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OUH BOOK TABLE. DKKBY A JACKSON. Tub Like and Skkvics* of J*Mk? Buchanan, lale Mini-.lt r to England, and formerly Miuister to llu??ta, Senator uud ltepresenlalive ill Con grets, and Secretary of State; including tlie ino?t important of his State paper*. liy tt. G. Hoiloii. With an aacurate portrait oil *teel New York: Derby &c Jackson, No. 119 N*???u street. Ciucianaii: II W. Derby Sc Co. Ib66 The grandest monuments of a nations a glory are the patriotic services of her public men. In the records of individual emiuence our Re public has been peculiarly fortunate. No Stale or people ever in the saiue brief lapse ot time has given to history ho many illustrious names. It is but eighty years since we were declared free and independent and for every year we can boast a role of statesmen, diplomatists, philos ophers, and so'diers, unparalleled for number and diversity of claim to high distinction, far exceeding the proudest array of all the past. The civilized world still regards with admira tion the character aud achievements of the men of the Revolution. The names of some, indeed, have become the watchwords of pro gress, and as time rolls on will ascend higher and higher upon the lists of fame. But, while nations bow in reverence before the works of our patriot sires, the men who have nobly perpetuated what these achieved, are almost equally entitled to their veneralion. The hour of bultle is not always the severest test of human fidelity. The confused strug gles of ambition and faction that follow the establishment of a great State, frequently in volve even more pressing trials than the mo menta of organization, even though it be sur rounded with the perils of a doubtful war. Without claiming, perhaps, such sweeping credit as this for the tnen who have maintained the Union aud the Constitution our fathers founded, we will, at least, assert for them the credit that a happy people award to the guar dians who have watched over her new born liberties, and protected them in their weak infancy from the machinations of foreign aud domestic foes. In the Pantheon of American heroes, they merit a place "full high advunced" , between the urns aud busts ot the Fathers of | the Republic. Amofig these, no man deserves a more conspicuous niche or a more lustrous wreath than James Buchanan, of Pennsylva nia, the Democratic nominee for the Presidency of the United States, and the distinguished subject of the memoir before us I Without further preface we will open the history with Mr. Hortou's own words: 44 James Buchanan was born at a place called Stony Batter, in Franklin county, Pennsylva nia, at the foot of the Eastern ridge of the Alleghanies, on the 23d day of April, 1791. Franklin county borders on the State of Mary land, aud the greater part of it consists of a broad limestone valley, watered with copious and unfailing mountain springs, and having a Boil of unsurpassed fertility. The immense range of mountains knowii as the Alleghanies, which commences in the northern part of Geor gia and Alabama, and runs generally in uniform ridges to the northeastern part of New York, is in Fraukliu county, divided into an irregular Beries of rocky, broken eminences. The Sout'i Mountain, a continuation of the Blue Ridge of | Virginia, forms its boundary on the east, and Tuscarora, or Cove Mountain, on the north west. The highest points of the Cove Moun tain are estimated at fifteen hundreed feet above the valley. 44The spot where Mr. Buchanan first saw the light of day is situated in a wild and romantic gorge'of this mountain. The towering summits of the eternal hills surround it, and slope down like the sides of an amphitheater. A beautiful Btream of water, clear as the crystal fountain from which it tlows, meanders through what was once a cleared field, uol far from his hum ble birthplace. The remains of the old Buch anan cabin are still to be seen, although little is left but the chimney. They lie to the north of the Mercersburg and McConnellsburg turn pike, but within sight and about three miles 4'rom the village of Merccrsburg. It is a lovely spot, and the scenery has all those elements of grandeur aud sublimity which serve to inspire in youthful minds noble aspirations aud exalted patriotism. Such places have been those where a majority of our great men have been born and reared. The early struggles necessary to contend with the rugged inequalities of nature, have developed a hardy constitution, inspited them with honest ambition, and taught them early in life those invaluable lessonsofself-denial which are the foundation of all true excellence of character. 44Mr.Buchanan's father was JatnesBuchanan, a native of the County of Donegal iu the north of Ireland, who emigrated to the United States in the year 1783. He was a poor man when he came to America, but with a vigorous arm, an industrious spirit and untiring perseverance, he acquired before his death a handsome com petency. Five yearn after his arrival, he married Elizabeth Speer, the daughter of a respectable farmer of Adams County, Pennsylvania. At that time the broad and beautiful valleys of | Franklin County were comparatively a wilder ness, but Mr. Buchanan sought them, and with his young wife became a pioneer in American civilization. "Having 'striked bis claim/and erected a rude log cabin, his own right arm felled the trees that allowed the sunlight of heaven to fall upon the little clearing that surrounded his humble home. In this log cabin was the present James Buchanan born, and there he continued to re side until he was eight years of age. No one would have suspected, had they then seen the log cabin boy wandering through the primeval forests, awestruck at the strange, weird scenes which met his gaze, that he would one day hold listening Senates in attention, and stand among the leading statesmen of America. What a commentarvdo such facts present upon our free and glorious institutional" Mr. Buchanans father was respected and in fluential throughout the countv where he resided. His mother was remarkable for the vigor of her intellect and the self taught treasures of her mind, and the whole family were noted from their earliest years by a marked superi ority even among the sturdy population of what was in those days esteemed the West. In 1798 the family removed to Mercersburg, where James received his first general and clasical education. He there revealed the finest and most versatile mental capacity, and although outstripping bis companions in the race of learning, won their warm esteem by the noble qualities of his heart, and-the free, manly graces of a happy disposition. Entering Dickinson College,Carlisle Cumber land Co., Pa., at the sge of fourteen, under the Presidency of Dr. Davidson he rapidly signalized himself among his classmates, and as a member of the Union P. Society, won the affection of all around him, and captured its honors. Gradu ating when eighteeen years of age, in 1809 he w?s presented, hjr a unanimous vote of the faculty, with the highest distinctions the institu tion had in its gift. At that time, young Mr. Buchanan was a model of manly accomplishment, ns well as of ?cfiolarly success to his class-mates and the youth of the country. Untiringly industrious, while he was a splendid rifleman and sport men, he could endure an astonishing amount of mental as well as physical fatigue. In De cember, 1809, he commenced the study of law with James Hopkins, esq., an eminent advocate of Lancaster City, and admitted to the bar, in 1812, rapidly rose in that arduous profession. Mr. Horton thus eloquently pictures his ad vance : "He came to the bar of his native State when Pennsylvania was distinguished far and wide for the superior ability of her lawyers. She could then boast of her Baldwins, her Gib sons, her Rosses, her Dnnrans, her Breckin ridges, her Dallasses, and her Semples, who ?hed not only honor upon their own State, but who added materially to the legal reputation of the whole country. With such men as these Mr. Buchanan wad compelled to struggle for tbat eminence in his profession which ho sub sequently attained, and so firmly kept. "Perhaps we do not go too far in saying that there never has been in our country an in stance of so rapid a rise in the legal profession as that afforded in bis case. From the day he was admitted until he finally retired from the )ej;al profession, his was a series of successive triumphs. lie was poor, and necessity de manded that exertion which soou made him the rival nud equal of the best lawyers in the State. He was engaged in all important causes tried in Dauphiu, York, and other neighboring counties, and his name appears in the Penn sylvania Reports more frequently than of any other lawyer of his day. In the famous session of 1810-17, Buchanan, then a member at the early age of 2G, added fresh laurels to bis brilliant store. At the age of 30, he ranked with the brightest legal minds of bis State. He was elected, about this time, to Congress, and after ably serving for ten years, declined a re-election. In 1831, be re tired altogether from his profession having al ready accumulated a respectable competence. "'When he retired,' says his biographer, 'be left more business than any one man could attend to. Thus had the log cabin boy, born in a wild and rorky gorge of the Alleghany Mountains, at the early age of forty years, been the architect of his own fortune, arid become the admiration and pride of bis native State. Once only after he left his profession could be be prevailed upon to again appear at the bar. This was the cause of an aged widow, where he was appealed to by the most earnest solici tations. It was an action of ejectment which involved all her Jittle property. The case was a difficult one, and technically decided against the unfortunate woman. To the surprise and astonishment of every one, he succeeded in es tablishing her title to the property in question. The poor woman was intoxicated with joy, and overwhelmed her benefactor with expressions of gratefulness, and offers of remuneration. Mr. Buchanan, however, would accept nothing for his services." It was during the war of 1812, when the atrocities of the British troops had alarmed and aroused the whole Union, that Mr. Bu chanan signalized himself by volunteering as a private in the ranks against his country's foes. In regard to this whole matter, and the calumnies circulated to deface it, the following letter written in 1847, after Mr. Buchanan had taken his seat in Mr. Polk's Cabinet, speaks for itself: " Washington, Apj-il 23, 1847. " To the IIuh. Oevrye M. Jones: "Dear Sir: I have this moment received your letter of the instant, and hasten to return an answer. " In one resuect 1 have been fortunate as a public man. My old enemies are obliged to go back for ...ore than thirty years to find plausi ble Charges against me. " In 1814, when a v^ry young m(1I1) (beiH this day 56 years of age,) I made my first pub lic sptech before a meeting of my fellow-citi zens ol Lancaster. The object of this speech was to urge upon them the dut v of volunteering tbcir services in defense of their invaded coun try. A volunteer company was raised upon the spot, in which I was the first, I believe to enter my name as a private. We forthwith proceeded to Baltimore, and served uutil we were honorably discharged. " In October, 1814, I was elected a member ol iihe 1 ennsylvania Legislature, and in that body gave my support to every measure calcu lated iu my opinion to aid the country against the common enemy. In 1815, alter peace had bee* concluded, i did express opinions in relation to the causes and conduct of the war, which I very soon after regretted and recalled. Since that period 1 have been ten years a member of the House of Kepresentatives, and an equal time of the Senate, acting a part on every great question. ?My political enemies, finding nothirip as sailable throughout this long public service now resort back to my youthful years, for ex' pressiona to injure my political character. Ihe brave and generous citizens of Tennessee, to whatever political parly they may belong will agree that this is a hard measure of jus tice; and it is still harder that, for this reason, ihey should condemn the President for having voluntarily offeWJ me a seat in his Cabinet I never deemed it proper, at anv period of my life, while the country wns actually encaged in a war with a foreign enemy, to utter a sen timent which could interfere with its success Jul prosecution. While the war with Great Britain was raging, I should have deemed it little better than moral treason to paralyze the arm of the Government while dealing blows against the enemy. After peace had been con cluded, the case was different. My enemies cannot point to an expression uttered by me ' during the continuance of the war, which was not favorable to its vigorous prosecution. "From your friend, very respectfully, "JAMES BUCHANAN." In testimony of this, witness the noble stand taken by that patriot, while a member of the Legislature in 1815, when the Slate of Penn sylvania, receiving no assistance from the ex hausted General Government, was proposing to defend herself, at her own expense, from the threatened attack of the foe upon Philadelphia In the course of the debate, he said : Since, then, Congress has deserted us in our time of need, there is no alternative but either to protect ourselves by some efficient measures, or surrender up that independence which has been purchased by the blood of our forefathers. No American can hesitate which of these alternatives ought to be adopted. The invading enemy must be expelled from our shores; he must be taught to respect the rights of freemen." But it is unnecessary fo dwell longer upon facts too widely and honorably known through Out the country to require comment. Let us consider another act of bis career equally meritorious, as an evidence of the greatness of the man's true Democracy. While thus conspicuous as a lover of his own land, Mr. Buchanan assumed a position at this time upon the question of the proscription of naturalized citizerTJt, a position he has, through all the fluctuating changes of politics tor forty years since, consistently adhered to Ihe Governors of Massachusetts andConneoti cut transmitted to the Governor of Pennsylva nia, and by him sent to the Legishiture of bis own State, resolutions recommending certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States, among which was the following: " J.hnt, n? Pfrson wf>o "hall he hereafu?r na turalized, shal be eligible as a member of the . enate or the House of Representatives of t?e United Slates or capable of holding any civil o 6 under the authority of the Unite States." A committee was appointed to report on this, among other resolutions. Th*y disapproved of every resolution sent; but we give a part of their report, relating to the one we have quoted s " It may lie fairly questioned whether the total exclusion proposed is generous to others, or wise to ourselves. The revolutions of Eu rope may hereafter drive, as they have already driven, many an honorable and distinguished ?jXile to the shelter of our hospitality. The distance which separates him from his native country is some guarantee that he has not chosen his new residence from any motive of evity, but from deliberate choice; and when lie has abjured his allegiance to that country, when his fortunes and his family are fixed among when he has closed all the avenues j l*,urnt when a long probation has 'V'l Vj ^"t-'hroent to our institutions, whv should his mind continue still in exile, and why should the natural and honorable am Kbi?;Ti,,ctb"b* "Why, too, should we deprive ourselves of the choice of such a mau, whose European expe rience may be useful, if the deliberate voice of the community is in his favor? Other nations do not indulge in so jealous an exclusion. There is scarcely a nation in Europe which does not habitually employ the talents of strangers, wherever they can be most useful. *?**#* " The committee therefore recommend a dissent Irom the proposed amendment." Mr. Buchanan concurred fully iu this report and it was adopted unanimously by both Houses. TUB CHARGE OF FEDERALISM. This miserable attempt to iujure Mr. Buch anan at the present day by lugging up issues lung gone by, und with no bearing whatever upon the present contest, is thus summarily treated by Mr. Horton : " Originally the name of Federal was as honorable a designation as any other. It took its rise from those who approved of our Fede ral Constituiion, while those who felt that the Government was too consolidated, called them selves anti Federalists br Republicans; but alter the Constitution was adopted, and it was accepted as the fundamental, organic law of the land, as Jefferson truly remarked, ' We are all Federalists, we are all Republicans.' Alter the adoption of the Constitution, there fore, the term Federal, bo far us its primary signification was concerned, had no meaning. But in a few years it wus soon discovered that the very men who had approved most earnestly of the Constitution begau to claim for it doubt ful powers, and to.give it a liberal construc tion. "Mr. John Adams, the second President, was the first who boldly inaugurated this policy, and by the passage of the alien and sedition laws, overwhelmed himself and his party in disgrace. This was the first stain on the other wise fair name of Federal. Then came the war of 1812, when they completed their ruin as a party, not by opposing the war iu a reasona ble manner, but by an odious and unconstitu tional opposition, which finally terminated in a traitorous convention iu New England, to make a separate peace with (ireat Britain. These two acts destroyed the Federal party, and brought upon the name an odious re proach. "It will not be pretended by any one that Mr. Buchanan approved either of the measures to which we have referred. The principles of the Federal party were, however, as we have before observed, in favor of claiming from Congress the exercise of doubtlul powi-rs, in opposition to the doctrine of State Rights as embraced iu the Kentucky and Virginia reso lutions of 1798. They also claimed ihe power in Congress to establish a United States Bank. Yet, upon Mr. Buchanan's first appearance in public life, we find him announcing himself as opposed to a bank of this kind, and denying the power of Congress to establish such an in stitution. " Now, there is no sense or propriety in calling any man a Federalist, who has not ad vocated or supported Federal doctrines. Yet there is not an enemy of Mr. Buchanan who can point to a single act of his life which is con trary to the doctrine of State Rights, or to a strict construction of the Constituiion. From first to last, from beginning to end, he has ad hered steadily to this political faith. In the general disruption of -parties after the war of 1812, he may have technically ranked with the Federal party, but he certainly never supported a single oue of its measures, as the reader who peruses the remaining pages of this volume will be fully convinced." In support of ihe above statement, the biog rapher proceeds with a detailed narrative of Mr. Buchanan's public career, interspersing them with his Congressional action and speeches on ** Military Appropriations," the Bankrupt Bill, Internal Improvements, the Tariff Ques tion, and a host of other great forensic con tests, in which our nominee was ever found battling for the people and the best interests of society. On the tariff question it was, that in 1823, Mr. Buchunan " measured his powers with Mr. Webster in debate; and even the youthful giant of Massachusetts found his peer, at least, in the stately and careful logic of the son of Pennsylvania.'' There were giants, on all sides, on the floor of Congress iu those days, and the Franklin county farmer-boy, stood front to front among the proudest. It is impossible, in the brief limits to which we are confined, to even give a sketch of so eventful and illustrious a life. We can bat mention Mr. Buchanan's long tried and stead fast friendship for Jackson ; the impeachment of Judge Peck in 1821), and his celebrated speech thereon ; his opposition to Sectionalism of all kinds; his defence of the freedom of the press; bis almost prophetic mission to Pana ma; his splendid negotiations as a Miuinter to Russia, where he concluded, with Nesselrode, the first commercial treaty between the Czar and this Confederation, and obtained for us the advantage of Baltic commerce. On this score we have the eloquent testimony of the venera ble William Wilkins of Pittsburg, Pa., who succeeded him at St. Petersburg. After his election to the United States Sen ate iu 1833, Mr. Buchanan continued to defend the patriotic side of every question that came up. Witness his speech on the French Repri sals, Executive Patronage?his gallant sup port of Texan Independence, and many others equally interesting and important. Can the merchants of New York ever forget his warm plea in their behalf when the Relief Bill was offered in the 24th Congress after the Great Fire of 1835? Let them read his words upon that occasion and ponder well. THE LOW WAGK8 SLANDER. Compelled to pass by many brilliant episodes of Mr. Buchanan's career, we come at once to the vile accusation that be favored reduced wages for the laboring man. We extract the following true statement of the case invented by John Davis, of Massachusetts, during the great debate on the Independent Treasury Bill; "His triumphant reply to the special plead ing and sophistry of Mr. Davis was not the last compliment Mr. Buchanan paid that individual for his attack upon him. The matter would not have been of so much oonsequence had it not been that it was just previous to a Presiden tial election, and the charge of the Adminis tration being in favor of 'low wages,' was likely to be used with some advantage as an electioneering cry in the contest. Mr. Davis, in his reply to Mr. Buchanan, insisted upon the most unreasonnble and outrageous inter pretation to his remarks. "The enemies of the Independent Treasury had used as their principal argument against it, 4 that it would reduce the wages of labor.' The answer to this was, 'no, it will not have such an effect. It will give labor a much better reward than formerly, but should, perchance, the nominal standard of wages be reduced be low what it is when everything, as during a bank expansion, is at speculative prices, still the real reward of labor will not be reduced.' This is the argument on both sides in a nut shell, and yet because the friends of the ad ministration allowed that prices of all things would be less when there were no bank expan sions than when there were, they were charged with being in favor of 'low wages.' "Mr. Buchanan showed that the laboring man was never benefitted by extravagant spec ulation. Raid Mr B., 'It brings to him nothing but unmitigated evil, because the increased prices which he is compelled to pay for the ne cessaries and comforts of life, counterbalance and more than counterbalance this advantage. What he desires is regularity and stability in the business of the country.1 But what made the offence of Mr. Davis more palpable and condemnatory was the fact, that after Mr. Buchanan had replied *nd disavowed any such ! sentiments as had been attributed to him, he refused to make the amende honorable, and ?till continued his pettifogging play upon words." Every successive scene of Senatorial labor was signalized by some new proof of Mr. Bucb anau's legislative knowledge and statesman ship. His great arguments ou the McLeod case, the Veto Power, and the Board of Ex chequer, are monument* by themselves suffi cient to perpetuate his tame, ilis exertions in the Twenty-eighth Cougress, in behalf of a Territorial Government for Oregon and the Annexation of Texas deserve equal remem brance I At length came the electiou of James K. Polk as President of the American Republic. Mr. Buchanan was made Secretary of State, and bow glorious is the record of bis services? The conduct of the War with Mexico, the Ore gon Boundary Negotiation, the Treaty with Mexico, the Acquisition of California, all were the result of his splendid abilities. THK IKISH MOVEMENT. We simply appropriate the subjoiued re cord : "'Another important discussion which occur red during Mr. Buchanan's Secretaryship, was one with the British Government in regard to American citizens said to have been engaged in the Irish revolution of 1848. England claimed the right to try individuals for treason to her own Government who were duly natu ralized citizens of ours?in a word, it was her old impressment doctrine of once a British subject always a British subject." "The controversy arose in the following manner: Two gentlemen, Messrs. Bergen and Ryan, had expressed themselves in this country as warmly sympathizing with the cause of Ireland, and while on a visit to that country were arrested solely for the utterance of their opinions in this country. It is almost need less to say that an act so high-handed and out rageous received from Mr. Buchanan the at tention it deserved. Id a letter of instruction to Mr. Bancroft then Minister to England he says: u Whenever the occasion may require it, you will resist the British doctrine of perpetual al legiance, and maintain the American principle that British native-born subjects, after they have been naturalized under our laws, are, to all intents and purposes, as much American citizens and entitled to the same degree of protection, as though they had been born in the United States. " Mr. Bancroft, in accordance with these in structions, addressed a letter to Lord Palmer ston denying the right of the British Govern ment, under the circumstances, to arrest Messrs. Bergen and Ryan, and the effect of this decided action on the part of our Govern ment was the liberation of the two gentlemen from custody." Distinguished above all its predecessors for the magnitude of its achievements, the appro priateness and wisdom of its foreign appoint ments, and the solid wisdom of its policy, the Secretaryship of the great Pennsylvanian left the following result: " When Mr. Buchanan left the State Depart ment, our country was at peace at home and abroad. Our territory had been enlarged, and our commerce extended. Not long after un told riches were flowing into the country j pros perity was everywhere visible; our cities were growing with unexampled rapidity; the fertile prairies of the West were being intersected with railroads, and dotted with villages, and an impulse had been universally given to busi ness, which no one can deny was directly owing to the statesmanlike foresight that had opened California to the adventurous spirit of Ameri can genius and enterprise." The later portions of these dazzling annals are familiar to the whole .people. Mr. Buch anan's dignified and fruitful mission to Eng land, and his nomination, on the 6th of June, 1856, to the Presidency of the United States, are benefitting corollaries to the demonstra tion of a life so eminently useful to our coun try, and in the grand principle it has illustrated to our race. Entering his sixty sixth year, Mr. Buchanan retains all the fire and energy of youth. With an intellect undimmed, and a heart that yet beats high to the noble sentimeuts which in spired his most brilliant efforts, he is ready to grapple with the enemies of the Republic, and to add a page to her history, which, in the providence of God, through the mighty events that already cast their fore-coming shadows over approaching years, may be as refulgent as any in her history. To use again the eloquent language of his biographer: "This Union with its inestimable blessings, its patriotic associations, its trial of the ca pacity of men for self-government, is so invalu able to the cause of suffering humanity through out the world, that should the American peo ple, with sacrilegious hands, tear down this noble temple of liberty, they would deserve, as they would undoubtedly receive, the just contempt and execration of posterity. "To restore peace to our already distracted country, to unite once more the bonds of fra ternal feeling between all sections, and in the language of the immortal Washington, 'to frown indignantly upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest," we cannot but believe that an overwhelming majority, North as well as South, will insist upon placing in the Presi dential chair the consistent statesman, the pure patriot, aud the honest man, James Buch anan." Mr. Horton has accomplished his delicate and difficulty task with rare felicity, and has given us, with the full details of all the events and debates to which we have but passingly alluded, a manual which should be in the hands of every American citizen, llow pale beside it will grow the factious and premature extol ment of incipient scientific research and ro mantic mountain adventure ! Here is the illus trious record of a long lifetime devoted to the service of the republic in the most arduous fields of intellectual endeavor?there a pleas ing story of ' hair-breadth's scapes and ven tures perilous.' Place the one name at the head of this na tion, and it will be a diadem of feonor for the world to reverence I Write the other there, and while the ene mies of liberty secretly exult, the people and and the age will mourn 1 Rights of Foot Pkiitn|*ri. The rights of foot passengers in our streets was the subject of an important decision in the Municipal Court to-day. A hackman was con dinned to four months' imprisonment for tres passing upon these rights and running over a foot passenger. The Court stated the rule of law in such cases to be that carriages had no paramount rights of way in the streets, and that drivers were bound at all times to heed the rights of those on foot and to exerftse due care for their safety. This is a timely decision, and will tend, it is to b? hoped, to lessen a great and growing evil. All law, however, in this respect, is practically disregarded every day; and foot passengers are treated, not only as if they had no legal rights, bnt as if they had no claims to the courtesies and accommo dations of society. Long habit and impunity have emboldened drivers of carriages, and of wagons and other teams, especially to insist upon what they seem to imagine to be their priority of right, and to hinder and annoy, and even to endanger the safety of foot passen gers, by always claiming the precedence in the privileges of the highway. An insulting ad monition to "get out of the way" is a frequent mode of defining the rights and privileges of foot passengers. The present decision will bring the matter home to the minds of those who seem to need information on the subject, and teach them at least that thoy are amena ble to law for the manner in which they exer cise their vocations in the crowded world. [Boston Traveller, of Friday. Addrtt* of Hon. J. C. A1U?. To the People of the Seventh Congressional District Illinois. The contest so long pending between Col. Archer and myself tor a scat as the representa tive from thin District iu the Congress of the United Stales is at leugth settled. The House on the 18th inst., by virtue of that constitutional provision which devolves upon it the duty of determining the election of its own members, adjudged the seat vacant, and referred the matter back to the people ot the district. ... <? I shall not at this time go into the history ot the causes that led to this result, or make any commentary upon the conclusions to which the majority arrived in their investigations ol the law and the evidence. _ The law of Congress prescribing the duty ot contestants, aud the course they shall pursue iu giving notices and in taking testimony, is as plain and unmistakable as any law ol our State. The provisions of this law were from the hrst wholly disregarded by Col. Archer, both in his notice of contest and in bis subsequent proceed ings; and it would have been folly upon my part to have takeu testimony iu support ot my right to a seat with the hope that any evidence I might have taken would have re ceived a moment's consideration by a House that would disregard the plain and unmistaka ble provisions of a law of Congress. ^ The election took place on the 7th of No vember, 1854. Col. Archer had from that time until the 22d of May, 1856, (nearly nine teen months,) to prepare his testimony. Much of the testimony submitted by him was takeu without auy notice whatever to me, and was therefore ex parte. A majority ot the Committee of Elections were his political friends and ad visers, aud played throughout the whole investi gation the part of partisans rather than judges. They decided to receive and consider his evi dence, ex parte as much of it was. They kept the case open until he could return home and get additional evidence, in violation ol all law and all precedent; and in the report winch the majority finally made to the House, they dis torted the testimony; they set at defiance the law and all parliamentary custom ; they violated the well-settled law of evidence iu their deduc tions from the facts proven; and yet, with this nineteen months' labor of Col. Archer, und six months' labor and delay of the committee, with all the appliances his party leaders, unscrupu lous as they are known to De, could devise, and largely in the majority as they are, they have succeeded iu depriving this district ot a repre sentative. In the meantime, I have been "pursuingthe even tenor of my way." I had been declared duly elected, and had received my commission under the seal of the State, and was endeavor ing to discharge my duty as your representative under that authority. I took no testimony?I asked no delay?I threw no obstacles in the way of an early report upon die subject from the committee, other than to insist upon my rights under the law ; and with a House two thirds of which were opposed to me politically, Colonel Archer was unable to get up such a case as would justify them in giving him a seat. It is proper that I should advert to the vote ot the House on the resolutions reported by the majority of the Committee of Elections. The first was one declaring that I " was not entitled to a seat." On this resolution 94 members voted yea, and 90 voted nay. Of the 90 who voted against this resolution, believing that 1 was entitled to it, 24 were politically opposed to me. On the second, which declared Colonel Ar cher was entitled to the seat, there were yeas 89, nays 91?27 of the opposition voting with my friends against the right of Colonel Archer. It was gratifying to me personally to be sus tained by those who were politically opposed to me, and with whom Cojonel Archer bad been politically affiliated; and at the fn ^e time should afford conclusive proof to all i. >iased minds of the gross injustice perpetrated in de priving me of a seat to which 1 had been un questionably elected. But I have no com plaints to make. I will let the people of the district redress their wrongs through the ballot box, when I believe they will put their seal of condemnation upon a party whose leaders have shown, in all their proceedings during the present Congress, where party ends were to be subserved, an utter disregard of the laws of the land, aud of every priuciple of justice. It will become your duty to select some one to fill this vacancy during the coming fall. Owing to the delay of the committee in calling up this case for a final hearing, it is not prob able that an election could be ordered and a member returned before the adjournment of the present session. Although questions vitally affecting the welfare of our country will doubt less be before the House, that district can have no voice in their consideration and adjustment. This is much to be regretted, for if ever there was a time when measures of a just and hon orable domestic peace were demanded, that lime is now. The wildest fanaticism, fed by a debauched press, and fanned by a horde of reckless and unprincipled adventurers, steeped in and reek ing with the dregs of political infamy, has raised the standard of revolt against the Con stitution and the laws, and threatened the over throw of our republican institutions and a dis solution of the bands of a common political brotherhood. For the first time in the hiatorj of this Con federacy we have a large political partj organ ized upon purely sectional grounds, whose "watchword" is war upon one^ialf the States of this Union; over whose "club rooms," and in whose public procesaions, are to be seen banners with but sixteen stars. Such signs are portentous of evil, and wo ought uot to close our eyes to the danger. This sectional party have their candidates in the field for the Presidency aud Vice Presi dency: Colonel Fremont for President, whose entire experience in the national councils is covered by a service of thirty days in the Sen ate of the United States ; the other, Dayton, of New Jersey, who has been longer in political life, but who acquired his principal notoriety by abandoning Clay and Webster and allying himself with Seward and Qiddings in the struggle over the Compromise of 1850. Who were the active friends of this sectional ticket in the convention that nominated it, and what are their sentiments upon the subject of the Constitution and the Tj nion ? I take a few extracts from sentiments uttered by some of the most prominent of this party who labored most assiduously for these nominations: " I look forward to the day when there shall be a servile insurrection in the South?when the black man, armed with British bayonets, and led on by British officers, shall assert his freedom, and wage a war of extertninntion against his master?when the torch of the in cendiary shall light up the towns and cities of the South, and blot out the last vestige of slavery ; and though I may not mock at their calamity, nor laugh when their fear cometb, yet I will hail it as the dnwn of a political millennium."?Joshua R. Giddings. " There is a higher law than the Constitution which regulates our authority oyer tbe domain. * * ft (slavery) oan and must be abolish ed, and you and I must do it. * # Correct your own error that slavery has any constitu tional guarantees which may not be released, and ought not to be relinquished. ? * Yoa will soon bring the parties of the country into an effective aggression upon slavery."? 1F?. H. Sev>ard. " The Whig party la not only dead, but stinks "-*-Beyamin F. Wade. "I am willing, in a certain state of circum stances, TO LCT THE UNION St.lDE."?*Kai. P. Banks. "In the cm* of the alternative being pre sented of the continuance of slavery or a dis solution of the Union, 'I am for dissolution, % and 1 care not koto quick it cornet.' "?liufut P. Spaldiny. " On the Action of this convention depend* the fate of the country ; if the republican* fall at the ballot-box, wtc will be forced to drive BACK THE SLAVKOCBACY WITH Kl RE AND SWORD." [Jamea Watson Webb. " Th? times demand, and wo must have, an ANTl-SLAVEKY CONSTITUTION, an ANTI-SLAVERY Bible, and an anti-slavery God."?Anton Burlmyame. "I have no doubt that the free and s'ave States ouyht to separate."?J. S. P.,of the Neva York Tribune. "It is the duty of the North, in case they fail in electing a President and a Congress that will restore freedom to Kansas, to revolu* (ionize the government."?[Resolution of a black-republican meetiny in Wisconsin. " I pray daily that this accursed Union may be dissolved, even if blood have to be spilt. ' [Black-republican clergyman at Pouyhkeepaie. " We earnestly request Congress, at its pre sent session, to take such initiatory measures for the speedy, peaceful, and equitable disso lution of the existing Union, as the exigencies of the case may require."?[Black-republican petition to Conyress. "The Union is not worth supporting in con nexion with the South."?Uorace Greeley. Some of these sentiments were uttered in the very convention that nominated B'remont and Dayton, and were received with rapturous ap plause. Are you prepared to ally yourselvee with, or place yourselves under the direction of, such men ? It behooves all who cherish the Union for what it has been to us in the past, and who would look to the Constitution as a light to guide us in the future, to heed well the steps they take in the coming struggle; to weigh well the consequeuces that will inevitably fol low the triumph of this sectional party, gov erned and controlled as it must be, by men holding sentiments, a few specimens of which I have given above. But the limits of this letter will not permit me to pursue this subject further. 1 hope shortly to have the privilege of dis cussing these subjects at length before the people of the district. Grateful for the kindness you have shown me in the past, and with a sincere desire for your prosperity in the future, I remain, your obedient servant, J. C. ALLEN. From the New York Sun. Freedom of the Pulpit. A new phraze?" Freedom of the Pulpit"? has got into the newspapers. It has originated in the controversy about the propriety of clergy men preaching on politics in the pulpit. It is a vague, ill-conceived, and mischievous phraie. Freedom of speech means freedom to contra diet as well a& freedom to assert. We all un derstitnd what iree discussion means, but we all just as well know that pulpit preaching and pulpit teaching are dogmatic. The pulpit is for the preacher and the pews for his hearers. He is the instructor and they are the learners. We might as well talk about the freedom of the professor's rostrum or the schoolmaster's desk as about the freedom of ihe pulpit, unless we mean that-the pulpit should be equally free to the congregation and the pastor to carry on discussions on the topics introduced in his dis courses. But if by freedom of the pulpit is meant liberty for clergymen to talk as they like in the pulpit, then may not the bearers claim the liberty of judging of the propriety of their discourses, of being pleased or not, and of marking their pleasure or displeasure in any proper and becoming way? If this is not al lowed?if it be held wrong in congregations to object to being treated to political lectures from the pulpit, from which they expect spiritual in struction and admonitions, the freedom claimed for the pulpit is a one-sided thing?and is not freedom but licentiousness. The Sabbath, the Christian believes, was instituted as a day of rest from worldly avoca tions and cares?as a day of rest from the toils, contentions and irritating thoughts and anxie ties of the other six days of the week?as a day typical of that future rest where the sane ti?ed and exalted creature will enjoy perfect happiness in the praise and glorification of his Creator. To the Christian, then, who thus views the Sabbath, it can never be pleasing or Erofitable to have the solemn exercises of God's ouse disturbed by political discussions ; and it will grieve him to see a zeal which should, in a worshipping assembly, be all directed to leading the thoughts and the hearts of the wor shippers up tii the great Object of their adora tion, bestowed upon the contentions and ttrife of this world, >ind employed in implanting and deepening prejudices, passions and hatred which divide and vex society. There is a time for everything, and the cler gymen may talk politics as freely as any other man at the proper times, but when he claims to mingle his politics with his ministrations at God's altar, on the Sabbath day, he risks the dignity of the sanctity of his office. We warn clergymen of the danger which it will work to the vital interests of religion, if they descend from their high position as minister* oi Christ to be mere zealous partisans in the political agitations of the day. They will be serving their Master better if they can send their peo ple from the bouse of prayer resolved hence forth to be on Qod's side, than if they should send them away resolved to vote for a par ticular party at the next election. From the CheMer County Democrat. Anecdote of Jemaa Buchanan. Aside from his superior statesmanship and his admitted competency for the Presidency, it is not exaggerated praise to affirm, that no public man in the United States enjoys a more unsullied personal reputation than James Bu chanan. When vipers assail him, they gnaw a file. Before his unspotted personal excel lence, the grizzly form of calumny shrinks abashed into her gloomy caverns. In proof of the eminent personal uprightness of James Buchanan many interesting facts might be stated. For the present a single one pill suf fice. When Mr. Buchanan first entered Congress, it was the universal custom for Senators and Representatives, not only to frank their own correspondence, but to grant their frank freely to friends, whenever requested. 'ihe rates of postage then being mncn higher than at pres ent, a large amount of revenue w# thus kept out of the coffers of Uncle Sam. On certain occasions a leading friend of Mr. Bnchanan approached him, handing him a large letter, or package, requesting his frank as a Repre sentative in Congress. " Is the letter on public business, asked Mr. Buchanan, turning it in his hand. u It is a letter on private business," said the other, "a letter containing an enclosure to my wifip. As the postage will amount to full one dollar, I am anxious to *ave it" "Sir," said Mr. Buchanan, with marked em phasis, M If you are poor, I will give yon a dol lar?biit, so long as I am connected with Gov ernment, by no act of mine will I ever oonsent to defraud the National Treasury out of one cent of its honest revenue. Never, sir, never, never." And this was characteristic of the man. The game uprightness has he exhibited throughout 1 his entire public career, 80 tenacious, we learn, was Mr. Buchanan over the just inter esta of the Government, that lie would not frank a letter of his own when on private busi neas. He that is faithful in the least, is fhithful also in the greatest. To such a man can the Presidency 0/the United States be committed with perfect safety. conarusa. thk bu<ti, July 22. concuried in tb? actios of the Home ia subaeituting the ] >lb instead oi the 11th of August proximo, at noon, a. the tune for the termination of the present session of Con gress?by to ameudinir their (the Senate's) joint resolution to that end, passed in the course of ill* morning. At the conclusion of the day's discussion on the bill to protect American discoverers of deposits of guano? Mr. mason moved to take up the resolution declaring, the notice for the termination of the Sound Due* treaty with Denmark, already (riven by the President, to be sufficient; not agreed to? yeas 10, nays 20. The bill for the improvement of the harbor of Racine. Wiaconsin, was then tak*n up and pissed ?yea* 24, nnya 12. And next taking up the bilj to continue the im provement of thn harbor of Tenoaha, Wisconsin, it waidebated by Mes?rs. Hunter, Ma?on, Butler, Toombs, Ad >ms, Cl.?>\ ?nd othera againct i>, and Messrs. Caaa, Pugh, Durkee, Seward, and othrrs for it, until 4 p. m.; when it was passed?yea* 20, nays 13?and they adjourned. in the Houseok reprbsicmtativks, resolutions from the Elections Committee declaring that Bird B Chapman is not and that Hirnm P. Bennett is entitled to the delegate'* seat in tbe hall, from Nebraska, waa debated by Messrs Jewett, Foster, and Stephens, of Georgia, against them, and Mr. Washburn, of Maine, for them. Mr. Chapman then defended his right to the seat in an hour'a speech, and was replied to by Mr. Bennett. Tbe question being put on the first resolution? that ousting Mr. Chapman, it wa* not agreed to? yeaa C3, nays 69. Pending Mr. Cadwallader's motion to lav on the table a motion made by h>m to reconsider that vote, they adjourned. Tn the Senate, July 23, after much mnrn:ng business had been transacted, an invit lion wsa received from C. Vanderbilt to the Senate inviting them to visit hia steamship now lyinr off the navy yard ; laid on the table and ordered to be printed. The bill for the relief of Donn Piatt, la'e United Statea Secretary of Legation at Paris. ? as dis cussed by many Senators. In the Horsx. on motion of Mr. barksoalx, it was voted to bold night sessions dn-ing the ba' anceof the current week for general debate only. The Speaker laid before tbe House an invita tion from C Vanderbilt, of New York city, to visit his steamahip, the Vanderbilt. (now anchored off the Washington Navy Yard.) on Saturday morning next; laid on the table and ordered to be printed. The question then arose on the pending motion to lay on the table the pending motion to recon sider the vote by which the Housa yesterday re fused to agree to the resolution from the Elec tion Coirmittee; and it was laid on the table. M. SNYDER &, SON, BANKERS. DEALERS IN LAND WARRANT? AND DOMESTIC EXCHANOr. No. 386, Pen n. A v., (National Hotel bui'ding ) Washington City, D. C.. THE PEOPLES' NEW EDITION. IN PRESS, and will be published Immedi ately, THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF THE HOW. JAMBS BUCHANAN, With Portrait fiom a Photograph by Brady. l ino. Paper. 25 cents. Dealers and Committees supplied at low rates. Address orders to the Publishers LIVERMORE & RUDD. 310 Broadway, New York. June 28?3t HYGEIA HOTEL, Old Point ComforU-I This most delightful Summer Resort, this mo?t inviting on the Southern seaboard, for varied attraction excelled by none in the country, convenient to the salt bath and all the luxuries of the salt water region, in broad view of Hampton Roads ana the Chesapeake Bay, and with nn extensive military post l>eside it. has passed to the proprietorship of the undersigned, and will In opened for the public reception on the 10th of June, after which date it will not be again closed. To no locality in all the land can the votary of pleasure or the seeker for health resort with better assurance of gratification. Disease at Old Point Comlort any season is almost uuknown ; for health, indeed, it rivala the most secluded retreat of the mounfain interior. Kor the chief management the proprietor has engaged a gentleman who possesses the be*t aptitude for the management of a first-class watering place, while his own supervision will guard the comfort of guests and the reputation of the establishment. m?y 20?3uw3m JOS. SEGAR. MRS. FRANKLIN respectfully informs the Ladies of Washington thst she continues to give instruction in Vocal Music. From her long experience and professional intercourse with the Ix-st Artute* of Europe and America, she feels confident that her method of cultivating the voice and imparting correctness of style and expression will render satisfaction. For terms and hour* apply to Mrs F. at her resi dence 405 E street, between 9th and 10th streets. Reference is made to Mr. R. Davis and Mr. G. Hilbus, st their Music Stores on Pennsylvania Avenue. Dec 13 ' IHK MOUNTAIN MOUSE,** At Capon Sprlnga, Va., ILL be opened for the reception of visitors on Monday, the 16th day of June Ttrms for Board. First week S14 Second week 10 Third week 8 Four weeks or 28 days (I mon'h .... 35 Children and coloreu >ervasts half price. T. L BLAKEMORE, Proprietor. May 27? lm ONrMANUOOU, AND ITS PREMATURE DECLINE. Jnat Publlahed, Gratia, the ?Oth Tfcoamnd. A FEW WORDS ON THE RATIONAL Treatment, without Medicine, ol Sperma torrhea or Local Weakness, Nocturnal Emissions, Genital and Nervoua Debility, lmpoteucy, and impediments to Marriage generally. BY B. DE LANEY, M. D. The important fact thai the many alarming com plaints, originating in the imprudence and solitude of youth, may be eaaily removed truktrut Medtctnr. it, in this smalt tract, clearly demonstrated; and the entirety new and highly successful treatment, as adopted by the Author, fully explained, by means of which every on? is enabled to cure fW/perfectly snd at the least possible cosi. thereby avoiding all the advertised nostrums of the day. Sent to any address, gratis and post free in s sealed envelope, by remitt ng (ptist paid) two postage stamps to Ur B. DE LANEY, 17 Liape nsrd street, New York City WINCHESTER MEDICAL COLLEGE. [ WINCHKSTKH, VIRGINIA j rpilE next Annual Messina or thla InatU w T tution will commence on the 1st of October, and continiia until May following. FAOULTT. Hugh H. McGuire, M. D., Professor of Surgery and Physiology : i. Philip Smith, M. D., Professor of Practice of Medictne and l)bsieirics; Alfred B. Tucker, M. D., Professor of Anstomy, Che -i istry. and Materia Medica. Fees for the whole course, #100; matriculation fee, S5; dissecting ticket, (once only,) $10 j diplo ? ma fee, t20. The course pursued is that of dm If examina tions on the preceding lecture; generally bet two and never more than three lectures sre delivered during the dsy. The study of practical anatomy may be pursued st a trifling expense Clinical etitures delivered during the session. By s recent act of the General Assembly, the College educates fftttn young men from the State of Virginia, free of all expense for tuition, use ol rooms, dec. It is required that applicants should be of good, moral character, and unable to pur sue their studies at their own expense. For fur. ther information apply to ALFRED B TUCKER, M. D., Deaa* May 1?3twO!