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BKVBftlET TUCKBB, S ? ' i ?> E AND PROPRIETOR. Tf !?!??!> W MOaMKl.. *UCi. 14. I85U. DKMIICMAIH !*< i.Ml N ATIO MM. F 0 h lMi E8 i D E N T. JAM K8 BUCHAxX AN, OF ri:XN.SVLV'AX] A. * 'n vi i. i> UKll i> i?: s T, JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, OF li LMl l KV. TO OUH KHIKXDM. We call attention to the annexed terms ot* the Sentinel tor the Presidential Campaign: The Tin Weekly Sentinel will be sent un til the eleventh day <?l November next?being one week after th<! Presidential election: To cluliit of nix ?ubtcrlbrri, for - 95 OO ? ' " foui'Uu u kuburribrra, for IO OO To a single inbtcrlbtr, for ? ? ? - 1 00 The Wee km' Sentinel, eok same time? To club* of five >ub>crilirrt - . - 00 To a Biuglu nubacribcr ..... so Th? Trl-Wetkly, one year - ... 3 00 Tlic weekly, " - - - ? '4 00 Thu notes current iu the section of country where a subscriber resides will be received, and for th.i fractions of a dollar postage stamps may be tent hi ftiirri.sk. N"?"? ranie will be entered uji our books un!>',-a aruiiipunli d by ihe euali. &&"All letUTHj*buuld be addrcs- d t?? "John SllAW, S'liI)rl ('ll'f.t, illijft'ii twho is duly autl orizt I ; ? t-t ei??; nil i<u?nry.s and forward receipts. Pk'v'EKLKY TUCKER. Z^iX' Samuel Uaud, Esq.. Editor of th? Lou> liifti.H x' Hftt'fiif, und Sii|t-riiitetidet;t (?( Public Education tor tin* Siaie i>l Louisiana. is at present in tliis city on public business. Mid is stopping at Willard's Hotel. THK STATU OK THfc, CASK. I he Republicans, one . mid nil, allege that, without improper interference either bv the ?idusourians or by the general government tliut Kansas must inevitably be a lree Slate. That is, they allege that of the bona fi<U settlers of Kansas, u very large majority are in favor of Kansas being a free State. Allowing this to be the true state of the case, and what must be the inevitable result of set tletnent throughout the whole Federal Do main? It, as is alleged by the Republicans, Kansas ha? so large u preponderance of Free State men, the result is inevitable, that ull the terri tory of that latitude and above it, will inevitably be free Stales. The evidence is simple and con clusive. If now, the North can roll a popula tion into Kansas so much more rapidly than the South, eac*h succeeding year will render this disproportion still greater. The vastly more numerous white population of the North over that of the South, is rendered still more overwhelming by the immeuse immigration of foreigners, seven-eighths of whom remain in the free Stales, or migrate to corresponding territory. The inequality exists not only in these par ticulars, sutliciei.t in themselves to ensure a monopoly to the North, but also in the fact, tiat of anyequ -.l number of persons at the North and at the South, a much larger propor t on of the North are iu emighating condition t iau those at the South. Southern men have plantations to dispose of before they can leave home; every year there will be fewer pur chasers for these plantations and fewer hauds to work them, uutil planters will find it difficult to get off. If any one will east his eye on the map of the country, he will see what an immense ex teut of territory we possess, and how vastly a larger portion iie north of 36? .".0,"^ the whole of which last is morally wit tin to be controlled by Northern men. In lact, ii the North were unanimously to admit the perfect right of Southern men to go all over the Territories with their slaves and to 10-trte, and were to offer no obstructions of any kind, what would then be the result? It would be this: It the entire slave popula tion of the South should be carefully distri buted, it will readily be perceived that, sup posing the Territories to be divided into coun ties of the sire ot those in New Kngland, that there would scarcely be slaves rnough to plant a single family in each county, including the now slave States, with this slate.of the case before them, how childish appears the fears and excitement of the North on this subject. The realization of their alleged fears is alike a moral and physical impossibility.' It the utmost latitude were given to slavery, and alike the ent.re federal domain, and the free Slates of the North were to be opened to slavery without limit, and supposing slavery to ditTuse itself equally over all; there would be less-than 20,000 in a State, supposing the terri tories divided into States the size of Massachu setts?including in this number men, women and children of all ape*. It will appear palpable to all, that slavety cannot be extended, as^the Republicans pro fess to believe, without ensuring a speedy ex tinction. It will be compelled to remain, to a degree, compact, until opportunity offers for casting it 06' fav rably. There certainly is nothing in the state of affairs present or prospective,, to give the slightest ground of uneasiness to the North from any possible aggression by the South, and certainly no justification for the crusade agaiust the peace and integrity of the Union. The South has much in prospective to appre hend, the incomparably rapid increase of aoorthern population, it is absolutely certain will,in a census or two, so far outstrip that of the Sooth, that to the constitution and the jus tice of the Vorth they will have to look for such action as wilj not press too hardly on their rights, interests and welfare. Let the North consider for one moment how idle, how periec y idle and impossible, is all danger from Southern encroachment, and, how ever much the North may disapprove of the repeal of the Missouri compromise, that never theless the practical effect will be as though it had never been repealed. Let the North put down uu agitation from which no possible good can ari.-ie to any one North or South, except to spoil-hunters and contractors. Let the North understand, that by tbe elec tion of Fremont it may drive the weaker por tion of the confederacy to separation^ but can not in any degree strengthen themselves, be cause they need no additional strength. Tbe natural growth of the North, aided by emigra tion. secures, of itself, everything that ehould be needed. C"ACCETHE8 li('HIB?NDl?GK.V. WKltU. The letter of Senator Pearce afforded to this person an excuse for "rushing into print," and he instantly availed himself of it, to spread himself' in the wide columns of the Intelligencer, not satisfied with the possession o< a daily sheet as big as a blanket, on which he has a carte blanche to spread himself to his heart's content. There is this small difference in the two: by exhibiting himself in the col umns of the Intelligencer, he hopes to ensnare luckless people into "taking a sight of him"? a piece of good fortune he has no hopes of ob taining in the columns of his own mammoth sheet a paper which has long been used as an advertising sheet, hut whose editorials are rarely perused by its own subscribers. I he frequent prominence of Gen. Webb be fore the public view is very easily accounted for. lie has a wonderful mauia to appear seemingly in command. He will, to use a simile, dress himself in full uniform and gallop , about alongside of the commanding other at J a parade, in tbe expectation that lookers on j will suppose he is a soldier ami in authority, j'H.u- in politics; tbe opponents of his party' ' ?vluri-ver. tor the time, his party may he quietly waiting tor some of those acts of egre gnous folly, which, with him, is inevitable 8eize UP?? il ?<"! place the burden upon the shoulders of poor Webb's party; he then yets buffetted on hoih sides, when his fiounder |n~ - J"'?P'ia persona, commences. Hitherto, <t lit* been his luck to come off second best in' every encounter, and, from his present haste, h.s unvarying success is not likely to be changed. Had Gen. tt'ebb really desired to correct j any misapprehension in regard to himself, arising from Mr. Pcarce's letter, his course, or at least the course of any one who intended to sav only what he meant, would have been to republish simply his reply to Mr. Stephens in connection with that portion of Mr. Pearce's letter relat.ng to himself; but the General wanted a splurge dc omnibus rebus et quibus dam alus, and from. Senator Pearce was made the stalking horse to introduce these crudities. The General who has been of everv party says truly that he well knows the zeal of a new born convert, forgetting that he was then show ing it while writing. He complains of the party being held re sponsible for the language of men, who he says are the bitterest enemies of the Black Republicans; and yet few perPon8 beside3 General Webb himself will say that Giddings was a less important member of the conven tion than himself, or that Anson Burliugame, Charles Sumner, Wade, Hale, et it omne are less authorized to speak for the party than himself. e have seen proceedings of the rankest Garrison Abolitionists lately, in which the Re publican party is spoken of in terms of ten derness and affection as "the offspring" of their party, and Garrison himself defended the Republican party against attack. General W ebb, and all his party rely upon the great bulk of the Abolition vote. And when bespeaks of Congress " legislating slavery into the Ter ritories," he says what he knows is not true and that every intelligent man in the land knows it is not true. This hardihood of asser tion is characteristic and constitutional with the General, bis wish to believe it, beguiles him to father the assertion. His rigmarole reply to Senator Pearce, must meet with the general derision it so richly pro voke*. In conclusion, we will give the General one piece of advice, which every true friend of his, will confirm ; it is this : He is never noticed except for the purpose of ridicule, or of fastening on his party the responsibility of his blunders. He may rely upon it, whenever be is noticed it is from one of the two aboved named mo tives. The prayer of the GeneralTenceforth should be? ' O! wad non.e power the gittie give u To *ee ournels at ithrrs ?ee us." Leaving this quotation as a bone for criticism by the General, we bid him good bye. "UOAHT HEKF A ,\ I > TKSI DOI.L.AK.% A l)AV I" 1 he battle cry of the Fremonters is soon to be nettled in " roast beef and ten dollars a day." Colonel John Charles Fremont has charged the United States, in one of hia accounts for expenditures whilst commanding in California, with fourteen pounds of beef per day for each man in his army! This charge, in the matter of beef, we underatand will soon be forthcom ing from the books of the Treasury Depart ment. Only think of it?ONE man to eat FOURTEEN pounds of beef In ONE dayl If John Charles gets to be President, won't the aoldiers of his Mariposa army have n glo rious time. The old Whig war try of "two dollars a day and roast beef" will be thrown in the shade. Hut, then, it is said that John Charles charged the government with the beef and drew the money, without giving his men more than a ration or three fourths of a pound per day! keeping the. thirteen and a quarter pounds for his own use from each man! What a gormandizer he must be. If he had two hundred men under his com mand, he must have had for his own use tvo thousand six hundred andfifty p<>vnda of href per day! That's a good business transaction, and is proof that John Charles is fit to be President. Mariposa Btoci not Neootiabi,*.?Another of those everlasting notes of J. C. Fremont's for $1,700 or $1,800 was hawked about Wall and other streets yesterday, to be disposed of at most any price, but not takers. Application was made we understand to Messrs. H. Grinnell, Greely, Ramond, and others, all friends to the cause, but not to the note, who politely declined?out of funds, 6c. Bennett never will get his house at this rate. [AT. Y News, 1th. From lhe Richmond Daily Despatch. Horace Greeley. It is difficult, in high party times, to obtain u dispassionate description of auy lending man identified wilh a great party, Whilst the friends of a prominent political person laud him as a demigod, his opponents represent him as a devil?totally depraved?without one redeeming feature. It is not always easy to obtain a discriminating portraiture, an exact daguerreotype of the man's moral image. In regard, for example, to Horace Greeley, who h is become such a notorious person, but little is known save that he is an unprincipled aud un scrupulous abolition editor. [Jut we have just discovered a description of the man, in a New York phrenological paper, which analyzes and takes him apart, body, soul and boots, so that he Who reads knows Greeley front the crown of his head to the soles of his feel, as well as if he had known him persoually all his life. We | append that description, and reaommend it to j our readers. It is a key to the man Horace? the whole tnan, and explains all the phenomena of the New York Iribune. In order to do justice to this account, it must be recollected that the writer has evi dently no sort of intention or thought of doing injustice to Greeley. The object of the paper iu which it appeared, ''The Unit," was simply to give in each number detailed and accurate descriptions of two of the most distinguished persons of the country. In accordance with this object, live columns of a single number are devoted to ''Horace Greeley, as manifested by his material organic conformation" Feel ing some curiosity to see such an analysis, we have rend the whole article, and must confess that wo never witnessed just such an operation before. It is not a ferocious attack upon Mr. Greeley, but appears, in fact, to come from a brother " reformer." It is as cold and pas sionless as marble; as scientific and mechani-. cal a dissection as ever was performed by an anatomist upon a dead body. No operator 1 ever laid open the interior structure of a hu man carcass with more scrupulous fidelity and ! invinciple composure. But to the extracts: " The Higher Intellectual Faculties, with ide ality, having a marked preponderance in Mr. Greeley's organization, he is impressible, ide ally, philosophically?more the former than the latter. The lower or Animal range of faculties has a strong secondary influence. Against these two, his spiritual and moral organization has to struggle hard for the feeble existence it succeeds in maintaining. Mr. Greeley is sufficiently supplied with the requisites for Moral Appreciation and action, to keep him I from falling irredeemably low; but they have little or nothing to do with guiding him. He has sufiered them to lie neglected. When he has exercised them, he has not applied the ap propriate stimulants. Hence they have been ! gradually dying in him. Somo of them are dead already. (The whole man does not die at once.) Others have deserted their Lawful Sovereign, the Hoiy?Spirit, and have consorted with or become the servants of the intellect, and sometimes of the Animal Propensities." ***** "Mr. Greely has no constitutional apprecia tion of truth. He is not Morally impressible. He does not feel Truth, and then use Intellect as a mere instrument to sustain it, to prove it to those who require intellectual proof; and to corroborate his own Moral Appreciations. He cannot distinguish Right from Wrong, without using the intellect, which is his highest Guide? his highest primary cause of action. Deficient in Conscientiousness and Firmness, hi* Ideality and Hope consorting with the Intellect?the latter perverted into a mere Intellectual and Animal Anticipation?his Spiritual Faculty in active?dosing?he is just as likely to take a false as a true ojie; and Self-Esteem, or Conceit, rather, being the largest organ in the Group of the Will, the best part of his life is passed in repelling the assaults made on his motives?in explaining and "defining his positions," which he cau not do satisfactorily; because be has no purpose." Mr. Greely has no superfluous Moral Power, neither is it of that kind that makes a man have any distinct purpose. Benevolence, Marvellous ness, Hope and Ideality, (all improperly con trolled,) constitute his moral capital. His Spirituul Faculty, though small, isa little larger than Hope; but it is controlled by Marvellous ness. He is quite deficient in conscientious ness and Firmness. They have no influence on his actions. None of the moral, faculties has any direct influence on his general character. They are all controlled by, or they except, however, benevolence; to which all his other Moral Faculties are subjected, or for which they are neglected. This is the only Moral Faculty that maintains a strong though not uniform equality with the Intellect." * ? * * * * * '? Mr. Greely is often as dissatisfied with the positions his organization forces him into, as his opponents are; but haviug once taken them, his conceit makes him defend them. He loves and hates his works at the same time?loves them because they are his own; and hates them bebause they are no better, because he has no unitary purpose to accomplish by them, and because he is obliged to defend ihem, which he cannot help doing, as long as he continues to place so high an estimate on his Intellect?ho little on the power of (iod. This Self-Esteem or Conceit in Mr. Greely is, by many persons, mistaken for Firmuess, in which he is quite deficient. Mr. Greely is a Dodger. Dodgers are artful?not firm. If Mr. Greely had Firm- j ness, he would not be running from one ex treme to another, and changing his plans so often. "A man deficient in Religion and Conscien tousness can have no fixed purpose. "Do Right, and leave the result to God,'is not Mr. Greely's motto. 'The Tribune and the Tariff [now, abolition.] first; God and the Right next.' j When Mr. Greely does seek the Truth, he looks for it in the wrong way?through his intellect, instead of to God directly." "In his private deportment, Mr. Greely is much below very ordinary men. He is gener ally exceedingly loose in his personal ar rangements; and not choice in bis personal as sociations. A man from the very lowest dregs of society can make advances to him, with as much freedom as a man of character and Htandinp; for the reason that as we have be fore stated, be is not materially impressible He knows no difference between the )>oluhed gentleman andf the ungraceful poor. He only knows them intellectually, ideally. A coarse vulgar man, that, without knocking, would en ter his room, walk up to him, slap him famil iarly on the back, and call him 'Horaoe,' would be better received by him, no matier how in terrupted, than a gentleman who would wait an hour until he was diwngaged, and then courteously accost him. While he would hard ly be aware, apparently, of the existence of the latter, and would allow him to stand, awkward ly, hat in hand, he would be submissive to and afraid of the former. He has no power to re sist an onslaught made upon him by a rough low fellow, having but little Destructi veness and less Combativeness, and these being sub- j servient to his Intellect. He would rather I fight from the filth story, his opponent being?? the further away the better?than on the plat form. He is quite afraid, and that is the chief reason of his great love of 'law and order.' " Mr. Greely is generally supposed to have J much Firmness, lie has scarcely any. But, j when aroused, in bis public capacity, by oppo- i sition to his sell-will, his pride becoinet offend- . ed, and he will show force of character, by j some intellectual eflort, Self Esteem being the j largest faculty in his Animal propensities, and , one without which, organized as he is other- j wise, he never could have taken any stand, as i a public man. And this is what is mistaken for Firmnesa. The whole force of his charac ter is never brought out, unless the faculty be attecked; but before he will iace any one? even then?before he will make an opponent ' or have one?he must consider him of conse lurceTo ~ rTPi!UUSt .,h'?k thttt he ?>me uses all ili?' a^a,D8t* When once roused, he 1 La rl his ^p08*1 to^ ter no ba, k T 00 boUo,D ,0 his tharat ter, no back grouud, no endurance, and he is y \y persuaded. He therefore exhausts him e Kreat,J >? * eonffct. He has, however' suS?7^ (ee'ing of Caution, and u t aJ, ? ecre.l!ve,ie*"? make him hold cesg He C0I,8,ders lj?e requisites of suc , , takes every fair advantage and Shows that he acts fairly, "and ever unftir one and sajs nothing about it; and he does this (juue honestly, in one sense, when his organic tha falsi t0 d,sc.rjminate between the trua and the false is considered." ^roin the Louisiana Courier. Buchanan on ?Squutt.r So^.r (Iguly." lo tliose who havo carefully followed hrr' lhe io Conere , 2S2Z the'last *? d,an, " independent pres^ea^ would, we are aware, be regarded as a work of supererogation nay, almost as an insult But notwithstanding the vaunted infJr our land, there is ,'t where a class of men wlm ?;.i ,e UIld else the political history of the Who SO readily forget it, that they fall ofrJn ready prey to the idsidious efforts of rirfjt or demagogues, and, unless warned in t* are apt to stray off into the mazes of ' Ever since Mr. Buchanan's ? erfor" Cincinnati, a persistentefforthTET* f by the combination to which we f ? referred, to create the belief that ? reliable on the question of popular stve^f 1?' or, as it is usually called "1/ 8?vereVnty, cignfy" in the Territories i'n iLs U? " S?Ver" the slavery issues. ' rin/J upon A charge or insinuation mnro 4 unfounded?and in the eves of ? n " r m?re people?more unworthy and pr! P ? ln oru,ed not be propounded. These favo^?"8' ,C0U,d try, who arrogate to ?en share of zeal for the interests 17"? a watchfullness over the right? of tfJ*! Mates in the common territories 1 8'ave Jure say, the entire falsity of th!?' ^"?W' We to Mr. Buchanan's utoJudLte\Ch*r&a? as it may, we shall proceed to conviJI themf ^Representation in the grossest degree ?nent t, ? Uav, a proposition which nn ^ comparison with subsequent on*'I'*1'0" tt"d the subject of slavery in V. T* " Ct.men,s acknowledged to con'v, 'h? j^nes, will he to pt of Con?reM ted Sta.es in whfeh?f ?" "?!" ous alarm and iust annreliono" ? Cr.eate seri eustaining that domestic inBf ??^-ln States , . violation of SrSS tants of any such Territory, who have h permitted to settle with and I, M . ' therein ; becanse the people of any such ritory have not asked f,?. *i! yL , h 1 er_ (slavery therei" and!Lctseh? ?b???on <>' Territory shall be admitted State He people tiereo/ZJ, Z? adctial question exclusively for Uemsel/es " 1 ?iUon .T & fn-ovisions o?n7T Pr?P? Kansas hill, which are fonSd fn ?h"" 'be one and fourteen : sections parAuhl" tf^ryTth^rS1^ ">? eluded within tbe?Zl,owint fig4 : T and the same is hereby created tn,n ' fC'' * rary government by the name nf ,h t e!"P? of Nebraska ; and . /l S L 'he Territory or Slaie,, the%a d ^ Jy Gr f and all laws of the Unitl^V. ? Con?.,itu,'0" not locally inapplicable shall h*" force agd effect wirhin Kav? ,he ?ame Nebraska Is els^rVwithin' ?f Mates, except the eighth section of ,he"^ preparatory to the admission of Missouri ;!? he Ln.on, approved March 6 1820 ?k" k being inconsistent with the principle of n intervention by Con^re^, with Tl P ? ?n* States and Territoria l, ~ *"*7 W the legislation of eighteen hu"dX^^ ,hg monly called lhe compromise' 7' ?* hereby declared inoperative and void ? hbein^ he true intent and meaning of this -U . g legislate slavery into any Territory "ot to nor ,o exclude it there/ron, 2t l I S"!P Tbe convention at Cincinnati, it is well known, emphatically endorsed, as the true Democratic drctrine on this vexed subject, the principles of the Kansas and Nebraska act, for it declared that the American Democracy recognize and adopt the principles contained in the organic lawH establishing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the slavery Question upon which the great national idea of tne people of this whole country can repose in its determined conservatism of the Union. Aon interference by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories." And alio, that it recognized : "Tbe right of the people of all the Territo ries, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the fairly expressed will of the major ity of actual residents, and whenever the num ber of their inhabitants justifies it, tojorma Constitution, with or without domestic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other .States." In acception bis nomination for the Presi dency, Mr. Buchanan, in verbal response to the Committee by whom it was communicated to him said: "I have been placed upan a platform which I most heartily approve, and that can speak tor me;'" and, in his subsequent letter of acceptance, he uses this clear and unexcep tionable language: 44 The recent legislation of Congress respect ing domestic slavery, derived, as it has been, from the original and pure fountain of legiti mate political power, the will of the majority, promises ere long to allay the dangerous excite ment. This legislation is founded upon prin ciples as ancient as free government itself, and in accordance with them has simply declared that the people of a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide fof themselves whether sla very shall or shall not exist within their limits. " The Nebraska Kansas act does no more than give the force of law to this elementary principle of self government; declaring it to be " the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom ; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regu late their domestic institutions in their own way, suhject only to the Constitution of the United StatesThis principle will surely not be controverted by any individual of any party professing devotion to popular govern ment. Besides, how vain and illusory would any other principle prove in practice in re gard to the Territories! This is apparent from the fact admitted by all, that after a Territory shall have entered the Union and be come a State, no constitutional power would then exist which could prevent it from either abolishing or establishing slavery, as the case may be, according to its sovereign will and pleasure." There are people who pretend that there is ambiguity about what the phrase, ' the people, means when used by Mr. Buchanau. 1 his, however, is only a pretence, and a very shal low one at that. In the year 1848, when Secretary ot State under Mr. Polk, and in the course of a public speech at Washington, Mr. Buchanan said, in reference to slavery in California: " In California, it must be finally decided, in a brief period, by the authority from which, under our Constitution, there can be no appeal. All admit that the people of that Territory, when assembled in convention to form a State constitution, possesses the sole, ihe exclusive power to determine whether slavery shall 01 shall not exist within its limits. He clearly defii ed also his meaning of tba term, "the people," in a letter written the same year to Mr. Sandford, by saying that they could only act when they had reached a sufficient number, and were duly assembled in conven tion, to form a State constitution, and not when assembled in public meetings. Every one who reflects but a few moments on this point, must, we think, conclude that as, by the Kansas bill, Congress cannot interfere with the subject, und as the Territorial Legis lature, its creature, can no more do so, it must rest with the people?the actual and legal resi dents?under the restrictions indicated by the Constitution, the Kansas bill, and Mr. Buch anan?when they apply for admission a? a State to determine the question. The power to decide must necessarily rest somewhere. No Southern or States rights-man could for a single instant think of conceding it to Con gress; and, indeed, in the propositions which have been brought forward in the Senate by Mr. Toombs, and thejmajority of the Committee on Territories through Mr. Douglas, within the past few weeks for the prospective pdmission of Kansas as a State, the power is distinctly given to the people, when, by a census to be taken for that purpose, there shall be found a sufficient number ot actual, bona fide residents to entitle them to a representative in Congress under the existing apportionment, and when assembled in convention to form a State con stitution, to decide whethef slavery shall or shall not exist therein. This, we believe, to be the proper view ol this difficult question, and the only just and practical method of solving it. If Mr. Buch anan's actual opponents or "enforced'' sup porters can find aught in his past history and conduct as a public man?any vote, speech, ot letter, inconsistent with the Kansas bill or the Cincinnati platform, they will accomplish more than our researches have enabled us to do. A Record without a Blemish. The Richmond Enquirer of Tuesday last, closes a most admirable review of Mr. Buch anan's record upon the slavery question, with the following, which we commend especially to those who, in the present crisis,are disposed to permit loyalty to the South, in the Union and under the Constitution, to become the govern ing principle of their political action: " In private as well as in public Mr. Buch anan has always stood on the side ot the South, the citizen and the statesman are one atid the same individual. He supported the 1 rights of the South when in office, he vindicated and maintained those rights when out of office. He not only voted for all measures of jusLice to the South, but he endeavored to carry them into effect. His is not a dead record of votes, but a living record of acts, which vindicate the honesty of the votes. Thus, Mr. Buchanan exhorted the North to a faithful and cheerful fulfilment of the obligations of the fugitive slave law. He protested against prohibiten of the jails in Pennsylvania to federal officers for the confinement of captured slaves. He denounced the Wilmot proviso. He approved the Clayton Compromise of 1840. And to sum up in a single sentence, he has at all times and in all places exerted the authority of his high character and great talents to uphold the Union, defend the Constitution, and pro tect the South." ? To recapitulate: 1. In 1836, Mr. Buchanan supported a bill to prohibit the circulation of Abolition papers through the mails. 2. In the same year he proposed and voted for the admission of Arkansas. 3. In 1836-7, he denounced and voted to reject petitions for the abolition of slavery into the District of Columbia. 4. In 1837, he voted for Mr. Calhoun's fa mous resolutions, defining the rights of the States and limits of Federal authority, and affirming it to be the duty of the Government to protect and uphold the institutions of the South. 5. In 1838-'9 and '40, be invariably voted with Southern Senators against the considera tion of anti-slavery petitions. 6. In 18l4-'5, he advocated and voted for the annexation of Texas. 7. In 1847, he sustained the Clayton Com promise. 8. In 1850, he proposed and urged the ex tension of the Missouri Compromise to the Pacific ocean. 9. But, he promptly acquiesced in the Com promise of '50, and employed all his influence in favor of the faithful execution of the Fugi tive Slave law. 10. In 1851, he remonstrated against an en actment of the Pennsylvania Legislature fur obstructing the arrest and return for fugitive slaves. 11. In 1854, he negotiated for the acquisi tion of Cuba. 12. In 1856, he approves the repeal of the Missouri restriction, and supports the princi ples of the Kansas Nebraska act. 13. He never gave a vote against the in terests of slavery, and never uttered a word which could pain the most sensitive Southern heart. The*prominent facts of Mr. Buchanan's re cord touching slavery are thus grouped into a single view, so that the person of the least patience in research, may ascertain at a glance how the Democratic candidate stands in respect to the great issue of the canvass." "A Romantic Life/'with Illustration!. Dependent 011 the cold charities of the world, the ladieiof Charleston, South Carolina, educate the enterprising lad and procure for him a favorable start towards power and place: "The viper warmed to life, turned and stung its benefactor." When entrusted with his country's flag on a distant post of duty, he hauled it down in order to commence the first filibuster o enterprise: "Stand and deliver?-' Insolent and insubordinate, refusing to obej his general or his Government, he is tried, founa guilty, on every charge, and cashiered: "The army swore terribly"?"dismiss me bully Hercules; cashier." Acquired the Mariposa claim?the powerful incentive to rash enterprises: "Money makes the mare go." Self-conceited and obstinate, he rejcctcd the advice of experienced guides, rushed into im passable mountains and snows and deserted bis men to perish without food or shelter: "As I am lame, I will start first." Discovered Coochatope for a railroad, only two miles high?the Ram's Horn route is the strai^htest; and the highest pass amid eternal snows, the lowest and most practicable: "Buf faloes are the best engineers." A wild hunt through tho Great Basin, with out "belly timber"?feasting on grasshoppers and mule meat?a triurriph of science: "He who eats fat meat, will himself be fat?and he i who feeds on mules will ever mulish be!" | "Lend me your ears!' Speculated in the claims created by himself, . government appropriation secured and confede- j rate appointed to audit and adjust them: "Put > money in thy purse I" A big beef contract to feed Indiana, without authority and ugainst law?Uucle Saui must Eay the bill twice over. "One John Hook oarsaly bawling through the camp, beef! beef11 Private caucus in Washingtou at which the Presidency is discussed; " Black spirits and j white, blue spirits aud grey." The cunning schemes ol jobbers nud claim ants on the public treasury, who lay the wires 1 and rope in the fanatical: "Rob me the exche | quer, llal 1 " Visit to tiflh aveuue to learn the views of the enterprising young man :?" Thame of Glamis thou art, and Cawder and King, that shall be." Know-nothing Council: "How, now, ye secret, black and midniyht hags? What is ye do?" "A deed without a name." ORAND INCANTATION AT PHILADELPHIA. Blair.?"Thrice the Brinded cat hutb mewed, Greeley?Round about ihs cauldron go Iu the posoned eutrails throw." Sumner?"Sweltered vei.om, sleeping got, Boil thou firm )' the cauldron hot." Webb?"Try a uliarm of powerful trouble Like a hell-broth, boil aud bubble." All?Double, double, toil and trouble, Fire burn; and cauldron bubble. Gitidings?"Cool it with a baboon's blood, There the charm is firm and good " George Law? " What is this That rises like the issue of a king, Aud wears upon his baby brow the round And top of sovereignty." Turn Ford?" Seek to know no more." All?"fc-bow his eyes and grieve his heart, Come like phadows, so depart." Mystic I fitter*? y " F\ P. B." Francis Preston lilair?"Fremont, Pluudt-r. Beef." Blair?" Imbecile plunderers of ike public trea sury !" "Hangout the banners." Front?Grasshopper cake* and' mule beef, with " nary red." Observe?Woolly horse, with an underground railroad and Uncle Tom's Cabin. Fremont alter election?"And be these juggling fiends, no more believed; That palter with us in a double sense; That keep the word of promise to the ear, And break it to our hope ! " ? Othello's occupat oil's gon A Short View of a Long Subject. The pseudo Republican parly of to-day make the welkiu ring with the cry of " breach of plighted faith," "dishonored compact," &c., &c., after having themselves so utterly disre garded that faith and trampled that compact beneath their feet, as to render imperative for the safety of the Union a new compromise upon a new basis, and this being adopted, they turn about and charge the friends of the peace and prosperity of the Union with the commis sion of the very breaches wrought by them selves, and for doing that which themselves had rendered necessary, and abrogating that which themselves had declared tc be wrong, unjust, and "in opposition to the spirit of our institutions," and which they have manifested no disposition to restore, but on the contrary have, in Congress, at this session, though tested upon it, refused to revive. Such is their consistency. But while they thus accuse others of a " breach of plighted faith," how does their record stand in another respect? Look at it as regards Kansas. In 1803, that territory was ceded to the United States. It was then under laws permitting slavery. By the treaty, which is of the highest of compacts, it was stipulated as follows: "Art. 3. The inhabitants of the ceded terri tory shall bk incorporated in Hie Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possi ble, according to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of citizens of the United States, and in the meantime they shall be maintained and protected in the enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion which they profess." Here was a compact in 1303, solemnly bind ing the United States "to maintain and pro tect the property," of the inhabitants of the territory until it should be incorporated into the. Union. A portion of this 'property was slaves, and tbey could then be held in Kansas. How could Congress in 1820 annul that com pact as to those inhabitants, and by its legis lative acts prohibit them from holding that property to which in 1803 it had undertaken to guarantee protection to within the "ceded territory?" Is the "breach of faith," in 1820, with a foreign nation, lens iniquitous than the abrogation of the act by which that breach was committed ? But, again: these "Republican" accuseds now demand that a restriction be placed upon Kansas in order to her admission as a State. They require that an inequality shall exist be tween that State and the other State sovereign ties. Aside from the Constitution and the theory of our Government, is not this a direct " breach of faith," and a violation of the treaty? Under that treaty Kansas has a right to de mand to be "incorporated into the Union, and admitted according to the principles of the Federal Constitution to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of citi zens of the United Stales," and Congress has no right to repel her, when she has sufficient population, and presents a regularly adopted Constitution, embodying the will of the people, fairly expressed, with a republican form of goverum^Dt, and asks admission. Congress has no right in her case, (whatever may be its rights in other cases,) to impose conditions, or refuse her admission. That question was set tled by the treaty, and it would be well for these censors of the morals of others, while they are making such a hue and cry about the mote in their neighbor's eye, to look to it that the beam is not in their own eye. A Frfilom Khrleker "Sold." Our readers will recollect an account pub lished some time since of a stirring appeal made by Ilenry Ward Beecher, iu bis own church, on Sunday, in behalf of a young slave girl from the South, and called upon his audi ence to raise one thousand two hundred dollars to enable Sarah to purchase her freedom. So affecting was the appeal that ladies who had no money with them took off their rings and bracelets and threw them upon the plate. The required sum was raiHed, and the girl was petted and feasted by the church, until her habits became more than Buspicious, and ap pearances grew stronger every day that she was missing, together with certain goods and chattels belonging to her friends, and a corres pondent of the New York News writes thut paper that Mr. Beecher has recently received information from her late owner that Sarah, tired of the dull life imposed upon her in the neighborhood of her Abolition associates, had returned to him, was quite happy, and was getting along "as well as could be expected" under the circumstances. She hnd raised for her master the one thousand two hundred dol lars, and he had saved his credit and his slave at the same time. A good speculation for him, but it must be rather a sore subject for those ladies of Beecher's congregation, whose dia monds so readily dropped at his "shriek" for the freedom of an abandoned slave.?Rochester Advertiser. had become decidedly A New Cent. Everybody will Ixs glad to learn that a new cent in to be coined. The old copper head, which has so long represented the smallest fractional division of our decimal money in use, is too cumbrous and large for the little value it represents, and the substitution for it of a new coin, readily distinguishable from all others in circulation, will be considered by all a great improvement. It is, therefore, pro posed by the Director of the Mint, that the new cent shall be eighty-ei^ht parts copper and twelve parts nickel. This will make a coin of n dark reddish color. It is to weigh 72 grains, less than half the present cent, which is 168 grains.?Phil. Sun. l The Abolition ?ut? Ticket and the Fill more Leader*. Mr. Fillmore tell* us that the Fremont party labors to accomplish disunion. This is th. substance and superstructure o! all L! la? speeches. Aud at this demonstration the FiH more press and the F"!lmore leiders of th? South shout in ecstacy, while then friends and followers in the Free States re echo their accla mations. The ex-President is right His Albany speech was a bold blow in the right direction. But it is easy to deal in words We care notbiug for Mr. Fillmore's counsels if his friends do not follow them; and weaver that they do not do so iu this State at the pres ent moment. Let us present the case exactly as it stands; and we earnestly invite the atten tion of the Southern people, especially those who (latter themselves that there is unother party in the tree States honestly bound to con tad"1'0 doctrine8?to the dishonoring spec An election for State officers, and for the Mate Legislature, and members of Congress, will take place in Pennsylvania on the second Tuesday of October next. The Democrats nominated a full State ticket in March; laid down a strict and stern platform; met every issue without hesitation; and grappled all sorts of sectionalism and fanaticisms without gloves. The unanimity with which all this was begun and consummated, attracted general at tention. No name was placed upon the ticket nominated by the Democratic Slate Conven tion that was not as sound as the resolutions themselves. So much for the Democratic party. How was it with the opposition? They too, assembled in State Convention, and placed' their ticket in nomination. Observe the com position of that convention- It was composed ol Abolitionists and Know-nothings exclusively Such disunionists as Wilmot and Jessup con trolled it from first to last. An invitation was extended to the Old Liqe Whigs to take part 111 this Convention. But it was scouted and scorned. Not a single Old Line Whig meeting was held in the State to choose delegates to this Abolition and Know-nothing body. The result of this Con tention was, that a ticket compo..ed of full blooded Abolitionists was placed in nomina tion T E. Cochran, of York, B. Laporte, of Bradford, and Darwin Phelps, of Armstrong, were put upon this fusion ticket. The first is known for his violent and unscrupulous oppo sition to the constitutional rights of the South ? the second is Wilmot's own immediate repre sentative, and like Wilmot, a traitor from the Democratic ranks, because of the adherence of the Democracy to the principles of the Con stitution ; and the last is well known in West ern Pennsylvania as one of the most offensive members of the Abolition and Know-nothing party. Both Laporte and Phelps were mem bers of the last Legislature, and both distin guished themselves in that body for their ex treme aud bitter support of the whole Abolition programme. The tic ket, as it stands, is an out and "Out Fremont, Stevens, Johnston, and Wil mot ticket, committed to all the infamies of the , j Republicans^ and, as a consequence, pledged to the idea of dissolving the American bmon?the great basis and foundation of the sectional movement organized to elect John C' rremont to the Presidency. Such are the relative positions of the Demo cratic and fusion parties in Pennsylvania. Up to this moment no single step has been taken by the opponents of Fremont known as the supporters of Millard Fillmore, to nominate aFillmore State ticket; and, if such n ticket should be fixed upon, it will be settled only to be will,drawn in favor of the Abolition ticket. Mark the prophecy! The object of the Fillmore leaders in Pennsyl vama is to assist the Abolitionists to elect their Mate ticket in October, so as to claim a victory over the Democracy. To establish this fact there is at hand abundant proof. We have yet to see any objection made to the State ticket by the Fillmore press. On the contrary, in many of the counties, the Fillmore leaders are now engaged in making such an arrangement as will give them the county offices, or the members of the Legislature, or the candidate for Congress in return for their votes for the State ticket of the Abolitionists. And the latter do not hesi tate to exult in the prospect of electing their Abolinan ticket, with the aid of those who rally round a candidate for President pledged aiming rremont as a man who is in, the hands of the Constitution and the Union. How far the true friends of Mr. Fillmore among the people will sanction this dishonor able plot, the future alone can show. ? > I here have been so many of these corrupt combinations in Pennsylvania since the Aboli tionists and Know-nothings hare usurped and driven out the Old Line Whigs, thnt it will be hard work for a few corrupt men to try over the same game, in a more profligate manner and with more unblushing effrontery than hereto kre' uru ? ,WUS in,eu8e m?rtification among the Whigs after each of these plots had been carried into effect; and thousands have sworn never again to be made the sport of the gam blers that rule in the opposition ranks. They have seen that such demagogues as Johnston, umot, and >tevens, have regarded them as so many chattels, to be used as circumstance and convenience may suggest; and we can hardly suppose that now, with their eyes open to this new effort making to betray them, and to de grade them, they will tamely and uncomplain ingly submit to another humiliation and out rage. Meanwhile, we invite the friends of Fillmore in the southern States to the impending bargain between the I'remont Abolitionists and the pre tended advocates of Fillmore in Pennsylvania I hey will find in this spetacle abundant food for reflection and shame. Let them well observe "f e,en."-J?L*t """" 'I'" efforts of heir own leading coadjutors in this i? rr 5 R 1 J w,|l be able to estimate thn j inference between men who profess national doctrines only to betray i hem,and who denounce Abolitionism only to hide their attempts to nssist. it into power.?Pentutylvanian. WINCHESTER MEDICAL COLLEGE. ' (winchester, VIRGINIA.] THE next Annual Scut-Ion ut? thin Insti tution will commence on the 1st of October, and continue until May following. faculty. Hugh II. McGuire, M. D., Professor of Surgery and Physiology ; J. Philip Smith, M.D., Profei**or of Practice of Medicine and Obstetrics; Alfred B. Tucker, M. D., Professor of Anntomy, Chem istry, and Materia Medica. Fees for the whole course, $100; matriculation fee, $5; directing ticket, (once only,) $10 ; diplo ma fee, $20. The course pursued is that of (failt/ examina tions on the preceding lecture; generally but two and never more than three lectures are delivered during the day. The study of practical anatomy maybe pursued at a trifling expense. Clinical eciures delivered during the session.. By a recent act of the General Assembly, the College educates//??#? young men from the State of Virginia, free of all expense for tuition, use ol rooms, &c. It is required that applicants should be of good, moral character, and unable to pur sue their studies nl their own expense. For fur ther information apply to ALFRED B. TUCKER, M. D, Dean. May 1? 3tw01 JOIMAS P. LBVY, Importer and Dealer IN WINES, Mtit OHS, RROARN, AND FINE GROCERIES. General Commission and Forwarding Merchant, No. 474 Penn. Avenue, two doors below U. S. Hotel, WASHINGTON citt, D. C. E7" N B. Country Merchants are requesteo to give me a call before purchasing elsewhere. Cr Also, Agent fortheFarmers' andMechanics Fikk and Marine, and Life Insurance Compart of Philadelphia, for the ports and towns of Alex sndria, Va., and Georgetown, D. C.