the subject of slavery as a settle
ment of the question. Under this declaration
some thirty-three members of Congress were
elected by the American party in the Southern
States.
In February, 185G, this policy was changed.
The pledge to maintain existing legislation was
substituted by a creed in which not only the
subject, but the name of slavery is carefully
ignored. The guarantee for the admission of
new Slave Slates, specifically given bv the
declaration of 1855, is replaced by an article
which recognizes the right of the legal citizens
of a territory "Jo frame their constitution "and
laws, and to regulate their own domestic and
"social affairs in their own mode, subject only
to'" , the Wilmot Proviso, , or "the
provisions of the Federal Constitution" which
last phrase, under the interpretation of the
dominant majority in Congress, means precisely
the same thing. With this restriction the
"pledge" ofadmission intothe Union is granted
10 the Territor;al State whenever it shall "have
the requisite population for one representative
in Cougresa."
At the same time, upon the same principle
of neutrality, the American party nominated
for its candidate a gentleman of integrity and
patriotism, but it did not require him to sav
whether he would, if elected, veto a bill restor
ing the Missouri restriction or repealing the
Kansas act. Those who have regarded the
pending question too important-to be left in
doubt have been informed that the nominee is
"platform enough," and that his past official
acts afford a sufficient assurance of his future.
Taking his signature of the Compromise of
1850, as the most prominent of these acts, w'e
encounter insurmountable difficulties of con
struction. The friends of the Kansas act
contend that it is a legitimate deduction from
the compromise of of 1850, but thousands w ho
advocated that compromise assert that the Kan
sas act is a flagrant violation of that measure.
If the inference that the Kansas aet resulted
from the compromise is inevitable, there could
be no controversy upon the subject. But there
is a radical difference upon this subject, there
fore the position of the American nominee upon
this question is doubtful, and those who are
disposed to support him may, withoutimpugning
his integrity, ask his construction upon the
consistency of the Kansas act with the Com-,
promise of 1850, and whether it is his purpose
to maiatain or repeal it. Until some such
declaration shall be made, the Americans of the
South are wholly without assurance against the
continued agitation of a dangerous question, or
of having rights, deemed by them invaluable,
surrendered by the act of their own representa
tives.
The issue upon which parties have organized
for the ensuing campaign is: "Shall any more
Slave States be admitted into the Union?"
Foremost and most formidable in this con
test stauds the Black Republican party, a dan
gerous compound of fanaticism and political
cupidity. It is numerous and of powerful
resources, it is led by ambitious and sagacious
men ; it intends to employ the numbers of the
North to subjugate the South and govern the
country. Its material of warfare consists in
impeaching the title of your property, defam
ing your character and combining the most
despotic and lawless influences in a crusade
against you. Its plan of warfare is to cut off
the supplies and communications of slavery, to
invest its citadel and to send in a flag in
scribed, "Assault or unconditional surren
der."
The Democratic party has been, by force of
circumstances, placed in direct antagonism to
this party. It stands not only pledged but
committed beyond the power of recantation or
withdrawal to maintain your rights as political
equals in this Confederacy.
With my opinions, neutrality would be at
this important crisis little better than treason.
I shall therefore vote for the Democratic can
didates at the ensuing Presidential election,
because that is the only party committed to
assert the rights of the South, and because the
opinions avowed by that party upon the subject
of slavery represent my own.
With these declarations it would not be
proper that I should hold a station which I can
no longer employ to promote the objects of
those who conferred it. I have therefore trans
mitted to the Speaker of the House of Dele
gates, by the hands of the Executive, my resig
nation as a member of that body. In doing
so, I may be allowed to say that I act in oc
cordlwice with my own sense of propriety, and
not upon the complaint or instigation of others.
I have endeavored to discharge my representa
tive duties with fidelity. 1 have advocated
every legislative measure which tended to re
store the credit, promote the power, employ the
people, or protcct the rights of our beloved
Commonwealth. I resign tny post because its
incidental obligations will not permit me to
pursue the same object* as etliciently as I
could wish. I have no intention to become a
candidate for the vacancy thus occasioned. I
wish to create no issue. You have generously
sustained me without any of those elements or
influences which strengthen public men. I am
not ungrateful, nor would I, for any reward of
personal advancement, encourage divisions
amongst you, For, believe me, this is no time
for divisions. Your rights are at stake. The
only question with you must be who is the
most efficient advocate of these rights. The
Presidential Contest may not be decided in the
open field. If carried into Congress it may lie
indispensable to our safety tiiat we should
unite upon the most efficient antagonist of our
common enemy. The North has forgotten its
feuds in a common enmity towards you. Why
cannot you unite for the protection of your
property and your rights t If we encourage
strife amongst those who belong to the sections
of the great conservative army, we may find
irreconcilable animosities pervading our ranks.
Remember thut the election of a Black Repub
lican Speaker of the House of Representatives
was caused by the acerbities of political war
fare. Remember that by this event your ene
mies have bceu enabled to divert thp influences
of Congress to your injury. To that event is
to be attributed, among other evils, the mission
of an ex parte Committee into Kansas, to en
courage civil war and store the magazines of
abolition with misrepresentations of your inter
ests and of your rights.
Let us then so conduct this campaign as to
cast our votes for some undoubted representa
tive of our rights. Let us, in the event the
union of the South for the safety of the South
should become necessary, have as few animosi
ties to reconcile as possible, and if we cannot
secure the election of our friends, let us at
least preserve ourselves from the reproach of
having caused the triumph of our enemies.
Truly and gratefully your friend,
WM. M. BURWELL.
Bedford, July 10, 185G.
Nuts lor Mr. Ilauiliu.
Mr. Hamlin is very desolate about the Mis
souri Compromise. He is in the freesoil cem
etery all the time. He mourns, like Rachel
weeping for her children, because the Missouri
Compromise is no more. One would think it
was a pet child of his, aud that lie loved it
dearly. He laments its loss with outcries that
begin in the Senate and aru heard in Maine.
So Macbeth was clamorous over the good King
Duncan. Yet Macbeth killed the King him
sell I And Mr. Hamlin's love for the Missouri
Compromise was very much like the love of
Macbeth for Duncan. He hated it while it
lived, and now sheds tears at its tomb.
On the 22d of July, 1848, Mr. Hamlim made
a speech in the United States Senate on the
Oregon bill. From that speech we make the
following extracts:
"The spirit of the Missouri Compromise is
not the spirit which marked the wisdom of the
Trainers of the Constitution. I would not vote
to extend an arbitrary line which permits the
extension of slavery over a portion of this con
tinent.
441 did not then vote for the Missouri Com
promise, and I would not vote for it to-day. I
would vote for no urbitrary line, even if it took
the southern boundary of New Mexico and
California, running to the coast of the Pacific.
1 would vote for no rigid, fixed line, whether
upon a direct parallel of latitude or winding,
because it would lead to sectional ]>arties.
"l*et us have nothing of abolition, either
North or South, nor fix lines which shall divide
a country without regard to its character or
construction. But let the character of the
country be determined and settled as it shall
be on its acquisition. If free, so let it remain,
and so let it be preserved. If slave, so, then,
let it continue, without our action.'''
This is Mr. Hamlin in 1848. In 1856, he
seems to think that this very compromise which
he here denounces, is the loveliest think on
?art h.
But look at the territorial doctrine developed
by Mr. Hamlin in these extracts on the subject
of slavery. "If free, so let it remain. If
slave, so, then, let it continue." The language
is clear and the principle unmistakable. Ap
plied to the Louisiana purchase, where slavery
existed at the time of acquisition, (and of
which Kansas was a part) it would fasten
slavery upon the people and the soil forever.
Applied to Cuba, in favor of whose acquisition
Mr. Hamlin has repeatedly spoken, ii would
have the same effect there. No trouble, on
this theory, about popular sovereignty and
congressional sovereignty! The question of
free soil or slave soil is determined before the
country is acquired! Determined under a for
eign government! Determined so strongly as
to be fixed and unchangeable! Consistent Mr.
Hamlim.?Eastern Ar<jus.
From the Burlington (Vi.) Gazette.
Who'll Bid 1-Juit Agoing I-They must
be Hold J? Give us a bl?l and It shall be
knocked off without delay.
Thus are the Black Republicans hawking
their worthless merchandise among the Demo
cratic ranks. The glittering tinned of paltry
otlice is held up to the gaze of all such men
as may be caught by glare by these " Peter
Funks," and no soouer than a bid is made,
the galvanized bauble is knocked off and the
purchase^ debased to a common level with
the miscreants who have caused his downfall
and ruin. Look abroad all over the country
and see the policy pursued by this "new light"
party. When they desire to ruin a man who
is obnoxious to them, when they would drug
him with the double distilled venojn of their
fiendUh hate, and when they strive to sink
him beyond the power of resurrection, they
fancy nothing so well adapted to that purpose
as to fix upon him the foul principles which
they themselves have entertained and still
cherish. They call him Fed?ralist, W.hig,
anti-Nebraskaite, Know-nothing, and every
other appellation to which they know them
selves entitled. But when they nave an office
to bestow they immediately select a refugee
from the old Democratic party. Even in their
estimation a refuse or traitorous Democrat is
belter qualified for their places of plunder
and peculation than their old and well tried
sinners. What but the glaring inconsistency
and daring trcachery of John C. Fremont
could have endeared him to this treasonable
junto? Where is the evidences of any real
fitness on his part for the place they have se
lected for him? To an impartial observer
there can be but two reasons; first, they could
find no one so well qualified for concentrating
the Know-nothings and Black Republicans ;
and second, they relied upon his treachery in
forsaking his party and well established prin
ciples for the sake of a mere chanco of the
Presidency, as sufficient evidence of identity
with themselves and their treasonable pur
poses, to command their support and ensure
his co-operation in a dissolution of the Union.
He has some rough military experience, and
as the great ratification orator said at Marion
Hall, " if the worst comes to the worst, he is
the man for the times." That is, if the South
will not submit to a dastardly invasion of
their rights, Fremont would lead on the armies
of the North, hang them up and exterminate
them; or should it be thought necessary for
the succcsb of Northern fanatics, he could
make a general coup tV etats that would in all
future time save the trouble of ballot-boxes
and self-government. Louis Napoleon was a
French bastard, and exile and explorer of as
little promise as Fremont, and if he has at
tained to an empire, why should not the sou
of Mrs. Pryor, by a French music teacher,
strike for an honor' as dazzling as that of his
similarly reared countrymen ? lie is truly
the man for the times I
But they have not stopped with rewarding
treachery at Fremont. Banks is Speaker of
the United States House of Representatives,
Chase is Governor of Ohio, Bissell is their
ratididale in Blinois, Hamlin in Maine, and
Morris, and Cloud, and Darwin, of Iowa, are
on the list of worthies whom they are re
warding.
Commodore Stockton's opinion, ex
pressed at all times, and on all occasions, of
Colonel Fremont, was never at the right place
at the right time," and as a proof that Com
modore Stockton was not wrong in his man, at
the time when both the army and navy were in
frequent conflicts, and always fcith a superior
force, Fremont won not in a sinrjle battle.
A decision has been made by the Su
preme Court of Alabama, b^ which every
railroad, steamboat, or Rtage is liable to the
owner of any slave absenting himself from
hifl owner who may be found travelling with
.them under any disguise or concealment.
From ike Louisiana Democrat.
Tit* Prcaldcucy.
The course which the old line Whigs may
pursue in the approaching Presidential strug
gle is a subject which has recently assumed a
grave importance, and their action as a body
will be watched with interest. They have the
power to do great good or inflict irreparable
wrong on their country, accordingly as they
may use the influence which they possess, in
this canvass. The efforts now being made
throughout the country to galvanize iuto po
litical being the seemingly dead remains of
this once gallant and powetful party, has de
monstrated the fact that there is more vitality
in its dry boues than even its most ardent
w< rsbippers had dured to hope. The recon
struction, or rather the consolidation of the
scattered fragments, appears to be the object
of the present movement?not to put in nomi
nation a candidate of their own, but to cast
their united strength in favor of that party
which most nearly affiliates in principles to
their own, and in their opinion is likely to be
productive of the greatest amount of good to
the country by restoring harmony among t^ie
States and forever crushing out of existence
the miserable factions and dangerous section
alisms that has arrayed one portion of this
confederacy against the other in deadly hate.
If prudence and wisdom guide their counsels,
it will need no prophet to tell the result. As
" coming events cast their shadows before," so
do the opinions of the leading spirits of the
old Whig phalanx indicate most unmistakably
the course which patriotism and duty has
pointed out to them.
That they will, as a body, cast their weight
in the Democratic scales next November, there
is not a loop to hang a doubt on. That this is
so, and to siiow that our opinion is not based
on a fabulous hypothesis, we will produce
evidence that is perfectly satisfactory to us,
and we believe will be equally so to all who have
scanned closely the political horizon for the
last three months.
The New Orleans Commercial Bulletin, one
of the most influential conservative papers in
the country, and a straight-out old fashioned
Whig, speaking of the efforts now being made
to collect the scattered fragments of the party
of which the gallant editor is an honorable
member, in a Ion? article in his paper of the
28th J nne, uses the following significant lan
guage:
"There is a large fraction of the Whig party
who have not connected themselves with either
of the political factionsof the day, maintaining
distinctly their individual and political iden
tity. It was doubtless a weighty consideration
with the Convention which nominated Mr.
Fillmore, to secure for their candidate the vote
and influence of the debris of the party, with
which he had been so long associated, ami so
highly regarded, and whose vote he will stand
in need of with any prospect of an election.
On the other hand, the nomination of Mr. Bu
chanan is the triumph of conservatism over
ultraism, of nationalism and patriotism *ver
sectionalism and fanaticism. It is a homage
too to that party, whieh, although reputed or
rather represented as dead, yet lives, embody
ing in its remains the true and eternal princi
ples of conservatism, and a living, national,
patriotic faith. Recognized as a man of ability
and integrity, as Mr. Buchanan undoubtedly
is, the Democratic party entertain a strong
hope that a large outside vote may be secured
for the most prudent, conservative and intelli
gent man of all their party."
The manifestations of joy with which the
nomination of James Buchanan has been hailed
in every town and city in this broad Union by
the national men of all parties, Whigs, as weil
as Democrats, points to him as unerringly as
the dial to the sun, as the man best calculated
of all our living statesmen to heal thesectioual
strife now threatening the peace and pros
perity of the country, and to restore that har
mony and brotherhood, which should always
subsist between members of the t>aine political
family. His nomination lifted a load from the
minds of the people of this nation, and gave
assurance that fanaticism had received its
death-blow by the wisdom and patriotism of
the Convention which assembled at Cincinnati.
Renewed hope thrilled with delight the breast
of every patriotic and Union-loving citizen of
this glorious political fabric, framed by the
most mature intellects, and cemented with the
best blood of the last century, and whose exist
ence has been put in jeopardy by the wildest
fanaticism and most reckless demagogiBtn the
world ever witnessed.
Wo again quote from the Bulletin and we
would earnestly recommend our Whig friends
to give it a careful perusal :
"The candidates are now all in the field,
with the party platforms they respectively stand
upon. The contest is a triangular one, which
fact incurs the deplorable hazard of throwing
the choice of President of the United States
upon the House of Representatives, a tribunal
which as it is now constituted, should be the
last umpire to which atiy true patriot would
wish to submit the arbitrament of this great
question. The Whigs will have no occasion
to be perplexed (ft divided in selecting which
of the two candidates shall have their votes.
We confine the choice to two candidates, for
we take it for granted, that no true Whig will
cast his vote for Fremont, who is in the fullest
sense of the term a sectional candidate."
In addition to his own opinion, and still
further to fortify his convictions on this point,
the editor quotes from a letter of a friend of
his now living in the North, and says he " has
had large experience in the political move
ments of the country, as a sagacious and pru
dent observer, and a staunch and consistent
Whig," and "gives us good wholesome coun
sel in the following extract." Here is a por
tion of the " good wholesome counsel" to which
he calls attention:
"I labored bard with the Ivnow-nolhing
leaders to induce them to postpone their nomi
nation until Julj, and in the meantime to let
the old line, straight out, old fashioned Whigs,
like jou and I, get up a National Convention
and nominate Fillmore, and then they come
in and support him, and let him go out as the
Whig nominee, which would have rallied tens
and perhaps hundreds of thousands of Whigs
and Democrats to his support, tcho cannot and
will not swallow him an the Know-nothing can
didate. I am not of this class of Whigs, for
knowing Mr. F. as I do, and how safe and true
a man he is for the country and the. South, 1
would most cheerfully support him and gladly
see him succeed, had he been the nominee of
Belzebub and his imps.
"It is, however, now being arranged,still to
have a National Convention, to consult and de
liberate as to the proper action of the party in
the present crisis, and I think the party, if
properly brought out, can hold the balance of
power in the coming election. In this Conven
tion the points for discussion will be?
"1st. Shall we act as an organized party, or
leave the individuals to their preference in the
contest?
"'id. If we act as a party, on whom shall we
throw our strength?
"3d. Shall the recommendation of the Con
vention be of a mandatory nature, or onlj of a
suggestive charactcr, that it thinks such or
such a candidate the most entitled to its sup
port?
"For myself, my views would be to throw the
whole weight of the party for Mr. Fillmore,
provided it rendered hi* success pretty certain,
of which we could then judge better than now,
as 1 think the Convention should not be held
until September. If otherwise, then for Mr.
Buchanan, so as to insure the defeat of the
Negro Republicans at any rate, and prevent
the election from going into the House. A
decision of this kind would at once produce the
withdrawal or resignation of Mr. Fillmore. I
should sincerely regret this, but most yield to
stern necessity, for coute qui coute?the negroes
mutt not succeed. I would politically sacrifice
my dearest personal friend rather than such a
result."
Ye men of the South?je gocl old national
Whigs?pause and deliberate on this "good
wholesome counsel," and we are sure it will
net take you long " which of ^e two candi
dates to choosy" M'? Fillmore nas not the re
motest chauce of au election. His most ardent
and warmest admirers admit this fact, though
of course they do it with reluctance. They
ask themselves what Slates will Mr. Fillmore
! carry ? We answer not one! Kentucky was
! the only State South of Mason and Dixon's
| line that bis most ardent friends, in their most
: sanguine moments, could ever have expected
I to carry, and the nomination of Breckinridge
has floored him there, aud his chances at the
North and Northwest are, if possible, worse
yet. Alter carefully examining the political
| complexion of the different States North and
I West, where they are not Democratic, they
are decidedly black. His defeat is certain.
Will our Whig friends nevej1 learn wisdom
from experience? If they vote for Fillmore,
they vote against the only national party in
existence. Every vote cast for Fillmore irf
just so much strength takeu from the national
conservatives, aud given to the Black Repub
licans. la there a Southerner?a patriotic
true Southerner?that would do this ? We do
not believe there is one.
Letter from lion. Daniel sJ. Dickinson.
Bixguamtton, July 12, 185C.
My Dear Sir: 1 have just returned from court
from a neighboring county, aud find your favor
of the 10th, inviting me to address the Democ
racy of Erie county, at Buffalo, on the 16th,
and regret to add, that a special engagement of
a professional character for that day will not
permit me to accept it.
1 rejoice to see the Democracy of Erie mov
ing in united and compact column, preparatory
to the great November conflict. We have
much to do, but the object to be attained is
worthy of our best and choicest effort*. We
have candidates eminently suited to the exi
gencies of the times, and qualified for the dis
tinguished stations with which their names are
associated ; and the principles involved in the
great issue about to be'tried, are, on our part,
the principles of the Constitution?of Wash
ington, Jefferson, Madison and Jackson?prin
ciples which germinated with the embarkation
of the Pilgrims,?which found development at
Lexington, Bunker Hill, Saratoga aud York
town,?in the Declaration of Independence, and
finally in the formal adoptiou of our glorious
Constitution. He who will not maiutain them
is a faithless and degenerate Hony?he who
would put forth his hand to subvert them, is
thrice a paracide. These principles have
brought our country to its present distinguish
ed eminence among the nations of the earth.
These principles, if perpetuated, will, in spite
of the wills of the demagogue, or the howls of
fanaticism, give to our children's children,
through all coming time, the blessings of free
dom, happiness and peace.
Sincerely, yours, D. S. DICKINSON.
Hon. J. Wadsworth, Chairman, &c.
IH7~ Buchanan and Breckinridg< Club.?
The regular meetings of this Club will he held at
their Room qn the corner ot 13th street and Pa.
avenue, 011 Friday evening of each week, at 8
o'clock.
Members of the Club are expected to be punc
tual in their attendance.
J. W. IRWIN, Cor. Sec.
UIHLE, Til ACT, \Ni> PAPER HOUSE
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OPENED BY T. II. -TOCKTON, for
merly Editor of the Christian World, Bible
Alliance, &c., and author of Sermouis for the
Peop e.
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June Ng,
MIDDLETON'S ICE.
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11IIE Subscriber, having succeeded in filling
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AUTIEH'M.?Just received a large nn
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Jan 22?tf C. OAUTIEH.