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UKUAKKAIIliK ? Or, we should rather have said not Remarka ble, that nearly all the infidel* of the laixl are in the ranks of (be Black Republicans. All the soi-disant reverends who renounce and de nounce the (iod of the Bible are amoDg the uiosl noisy, unscrupulous and habitual falsifiers of thai party. They art? men who suck sub stance froura dupes all around, but who af ford no wholesome nourishment for body or soul to any one. These reverends have abandoned the teaching of their flocks, the holy precept# and examples of the Saviour; they have ceased to iuculcate charity and brotherly kindness, the loving of our neighbor as ouraelf; they have ceased to warn themselves and iheir people to cast out the beam from their own eye before ruiling at the mole in a brother's eye. The sermon on the Mount is no longer heard in their churches? Bnt in their stead a fierce and unrelenting hate towards uuoflendintf brethren is daily preached by those "dogs in foreheads but deer in heart," the Beechers, Sillimans, Parkers, Phillips's, and et id omne genu*. For Bibles, Sbarpe's rifles are substituted, aud for psalms and hymns, doggerel instigating sedition and discord have been substituted. What crimes or sins has the South com mitted, and of which the North is innocent, that a warfare should be carried on by the North against the South with such unsparing, relentless malignity, villifying and slandering the South, its people and nil their institutions. We plat-fa truthful picture before our readers, and leave them to judge how tar the South is justly subject to censure and such virulent hos tility from the North; of the propriety of the North passing sentence of unmitigated con demnation, and uf wreaking its utmost ven geance regardless even of the a;gis of the Con stitution. THE CASE STATED. Ij j r subjection to Great Britaiu as c denies, the South then, as now, uere without shipping. Then, us subsequently, up to the period of the abolition of the slave trade with A tVica, lbe importation of slaves frotn Africa was made by the* English and the North. Upon i/'iexr, and these alone, does the whole stigma of African slavery in this country rest. The South w wholly exempt from reducing freemen to slacery. The North is steeped to the eyes, crimson dyed with this enormous guilt. The North ba3 received profits from this guilty trade, which, being invested as received, now exceeds the enormous sum of two thou sand millions of dollars. With this enormous fruit of its guilt in its pocket, the North sits in judgment on the South, making itself accuser, witness, judge, Mid executioner. The offence charged upon the South is this: that (he North having violently and wickedly reduced many hundred thousand freemen to slavery?having packed them, like herring, in holds of ship*, where nearly one-fourth died from anffering, and having brought them to this country, offered them for sale to the South 03 slaves for life, they and their posterity, until the will of their owners should emancipate them. They furnished bills of sale guaran teeing all this, and each northern man, with his own sign mannual, gave receipt for the con sideration. The South, finding the negroes in acknowledged, perpetual slavery to these north ern men, who gave guarantee that the right to hold the negroes and their posterity in per petual bondage was indisputable, purchased and paid the price for the guarantee. With this admitted state of the case, the North not only refuses to restore these slaves thus purchased when they escape to them, but seek by every thieving, sneaking and dishonor able means to steal and to entice away the people who they themselves first enslaved and then sold into slavery, but also do this in de fiance of a Bolemn compact made by every northern State, pledging its sacred honor to its fulfilment. Not only this, but they protest against one of these slaves going into any portion of the common and immense federal domain, belong ing equally to the holders of the slaves as to the northern men. The South is condemned by the North, (tbe Black Republican North,) to lose their slaves when they escape to the North, to have every slave kidnapped, seduced, or stolen by the North without reserve, hesitation or limit. To have the slaves in tbe District of Columbia forcibly manumitted; in addition to the full price paid the North for these slaves, the North now requires, in addition, tbe abandon ment by the South, with their slaves, of all right or pretension to any portion of their own domain, a domain in which they are with the North joint and equal tenants. This was cer tainly no part of the original contract when bills of sale were given for the slaves, nor is there any trace of any such subsequent pro vision. The North would also prohibit the inter State slave trade or commerce, and pro hibit the passage of slaves from one State to another. Tho North itself held in slavery as manv negro*? as it found profitable. How did the Northern States get rid of slavery? By eman cipation? No. . They did not pass law* eman cipating all who were their slaves, bat they did pass laws to the effect that, if tbe owners of slaves did not by a certain time sell their slaves oat of the State, that then they should be free. Under this law, of course, ail were told except those whose owners were willing to set them free, and needed no law to do so. Thus it c/earli/ appeart no Northern State ener emanci pated tin $ la ret. Having thus imported slaves and sold tbem to the South as long as the law allowed; hav ing worked as many of them at tbe North as were profitable, and as long as they were pro fitable. they then emancipate them into slavery at the S(>uth for a full consideration. The laws trere late* for emancijyatiny the Northern States from negroes, and nothing ?else; they were laws to relieve themselves from bnrdens, not for the freedom or welfare of the neicro; from no motive of philanthropy or mercy, but a told calculation of their own interests and convenience; it was an emancipation for which fuM value for the slaves was received, and by which the negroes were cpnsigned into a designed perpetual slavery for a full consid eration received. Without referring to the immense proiil which these same men have received for trans porting the products of slave-labor, from the manufacturing these products, from the sup plies furnished to the slaves and their masters, we will simply say? That with this record before it the North sits in judgment on the South and announces the verdict: It discards the old adage that "the receiver is as Imi<1 as the thief," and its verdict stands? " That the receiver is alone the guilty oue." The thief is not only guiltless in their esti mation, but he is the very proper person to ac cuse, prosecute, testify against, judge, condemn and execute the receiver; the very thief who assured the receiver that his title to the slave was perfect and absolute and who had given a guarantee of title to the receiver against every such claimant. The judge is the Northern thief, with the consideration and guarantee money in his pocket, setting in judgment on the Southern receiver, who holds the judge's own bill of sale, receipts and guarantee of title in his hands. Yet the honest thief judge, chinking his guilt money, in his pocket, condemns his Southern receiver. This is a plain unvarnished truthful state ment in which scarce half the enormity of Northern guilt is shown, and but a portion of the monstrous injustice to the South appears. We will exhibit this in a separate article. Til KM ISSOL'Rl LIMK OF OfPICR. I", late article up,,,, ,h. diauster. lhal would en.ue from the election of j. C. Fremont to lb. Presidency, we merely ,HWI the oce of appointment. to office i? .he Souther,, . "ten. U, a,e luduced to present thi, ,iew again, because it U In our ,?.morj. ,hul th<J . atw.,a! hra some year or more aince, rather advocated the coo6,,e,.,eot of federal nppoint men,, to the North, eve, ?he? the duL of those other, ?ere to Le performed within tho Souther,i State.. IVe regret we have not a file of the hra tl?, n,ijrht ,he bel|er do Justice to tt and the subject, by a transfer of Hi article to our column,. 1? the discussion or ?*e sul'J7,a' ? ?? aware that complain, ma, he justly lodged against us, for repetition of Mews previously presented ; hut this should be excused by the necessity of making the appro pnate application of the poinu, which we are oft,,, induced to make. The true l,asi, of the Federal Un.on, and the considerations which induced it, arc familiar t0 a|1> ^ ^ mg from the present condition of parties, it would seem not wholly a work of supereroga tion to repeat then, again, and again. We 'Wwe, fail in this reiteration, be cause of th. wilful deafness or hardened and 8 nature of ouj adversaries. I When the Union of these States was consum. mated the institution of.I.vcry existed it, all of then, but one. 1 he causesofits non-existence in bat one were not based upon any repugnance L T? K ' ?' a"7 8ick'r PtiUathmpy 'he 8"bJect "fiatever. Had this been the thc record would h"e shown it, and had the question of the right of property in slave, even been ?oo/?d, the concln.ion u inevitable L?;00 would ??" have been accotn pushed. The ncojnUion of the in.titution of s avery then, was not only unanimous by the State, but in twxlve oct or rex th,rtx?.?, " ""'?>? and that, too, without even a remonstrance from the one that formed the exception! But furthermore: Out of the thirteen States there were seven Northern, and .ix Southern tales; the North thus having a majorUy at the *ery first date of the confederacy. Of the seven Northern States, ai* were slave Stale*, and one free State. Considering that this free btate made no objection to the institution of slavery ,n her sister State., we may justly as sume (particular)/ when we remember that De laware is mere! j in theory a slave State) that the I ?rthe"1 Su,e" had ? practical majority, and hence, having this institution before, and at the time and subsequent to their membership i? the I mon, that they are responsible for its ex istence in the Union. The South, if she had so willed, had not the power to keep slavery out of the Union, because a majority of the whole number, and that majority made up of Northern (and now free) Slates, recognized and enjoyed it I Thus it will not be controverted, that the right of property in .laves ... . ri?bl to, co-eval witb, and .uhsequent to the adnp tion of the Federal Constitution?that it was not only an inherent and undisputed right, but was one of those right, that entered into the compact as clearly as any other right at ail that it was a right guarded, guaranteed and protected by the Constitution, and which can not be abated, but by the nullification of that instrument itself. With this plain, but veritable statement of the rights of the State, in slave property at the period of the compact between the States, and the definition of thoM rights, under the Con stitution, which pertain to them in the Terri tories or common domain of all the State., we come to consider the humiliating condition of ihings in this connection at the present time, ! It will be seen from what we have to ssy urther, that it is no longer an idle threat, if ib*. Abolitionists succeed in electing their ticket, that the equality of the Southern States is to utterly destroyed, and all her rights, privi *g*s,and immunities under the Constitution "!'' >,! sharnelessly iguored and repudiated. * hat is ,he ,ute of lhfi CMe? A CWn r. .nlt ^ Slavery party 0f the country . called, and in ? ' It is termed a Convention. That thi. is a misnomer may be inferred b, the fact, that there -ere but about half . down men found who were base enough to claim that they represented, in it. deliberation.?a St/uthern constituency. Fifteen of the States thus wore unrepresented. A ticket was nominated by this national Convention, presenting for the suf frages of the American people two individuals, both residing in free State, and holding opin ions not only foreign to, but in positive antag I onisrn with, the constitutional right, and inter ests of one half of the State, of Jthe Union. I wo individual., who cannot obtain a .ingle score of voters throughout the whole extent of this section of the Confederacy! The princi ple. enunciated by thi. national Convention are at war with the Constitution and in auda- ' cioua defiance of all moral aud political rights. No sooner in this initiative treason aud treach ery accomplished, than, emboldened by their own achievement, they fling out their piratical banners with fifteen of the States stricken from the constellated gallaxy of the American Unioul Elected by a section of the Uuion, without the aid of the other section on the one hand, or the power successfully to resist this evil on the other, they cotue flushed with their treasonable victory to take the reins of Gov ernment. Discarding, in advance, the Consti tution as the chart by which their administra tion should be guided?spurning us inferiors fifteen of the sovereign members of the Union? trampling under the despotic heel of hellish power all of their rights and privileges?shear ing them of their proud dignity ns equals? levelling thein to the condition ol hewers of wood and drawers of water?constituting them a serfdom to do the behests of their high will uud pleasure; and, as if these were not enough, to sting them with the further humiliation of having the Federal offices within their own limits filled by the fiendish etuissuries from their own foul and corrupt dominions, that the seed of domestic insurrection may be sown, or the torch of the midnight- incendiary success fully applied to their once happy and peaceful homes. This is the character of the men, and these the principles of the party, who have como forth, like the great Philistine of Goth, to defy the living armies of Gud and Liberty, of Right and Reason, of Justice and the Con stitution! Is it an exaggerated picture? A Missouri line of office is to be run! This is their scheme; for, not content with bowing you down, men of the South, in humiliation and disgrace, their cormorant maws as insatia ble as that of their great chief, demand even the offices within your household. But, sup pose there were bounds to their lust of power and pelf, how could the Government be car ried on under the rule of this black crew, who set at naught every principle of common hon esty and truth? Suppose, with a mockery of favor to you, they were willing to fill the Fed eral offices with men from your midst, where are the cravens to be found to hold them under such an administration ? Where are the col lectors and surveyors of your ports, the post masters of your cities, and the judges and the marshals of your Federal districts? Even the pure ermine of justice must draggle in the mire of corruption and putrescence, and be subservient t6 the destructive fiat of a central power without scruple or principle. From the election of Fremont, two proposi tions must ensue?disunion, or a tame sub mission to the most disgraceful bondage. We will not depict the train of tragedies and the frightful destruction that would follow the first. But what Southern heart does not beat quickly with offended and indignant pride at the con templation of the only alternative of disunion? the most revolting form of political slavery. Fifteen Soutuebn States stripped of their power, dignity and equality! Fifteen South ern States made the vassals of a horde of corrupt vandals, to whose natures virtue is a stranger, and in whose conceptions honesty has no place. We will not doubt, under such circumstances, the patriot spirit of all true lovers of tli^ Constitution will be aroused, and that when the i^os of November come they will be mingling their gratulations over a victory in which peace, order and equality are pre served in every State of our glorious Union. The issue is before you?Seclionalisn and its corollary, Disunion?or the Constitution and the Union under, the Constitution! Choose ye which you will have. HOLD THEM HKMPOMHIOLK. The Black Republican majority in Congress having charge of the entire business before it, hax allowed eight months of the session to pass in shameful an in designed disregard of the public interests and the public business. It has wasted the money of the public trea sury with prodigality, and no bill of public in terest has yet been passed. The Topeka Con stitution, being a Peter Funk operation to create excitement and to consume time. We have already, early in the session, sounded the alarm, that a settled purpose existed in the Black Kcpublican ranks to make this a *et>aion of plunder; that to accomplish their purpose, this party would deny the Senate the right to pass the first Appropriation bills, because they would be brought forward early in the session, be fully discussed and intelligently acted upon; that this was precisely what this party did not want, it designed neither itself to allow full op portunity for discussion, nor to permit the Senate to afford it, but by delaying all action on money matters, to jam busineas into the last few days, and then to rush through their plundering schemes. We again sound the alarm and earnestly solicit the watchful attention of the public and of good men in Congress of every party, to vote down and throw out every item, which bears not conclusive evidence of its propriety. We are pained to learn that the Black Re publicans boast that there are Democrats enough who have "axes of their own to grind" which will enable these Republicans to log-roll their plundering schemes through Congress. These Democrats who have bills which are deserving, and ought to pass, should not per mit themselves to be ensnared by the Republi cans. Let them frankly and boldly bring for-' ward their measures, relying upon their in trinsic merit. Their constituents will perceive, and readily understand why they are defeated, if they be defeated, and they will altogether approve the course of their representatives for prefering ..defeat to log-rolling with excep tionable measures. Vengeance is specially de nounced against this District, and threats held out that no appropriations for it shall he made. They may be able to accomplish their throats; but if appropriations for the District are to be had only in company with plundering bills as a toll, better that the appropriations be lost. These men are cunning, they walk with their feet reversed, the heel being where the toes should be, faintly and cunningly opposing a bill they wiah pnssed, and vehemently advocating, upon objectionable grounds, bills they wish defeated. Again, we say, let members be on the alert, conspiracies against the treasury are afloat. Let Democrat* he careful, be watchful. The Nrw Governor or Kansas.?It is un derstood that the Senate, on Thursday, confirm ed the nomination of ?L W. Geary, esq., as Governor of Kansas. MK. IT1LLNUKK ON 8LAVHHY. \\ e have perused, with much pleasure, a re view by the Montgomery Advertiser, of the votes of Mr. Fillmore, when in Congress, upon the question of slavery, so far as it was in volved in the action of that body. From this review the Advertiser establishes the conclu sion that " no oue of these votes was given for the South during the Congressional 'career' of Mr. Fillmore." It is a fact, material to be re membered, that the votes referred to cover a period of service terminating in the year 1848, and that the fact is as the Advertiser has stated. Acting with the worst enemies of the South, Mr. Fillmore never gave one vote that was even impartial to the South upon the question of slavery. The Advertiser has referred to the Erie let ter as a fair expression of the opinions of Mr. Fillmore. It may not be improper to add, in extreme caution, that in the year 1848 Mr. Fillmore departed from the rule laid down by himself and General Taylor, and answered Governor Gayle, of Alubama, in a letter ex tensively published as a document in that campaign. Lest we should be charged with suppressing this document, and as conclusive proof that Mr. Fillmore has never retracted one opinion in the Erie letter, we republish that to Governor Gayle : Ai.banv, June 31, 1848. Dear Sir: I have your letter of the 15th in stant, but my official duties have been so press ing that I have been compelled to neglect iny private correspondence. I had also deter mined to write no letters for publication, bear ing upon the contest in the approaching canvass. But as you desire some information for your own satisfaction, in regard to the charges brought against me from the South on the slave question, 1 have concluded to state brii-fly my position. While 1 was in Congress there was much agitntion on the right of petition; my votes will doubtless be found recorded uniformly in favor of it. The rule upon which I acted was, that every citizen presenting a respectful peti tion to the body, that by the Constitution had the power to grant or refuse the prayer of it, was entitled to be heard; and, therefore, the petition ought to be received and considered. If right and reasonable, the prayer of it should be granted; but if wrong or unreasonable, it should be denied. I think all my votes, wheth er on the reception of petitions or the consider ation of resolutions, will be found consistent with this rule. [Italics our own.] 1 have none ot my Congressional documents here, they being at my former residence in Buffalo, nor have I access to any papers or memoranda to refresh my recollection ; but I think at sometime while in Congress I took oc casion to state, in substance, my views on the subject of slavery in the States. Whether the remarks were reported or not, I am unable to .*ay ; but the substance was, that I regarded slavery as an evil, but one with which the Na tional Government had nothing to do?that by the Constitution of the United Spates, the whole power over that question was vesttfl in the several States where the institution was tolerated. If they regarded it as a blessing they had a constitutional right to enjoy it; and if they regarded it as an evil, they had the power and knew best how to apply the remedy. 1 did not conceive that Congress had any power over it, or was in any way responsible tor its continuance in the several States where it existed. I have entertained no other senti ments on this subject since I examined it suf ficiently to form an opinion; and I doubt not that all my acts, public and private, will be found in accordance with this view. I have the honor to be vour obedient servant, MILLARD FILLMORE. Hon. John Gatle. It will be seen from this letter that Mr. Fill more affirms the common doctrine amongst the Abolitionists, that Congress has no power to abolish slavery in the States. He also says that he does not think his votes contradicted the principle that every citizen had a right to be heard in a respectful petition or resolution. The record cited by the Advertiser will show that no abolition petition was ever presented that Mr. Fillmore did not vote for its reception, and that no resolution was ever presented re buking the action or condemning the princi ples of abolition, that Mr. Fillmore did not vote against its reception. With these antecedents there could be no safety to the South under the administration of Mr. Fillmore, unless he shall pledge him self to the positive maintenance of the Kansas bill. It is very well known that in the canvass of 1848, both General Taylor and Mr. Fillmore, laid down the doctrine that the President ought not to interpose the veto, unless in cases clearly unconstitutional, or informal. Now, ac cording to Mr. Fillmore's avowed opinions, the Missouri Compromise is constitutional, and ihe Kansas act is a violation of the compro mise of 1850. It cannot be said that a mea sure discussed since 1854 can be the subject of hasty or imprudent legislation. Therefore, if the Black Republicans shall, during Mr. Fill more's administration, present a bill repeal ing the Kansas act, and restoring the Missouri reatriction, he will be bound to carry out their will by signing the bills. It is inevitable. Nothii.g except his distinct pledge not to do so would prevent it. - And why should he not? Suppose the friends of Mr. Fillmore, composed of equal parts of Northern and Southern men. He will not say what he proposes to do upon the proposed legislation. Can it be contended, after bis election, that upon a bill passed by the votes of Northern men, be stands obliged tS contradict their wishes to gratify the South ? Will that be carrying out the will of the people ? Will that be a fair representa tion of the Northern men who have as much right to dread his administration as the South ern men? If, then, Mr. Fillmore were in doubt upon the exercise of the veto, he would have no moral right to maintain the rights of the South, if they should come in conflict with the opinions and wishes of tho North. Do the Whigs of the South desire to deem these friends of the North? Do they deRire to be deceived by them ? Or do they take an in terest in the question of slavery, so far subor dinate1 to the spoils and triumph of victory thnt they would swap the repeal of the present law for the election of Mr. Fillmore? We will not permit ourselves to harbor a suggestion so derogatory to the South. 13ut this reasoning shows how important it is to demand some declaration of Mr. Fillmore's purposes in regard to slave legislation. It would be a responsibility from which no Southern man could ever recover if Mr. Fillmore should lie elected by Southern votes, and would fix upon the South a legislature furnished by their Black Republican enemies. Let us be seech them for our common country to ask him to say. He answered Governor Gayle in 1848. The enquiry is greater now. Let him anawer| some enquiries uud let us know what be will do if Congress should renew the Missouri re striction, and repeal that section of the Kan sas act giving to that Stale the right ol ad mission into the Union with or without slavery, as its constitution may determine. Call on him to say, as the Whigs of the South may be le proached by posterity with having given away, for a partisan prejudice, the most sacred rights of the South. From the Montgomery Advertiser. Mr. Fillmore oil Slavery. We resume the consideration of Mr. Fill more's anti-slavery votes, promising that we omit, for the present, one in relation to Texas, as we neglected, in looking over the Congres sional Globe, to mark the date of it. Indeed, we might well omit all of tbem, and merely declare that there is not one for the South ever given by him during his Congressional career; but it affords some degree of pleasure to con trast the ability of the Democracy to furnish evidence of his past unsoundness with the utter abseuce of any testimony against Mr. Buch anan on the part of our opponents. They have been challenged to produce any vote he ever I gave which would indicate any unfriendliness to us or our institutions at any period of his long public services, and it is only by garbling facts that they can raise even an inference against him. They opened on the scent with a tremendous cry, but the quarry stood at bay, and they returned to their kennel to howl over their discomfiture. We produce votes which cannot be denied; proofJ which cannot be con troverted, of Mr. Fillmore's anti-slavery senti ments, and we ask all men who are sensible of the danger that threatens us, to hold him "responsible for the consequences of his acts." The votes which we have culled and pre sented to our readers already, his friends will contend, were given under a misapprehension as to the right of petition?that, misled by that, or contending only for that, he did not in reality vote against the South, or indicate any dispo sition to interfere with the question of slavery. Noscitur a sociis?a man is known by the company he keeps, is a safe rule to guide, us in determining his position, certainly it is a safe one by which we should be governed in our conduct towards him when he asks for our votes to elevate him to a position tf honor aud influence. We are not left, however, to a construction of his motives in voting, or an inference from his associations; he saves us that trouble, and distinctly shows by his Erie letter that, how ever much he may hare been influenced by his regard for the right of petition, .he was decid edly in favor of the object of the petitioners, and had the petitions been received and con sidered, would have voted for them as substan tive propositions. It must be borne in mind, too, that this Erie letter was written after the questions alluded to in it had been the subject of angry and lengthened discussions in the House of Representatives. It was written pending an election in New York. A similar one was addressed to other candidates. If it do not contain Mr. Fillmore's opinions, it is evidence that, to secure success, he is willing to stultity his conscience and pander to fanati cism. We republish it. There is a portion of it omitted, we are told. It would be well if his friends would publish it entire in their papers. We requested one of them to obtain it for us, that we might do so ; it has never been handed to us yet: Letter of Mr. Fillmore to the Abolitionists. Buffalo, Oetober 17, 1853. Sir: Your communication of the 15th inst., as chairman of a committee appointed by tho "Anti-Slavery Society of the county of Erie," has just come to hand. You solicit my answers to the following interrogatories: First. Do you believe that petitions to Con gress on the subject of slavery or the slave trade ought to be received, read and respect fully considered by the Representatives of the people? * Second. Are you opposed to the annexation of Texas to the Uuion, under any circum stances, so long as slaves are held therein ? Third. Are you in favor of Congress exert ing all the constitutional power it possesses to abolish the internal slave trade between the States ? Fourth. Are you in favor of immediate le gislation for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia? I am much engaged, and have no time to enter into an argument, or to explain at length my reasons for my opinion. I shall therefore content myself for the present, by answering all your interrogatories in the affirmative, and leave for Bome future occasion a more extended discussion of the subject. I am, respectfully your obedient servant, MILLARD FILLMORE. W. Mills, esq., Chairman. In the votes we have published, and the above letter, are found the germs of the present agitation, and not in that repeal of the Missouri Compromise, or the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Here was the origin of that fire, kindled by incendiaries, which no efforts have been able to extinguish, and which now threatens to destroy the fabric of our government. And most strange it is to find that Southern men are aiding in the elevation of one of the chief in cendiaries, who applied the torch and fed tho flames with a reckless disregard of the rights of his countrymen, but a cool, discerning calcula tion of the benefit he was to reap from it. Is it to such a mAn as that we must go for our policy of insurance? In Ipss than two months after this Erie Letter, Mr. Fillmore had another opportunity of dis playing his hostility to slavery, and did not shrink from it: Tuesday, December 11, 1838. Mr. Atherton rose and asked leave to submit the following resolutions: Resolved, That this Government is a Govern ment of limited powers, and that, by the Con stitution of the Untied States, Congress has no I jurisdiction whatever over the institution of slavery in the several States of the Confede racy. ltesolvcd, That petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Colombia and the Territories of the United States, and against the removal of slaves from one State to another, are a part of a plan of operations set on foot to affect the institution of slavery in the seve ral States, nnd thus indirectly to destroy that institution within their limits. Revoked, That Congress has no right to do that indirectly which it cannot do directly; and that the agitation of the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia, or the Territories, as a means, and with the view of disturbing or overwhelming that institution in the several States, is against the true spirit and meaning of the Constitution, an infringement of the rights of the States affected, and a breach of the public faith upon which they entered into the confederacy. littolvrd, That the Constitution rests on the broad principle of equality among the mem bers of the confederacy, and that Congress, in the exercise of its acknowledged powers, has no right to discriminate between the institu tions of one portion of the States and another with the view of abolishing the one, and pro moting the other. Urtolved, That all attempts 011 the part of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia or the Territories, or to prohibit the removal of slaves from State to State, or to discriminate between the institutions of one portion of the confederacy and another, with the views aforesaid, are in violation of the Con stitution, destructive of the fundamental prin ciple on which the Union of these States rests, aud beyond the jurisdiction of Congress ; and that every petition, memorial, resolution, or paper, touching or relating in any way, or to any extent whatever, to slavery us uioresaid, or the abolition thereof, shall, ou the presenta tiou thereof, without auy further action thereon, be laid upon the ^able, without being debated, printed or referred. The introduction of the resolution* being ob jected to at this time? Mr. Atherton thereupon moved a suspension of the rules. Mr. Adams and Mr. Cushinan simultaneously demanded the yeas and nays; which, being ordered, were 137 neas, 66 nays, as follows: Yeas.?Messrs. Anderson, Andrews, Ather ton, Banks, Beatty, Beers, Beirne, Bell, Bick null, Birdsall, Broadhead, Buchanan, Bynum, John Calhoun, Cambreleng, William B. Camp bell, John Campbell, Carter, Chambers, Cheat ham, Cluwuey, Coles, Conner, Crabb, Craig, Crary, Crockett, Cushman, Dawson, Deberry, DeGraff, Drom^oole, Elmore, Farrington, Fair field, Foster, Fry, Gallup, James Garland, Rice Garland, Glascock, J as. Graham, Grant land, Grant, Gray, Grilbn, Hammond, Hainer, Hardin, Harrison, Hawes, Hawkins, Haynes, Holt, Hopkins, Howard, Hubley, J. H. Hunter, R. M. T. Hunter, Thomas B. Jackson, Jabez Jackson, Henry Johnson, Joseph Johnson, Wm. Cost Johnson, Nathaniel Jones, John W. Joues, Kein, Kemble, Klingensmith, Lewis, Logan, Loomis, Lyon, Mallory, Martin, May, McKey, Robert McClellan, Abraham, McClel lan, McClure, McKennan, Monfee, Mercer, Miller, Montgomery, Moore, Morgan, Samuel W. Morris, Murray, Noble, Palmer, Parker, Payuter, Pearce, Penny backer, Petrikin, Phelps, Pickens, Plumer, Pope, Pratt, Riley, Rencher. lihett, Rives, Robertson, Rumsey, A. H. Shep Serd, Chas. Sheppard, Shields, Sheplor, Snyder, outhgate, Spencer, Stanly, Stuart, Stone, Swearington, Taliaferro, Taylor, Thomas, Ti tus, Toney, Towus, Turney, Underwood, Veil, Wagener, Webster, Weeks, John White, Whit tlesey, Sherrod Williams, Jared W. Williams, Jos. L. Williams, Wise, Wood, Yell?137. Nays?Messrs. Adams, Alexander, Heman Allen, John W.Allen, Aycrigg, Bouldin, Briggs, William B. Calhoun, Casey, Child*, Clark, Cof fin, Corwin, Cranston, Curtis, Cushing, Darling ton, Daves, Davies, Dunn, Edwards, Evans, Everett, Ewing, Richard Fletcher, Isaac Fletch er, FILLMORE, Giddings, Goode, William Graham, Grennell, Haley, Hall, Harper, Has tings, Herod, Ingham, Lincoln, Marvin, S. Mason, Mitchell, Calvary Morris, Naylor, Noves, Parmenter, Peck, Potts, Putnam, Rariden, Randolph, Reed, Ridgway, Robinson, Russell, Saltonstall, Sergeant, Sibley, Slade, Smith, Stratton, Tillinghast, Toland, AlbertS. White, Yorke?66. So the rules were suspended. The question was taken on the first reso lution, and it was adopted?yeas 198, nays 6. . The question on the second resolution was then taken, and it was adopted?yeas 186, nays 65?Fillmore voting in the negative. The third resolution was then read ; when Mr. Bond called for a division of the ques tion, so as to take the vote first on the follow ing branch only : Resolved, That Congress has no right to do that indirectly which it canuot do directly. The vote being so taken resulted in the affir mative?yeas 173, nays 30?Fillmore in tbe negative. So the first branch of the third resolation whs adopted. The second branch being read, Tbe question was then taken, and resulted also in the affirmative?yeas 164, nays 40? Fillmore again in tbe negative. So the third resolution was adopted, and the fourth taken up. Mr. Lincoln called for a division of the ques tion on this resolution, so as to take it first on the following branch: Resolved, That the Constitution rests on the broad principle of equality among the members of this Confederacy. Such a division being accordingly ordered, the vote thereon resulted affirmatively?yeas 180, nays 36?Fillmore in the affirmative. The second branch of this resolution was also agreed to?yeas 174, nays 24?Fillmore in the negative. Mr. Randolph called for a division at the word "Congress," in the fifth line of the fifth resolution, which was ordered. The first branch of tbe proposition was adopted?yeas 147, nays 52?Fillmore in the negative. Mr. Potts moved to lay the second branch on the table ; on which motion Mr. Craig demanded the yeas and nays; which, being ordered, were?yeas 85, nays 126?Fillmore in the affirmative. So the motion to lay on the table was de cided in the negative. The second branch of the last proposition was then agreed to?yeas 126, nays 78?Fill more in tbe negative. [See the Congressional Globe, page 27, 28; House Journal, page 51 to 64 inclusive.] Mr. Bynum, tbe champion of Democracy from North Carolina, in defending the above resolution, said, "I pray every Southern man to examine these resolutioas; read them over and over again, one by one, and to say if they were not sufficiently strong to secure every Southern interest; While they particularly forebore to encroach on the rights of any other portion of the Union. In none of tbese resolutions bat the last is the right of petition involved. Yet Mr. Fill more voted against every one of them, except the first and the first branch of the fourth. He thus distinctly declared that the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories, or the, prohibition of the removal of slaves from State to State, and the discrimi nation between the institutions of the two por tions of the confederacy are not a violation of the Constitution, or destructive of the funda mental principle on which this Union rests, or beyond the jurisdiction of Congress. His votes accord entirely with the views of his Erie letter, and he stood side by side with Adams, Corwin, Everett. Peck and Slade. Was he any better, sounder, or truer to the South and the Constitution than they? Is it not a fact then, which the Mail so con cisely announced, that "he will never stand on our platform of slavery?" And if he will not, what shall be said of those who sustain and vote for him; on what platform are they plac ing themselves? It was to this agitation and these anti-slavery views that Mr. Fillmore is indebted for his prominence. Had it not been for his well known abolitionism at that time, be would hiivd remained in Buffalo practising his profession, and could now, with a clearer conscience, invoke a curse upon "the wretch who owes his greatness to his country's ruin." This, we think, will do for dose number two. A Record without a Hlrmlih. The Richmond Enquirer of Tuesday last, closes a most admirable review of Mr. Buch anan's record upon the slavery question, with the following, which we commend especially to those who, in the present crisis, are disposed to permit loyalty to the South, in the Union and under the Constitution, to become the govern ing principle of their political action : "In private as well as in public Mr. Buch anan has always stood on the side of the Sooth, the citizen and the statesman are one and the same individual. He supported the rights of the South when in office, he vindicated and maintained those rights when out of office. He not only voted for all measures of justice to the South, but he endeavored to carry them into effect. His is not a dead record of votes, but a living record of acta, which vindicate the honesty of the votes. Thus, Mr. Buchanan exhorted the North to a faithful and cheerful fulfilment of the obligations of the fugitive slave law. He protested against prohibition of the jails in Pennsylvania to federal officers for tho confinement of captured slaves. He denounced the Wilmot proviso. He approved the Clayton Compromise of 1840. And to snm up in a single sentence, he has at all times and io all place* exwted the authority of ?h C *fa<PUSj u"d Kreftt talents to uphold the Uuiou, defend the Constitution, aud oro tect the South." ' p To recapitulate: 1. In 1836, Mr. Buchanan supported a bill to prohibit the circulation of Abolition papers through the mails. 1 F f 2:J? jie ?8ame year proposed and voted lor the admission of Arkansas. 3. lu 1836-7, he denounced and voted to reject petitions for the abolition of slavery into the District of Columbia. 4. In 1837, he voted for Mr. Calhoun's fa mous resolutions, defining the rights of the m ? au- linl'ta Federal authority, and affirming it to be the duty of the Government South ' uPtold the institutions of the wifh I0 !?38~ 2, and '40' he invariablj voted don ^ 8enat?ra a?ain8t lbe considera tion of anti-slavery petitions. 6. In 1844-'5, he advocated aud voted for the annexation of Texas. 7. In 1847, he sustained the Clayton Com promise. 8. In 1860, he proposed and urged the ex tension of the Missouri Compromise to the Pacific ocean. 9. But, he promptly acquiesced in the Com promise of 50, and employed all bis influence in favor of the faithful execution of the Fuiri tive Slave law. ? 10. In 1851, he remonstrated against an en actment of the Pennsylvania Legislature for obstructing the arrest and return for fugitive tio'n'ofCub.54' he "ee?ti"<,d fOT 11,6 "I"1" 12. In 1856, he approves the repeal of the Missouri restriction, and supports the princi ples of the Kansas-Nebraska act. *3;oH? n?ver ?ave,R *<>te against the in u of slavery, and never uttered a word which could pain the most sensitive Southern heart. The prominent facts of Mr. Buchanan's re cord touching slavery are thus grouped into a single view; so that the person of the least patience in research, may ascertain at a glance bow the Democratic caudidate stands in respect to the great issue of the canvass." "A Romantic Life,'" wltli Illustrations. Dependent on the cold charities of the world, the ladies of Charleston, South Carolina, educate the enterprising lad and procure for him a favorable start towards power and place: Ihe viper warmed to life, turned and stun* its benefactor." 6 When entrusted with his country's flae on a distant post of duty, he hauled it down in order to commence the first filibustero enterprise: Stand and deliver?'' Insolent and insubordinate, refusing to obey his general or his Government, he is tried! found guilty, on every charge, and cashiered: ibe army swore terribly"?"dismiss me bully Hercules; cashier." Acquired the Mariposa claim?the powerful incentive to rash enterprises: "Money makes the mare go." Self-conceited and obstinate, he rejected the advice of experienced guides, rushed into im passable mountains and snows and deserted his men to perish without food or shelter- "As I am lame, I will start first." Discovered Coochatope for a railroad, onlv two miles high?the Ram's Horn route is the straightest; and the highest pass amid eternal snows, the lowest and most practicable: "Buf fuloes are the bent i A wild hunt through the Great Basin, with out belly timber"?feasting on grasshoppers and mule meat?a triumph of science: "He who eats fat meat, willliimself be fat?and he who feeds on mules will ever mulish be!" .Lend me your ears I" Speculated in the claims created by himself, government appropriation secured and confede rate appointed to audit aud adjust them: "Put money in thy purse I" A big beef contract to feed Indians, without authority and against law?Uncle Sam must pay the bill twice over. "One John Hook beefM g throuKh the camp, beef! Private caucus in Washington at which the I residency is discussed : " Black spirits and white, blue spirits aud grey." The cunning schemes of jobbers and claim ants on the public treasury, who lay the wires and rope in the fanatical: "Rob me the exche quer, Hal!" Visit to fifth avenue to learn the views of the enterprising young man " Thame of Glamis thou art, aud Cawder and King, that shall be." Know-nothino CofxciL: "How, now, ye secret, black and midnight hags? What is ye do? A deed without a name." . INCANTATIOM AT PHILADELPHIA. 44Thrice the Brinded oat hath mewed, Greeley?'? Round about th* cauldron go In Ihe po.Koned entrails throw." Sweltered ver.om, tlerping got, Boil thou firM i' the cauldron hot." " Try a charm of powerful trouble Like a hell-broth, boil and * All?Double, double, toil and trouble, . F're burn; and cau'dron bubble. 6 iddmgt?" Cool it with a baboon'? blood, There the charm is firm and good " (r?orgtLaw~ .. Wh,t ,hig 1 nat fines litre the intiue of a king, And wears upon his babi/ brow the round And top of sovereignty." Tom Ford?44 Seek to know no more." A"?how h'? eyes and grieve his heart, Come like shadows, so depart " Mi/ttie Letter*? ?? p. p g n ^ ramt** Pretton Blatr?"Fremont, Plunder. Beef." lilatr?41 Imbecile plunderers of the public trea sury !" " Hangout the banners." Grasshopper cakes and mule beef, with ,4 nary red." Obterv* Woolly horse, with an underground railroad and Uncle Tom's Cabin. tremor* after election?"And be these juggling fiends, no more believed: That palter with us in a double sense; That keen the word of promise lo the ear And break it to our hope '" '? Othello's occupat on'? gonr." A Frimontir Inddcnljr Called Off. On Saturday, one of that numerous gang of Fremont politician*, who are hired to go from place to place, blowing for the fusion nomi nees, stopped awhile in this city. He opened in a public house with an offer to bet on Fre mont, bat on finding customers ready to planlr the dimes, he grew fidgety?backed and filled, and finally, as "a get off," proposed to stand treat all around. A call on was accordingly made, when the Fremonter, having swallowed his portion, suddenly came up missing. He forgot to pay.?Rochester Daily Advertiser. A correspondent of the Bocton Tran script says the Chinese linden, or lime, in addi tion to its being the very best and most beauti ful shade tree, is of great importance as a de stroyer of the common house fly. In the season of flies he had found that almost innu merable quantities of dead-house flies were, in the morning, under the branches of linden, amounting to thousands upon thousands, the surface around being lifnaly covered with t^em. Somkthino Nrw.?There is a gathering of deaf mutes at Concord, New Hampshire, on the 3d of September next, when an oration is to be delivered, in the sign language of course, by Laurent Clerc, who has been chosen orator of the day. The services of Rev. Thomas Oallaudet, of New York, had been secured as interpreter for the benefil of the hearing pdr tion of the assembly. Sai.tino Hat.?This practice, we have rea son to think, is greatly overdone. Two quarts of fine salt to each ton of hay,scattered through it is sufficient. It is a wasteful thing to get hay in half made, and then attempt to save it wiui salt. Two much salt is as injurious to cattle as for them to go without any. [New England Fam\er.