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KKtlAKKAULK? Or, we should rather have said nut Remarka ble, that Dearly all the infidels of the laud are in the ranks of the Black Republicans. Ail the soi-disant reverends who renounce and de nounce tbe Qod of the Bible are among the most noisy, unscrupulous and habitual falsifiers of that party. They are men who suck sub stance from dupes all around, but who af ford no wholesome nourishment for body or soul to any one. These reverends have abandoned the teachiug of their flocks, the holy precepts and examples of the Saviour; they have ceased to inculcate charity and brotherly kindness, the loving of our neighbor as ourself; they have ceased to warn themselves and their people to cast out the beam from their own eye before railing at the mote in u brother's eye. The sermon on the Mouut is no longer heard in their churches? Bnt in their stead a fierce and unrelenting hate towards unoffending brethren is daily preached by those "dogs in foreheads but deer in heart," the Beechers, Sillimans, Parkers, Phillips's, and et id omne genus. For Bibles, Sharpe's rifles are substituted, and for psalms and hymns,doggerel instigating sedition and discord have been substituted. What crimes or sins has the South com mitted, and of which the North is innocent, that a warfare should be carried on by the North against the South with such unsparing, elentless malignity, villifying and slandering he South, its people and all their institutions. We place a truthful picture before our readers, and leave them to judge how far the South is ustly subject to censure and such virulent hos tility from the North; of the propriety of the North passing sentence of unmitigated con demnation, and of wreaking its utmost ven geance regardless even of the tegia of the Con stitution. THE CASE STATED. During our subjection to Great Britain as colonies, the South then, as now, were without shipping. Then, as subsequently, up to the period of the abolition of the slave trade with Africa, the importation of slaves from Africa was made by the English and the North. Upon these, and these alone, does the whole stigma of African slavery in this country rest. The South is wholly exempt from reducing freemen to slavery. The North is steeped to the eyes, crimson? dyed with this enormous guilt. The North has received profits from this guilty trade, which, being invested as received, now exceeds the enormous sum of two thou sand millions of dollars. With this enormous fruit of its fjuilt in its pocket, the North sits in judgment on the South, making itself accuser, witness, judge, and executioner. Tlie offence charged upon the South is this: that the North having violently and wickedly reduced many hundred thousand freemen to slavery?having packed tliein, like herring, in holds of ships, where nearly one-fourth died from suffering, and having brought them to this country, offered them for sale to the South a* slaves for life, they and their posterity, until he will of their owners should emancipate hem. They furnished bills of sale guaran teeing all this, and each northern man, with his wn sign mannual, gave receipt for the con ideration. The South, finding tho negroes in acknowledged, perpetual slavery to these north ern men, who gave guarantee that the right to hold the negroes and their posterity in per petual bondage was indisputable, purchased and paid the price for the guarantee. With this admitted state of the case, the North not only refuses to restore these slaves thus purchased when they escape to them, but seek by every thieving, sneaking and dishonor able means to steal and to entice away the people who they themselves first enslaved and then sold into slavery, but also do this in de fiance of a solemn compact made by every northern State, pledging its sacred honor to its fulfilment. Not only this, but they protest against one of these slaves going into any portion of the common and immense federal domain, belong ing equally to the holders of the slaves as to the northern men. The South is condemned by the North, (the Black Republican North.) to lose their slaves when they escape to the North, to have every slave kidnapped, seduced, or stolen by the North without reserve, hesitation or limit. To have tlie slaves in the District of Columbia forcibly manumitted; in addition to the full price paid the North for these slaves, the North now requires, in addition, the abandon ment by the South, with their slaves, of all right or pretension to any portion of their own domain, a domain in which they are with the North joint and equal tenants. This was cer tainly no part of the original contract when bills of sale were given for the slaves, nor is there any trace of any such subsequent pro vision. The North would also prohibit the inter-State slave trade or commerce, and pro hibit the passage of slaves from one State to another. The North itself held in slavery as many negroes as it found profitable. How did the Northern States get rid of slavery ? By eman cipation? No. They did not pass laws eman cipating all who were their slaves, but they did pass laws to the effect that, if the owners of slaves did not by a certain time sell their slaves out of the State, that then rt y should be free. Under this law, of coarse, all were sold except those whose owners were willing to set them free, and needed no law to do so. Thus it clearly appears no Northern State ever emanci pated its slaves. Having thus imported slaves and sold them 0 the South as long as the law allowed; hav ing worked as many of them at the North as were profitable, and as long as they were pro fitable, they then emancipate them info slavery at the South for a full consideration. The laws were laws for emancipating the Northern Slates from negroes, and nothing else ; they were laws to relieve themselves from hardens, not for the freedom or welfare of the negro; from no motive of philanthropy or mercy, but a cold calculation of their own interests and convenience; it was an emancipation for which full value for the slaves was received, and by which the negroes were consigned into WASHINGTON SENTINEL. \ V0L 3- ~ T II 1-WEEK L \7" sn 138 " CITY OF WASHINGTON, SATURDAY MORNiNG. AUGUST 1(8, fssn. a designed perpetual slavery for a full consid eration received. Without referring to the immense profit which these same men have received for trans porting the products of slave-labor, from the manufacturing these products, from the sup plies furnished to the slaves aud their masters, we will simply say? That with this record before it the North sits in judgment on the South and announces the verdict: It discards the old adage that "the receiver is as bad as the thief," and its verdict stauds? 1 hat the receiver is alone the guilty one." The thief is not only guiltless in their esti mation, but he is the very proper person to ac cuse, prosecute, testify against, judge, condemn and execute the receiver; the very thief who assured the receiver that his title to the slave was perfect aud absolute and who had given a guarantee of title to the receiver against ev?ry such claimant. The judge is the Northern thief, with the consideration and guarantee money in his pocket, setting in judgment on the Southern receiver, who holds the judge's own bill of sale, receipts and guarantee of title in his hands. Yet the honest thief judge, chinking his guilt money, in his pocket, condemns his Southern receiver. This is a plain unvarnished truthful state ment in which scarce half the enormity of Northern guilt is shown, and but a portion of the monstrous injustice to the South appears. We will exhibit this in a separate article. WOUDSOPWISDOM AND PATRIOTISM' " The agitation on the question of domestic Slavery has too long distracted and divided the people of the Union and alienated their affec tions from each other. "Most happy would it be for the country, if this long agitation were at an end. During its whole progress it has produced no practical good to anv human being, whilst it has been the source of great and dangerous evils. It has alienated and estranged one portion of the Union from the other, and has even seriously threatened its existence. To my own personal knowledge it has produced the impression among foreign nations that our great and glo rious confederacy is in constant danger of dis solution. This does us serious injury, because acknowledged power and stability always com mand respect among nations, and are among the best securities against unjust aggressions, aud in favor of the maintainance of honorable peace. "Under these circumstances, I must cheer fully pledge myself, should the nomination of the convention be ratified by the people, that all the power and influence, constitutionally possessed by the Executive, shall be exerted in a firm but conciliatory spirit, during the sin gle term I shall remain in office, to restore the same harmony among sister StateR which pre vailed before this apple of discord, in the form of Slavery agitation, had been cast into their midst."?James Buchanan's Letter or ac ceptance. Something' fur *outbern Know-nothing*. The following, from a leading Northern Know-nothing journal, will be interesting to Southern members of the order : " Knotc-nolhingism and Black Republican ism.?The Albany Register, a leading Know nothing paper, says that 'everything, except in New York, these two titles [Know-nothiug ism and Black Republicanism] are indissolu bly joined together in a holy wedlock.' The Register further says: "'If Fremont is elected the country will owe the American party a debt of gratitude ; for it is not doing injustice to other noble advocates of freesoil to say that the American organiza tion in the East and West is the backbone of the Republican party.' " Those Germans in our city who lately formed a Fremont club, resolving at the same time against Know-nothingigm, will no doubt be pleased to know that they have allied them selves with the very faction against which they levelled their deuupciation. They will no doubt be delighted to learn that Black Repub licanism 'is indissolubly joined in a holy wed lock' with Know-nolhingism; and that the Know-nothingism organization 'is the back bone of the Republican party."' The lainei lit ? Nat-shell. A nAtion&l Whig of Alabama, R. W. Walker, in responding to an invitation to attend and address a Democratic mass meeting, states the issues in the pending contest with a degree of conciseness and clearness that we have rarely seen, Here in an extractf rom his letter: " Believing that the Democratic party is the only national party now in existence, and that upon its success in the present contest depends the preservation of the right* of the South, if not indeed, the very existence of the Govern ment itself, I feel il my duty to forego all old prejudices, forget former differences, and give my earnest support to the nominees of the Cincinnati Convention. " If I were asked to name the fundamental principles which lie at the basis of our Govern ment, and on which our free institutions have been built, as a house upon its foundations, I should answer, the equality of the States which compose the Union, and the equality of the citizens who constitute the Slates. The first of these principles is denied and assailed by the Black Republicans; the second, if not openly controverted, is at least insidiously at tacked, by the lvnow-nothigs. The errors of these parties, then, (if the terms l>e not too mild,) are errors of fundamental and vital principles, menacing, in the one instance, the civil privileges and the religious liberty of the private citizen ; and in the other, the sovereign rights of the States and the existence of the Union. The Democratic party atone, of all the organizations now in the field, maintains and defends both of these essential principles, and thus, in my humble judgment, entitles itself to the cordial support and co-operation of all national men, of every section and party. " Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "R. W. WALKER." LKTTUIl OF HON. THOMAS O. PRATT, OF A1AUYL.AMO. Below will be found a truly statesmanlike letter from Senator Pratt to his fellow-W higs of Maryland. It takes irrefragrable positions justifying bis and their support at the coming election of the Democratic nominees. It states briefly that Mr. Fillmore abandoned his Whig friends and weut over to the Ameri can party, which denounced the W big party; that Mr. Fillmore accepted the nomination as of the American party ; that he did not con sult his Whig friends, nor appeal nor refer to them in his acceptance; that, in fact, he made himself a voluntary separation from them, con sequeutly there can be no claim by him to their support. The letter shows that the Fremont party is organized for the express purpose of attacking the rights and interests of Maryland. That, allowing to Mr. Fillmore every merit claimed for him, it is clear as noonday that he cannot be elected. That it is equally clear, that with the aid of the Whigs the nominees of the Democratic Convention can ceriaiuly be elected, and that thus the conspirators against the peace, in terest, and honor of the South, will be de feated. That the old issues between the parties are obsolete. That to vote for Mr. Fillmore, in the South, is only a diversion in favor of Fremont. TO THE WHIGS OF MARYLAND. In response to the communications received from many of my brother Whigs, I deem it my privilege, in this manner, to counsel with all in relation to the course which patriotism and duty would seem to indicate as proper in the present political crisis. No lover of his country whose judgment is unbiased by party zeal and uncontrolled by Northern or Southern fanaticism can fail to see and deprecate the pending danger to the Union. The first duty of every man who loves his country and her institutions is to provide for their safety. The life of the nation is in dan ger. li must be saved ; then, and not till then, will it be permissible to us to discuss our differ ences of opinion upon minor subjects. I say that the life of the Union is in danger, because, for the first time iu our history, a party has been formed composed exclusively of citizens of one section of the country, bound together by tke tingle bond of an alliance for offensive warfare against the other section. That the success of such a party would imperil the Union has been recently demonstrated by an address ot Mr. Fillmore, and will, it is sub mitted, be apparent to all who will bestow a j moment's consideration upou the existing pos ture of political affairs. The value of the slave property of the South is not less than two thousand millions of dol lars, a sum equal to one fourth ot all the other property in the United States, as shown by the last census. This property is not only recog j nised, but so far guarantied by the Constitution us to impose upon the Federal Government the duty of restoring to his owner the slave who may escape into another State or Territory of the United States. For years past this con stitutional obligation has been not only repu diated by some of the non slaveholding States, but political parties have been organized in all with the avowed object of liberating the slave, and thus not only depriving the South of this vast amount of property, but subjecting it to all the horrors which would necessarily resu t from such a consummation. In addition to all this, whilst the abolitionists on the "one hand openly avow their opposition to the Constitu tion and their desire to destroy a Government which imposes obligations repudiated by them, on the other hand many Southern men, goaded by the incessent attacks of their Northern fel low-citizen* upon their feelings, their property, and their constitutional rights, express the be lief that the interests of the South would be more effectually protected by a separation of the slave from the non slaveholding States, and therefore rather promote than inter pose to prevent a result so calami'ous. W? have hitherto disregarded the danger which such a state of feeling and such a course of actiou would indicate as most imminent, because we have assumed that such sentiment* and action could only be attributed to a small minority of our Northern brethren. But now, when this sectional exasperation has been made available for the inauguration of a party calling itself Republican, under whose banuer, for the first time in the history of the country, this sectional opposition to Southern rights I and interests have united in nominating, with alleged probabilities of success, a purely sec tional ticket for the Presidency and Vice l'resi dency of the United States, we can no longer shut our eyt& to the reality of the threatened danger; we cannot but feel that the success of such a party would be the death knell of the Union. The unpatriotic purposes of this sec- I tional party are but too manifest. Many of its supporters avow their object and purpose to be disunion, and have even gone so fur in the madness of their fanaticism as to desecrate the flag of our country by obliterating from its constellation the fifteen stars which represent the slaveholding States, and displaying at their party banner that flag with but sixteen of its 1 .mars remaining, to represent the sixteen non slaveholding States. It is manifest that those who disavow the object are not ignorant of the inevitable result. The Whigs of Maryland, whom I have the honor to address, need no proof to convince them that calamitous consequences would flow from the success of this sectional party. They each and all know that the election of Mr. Fre mont, and the administration of the Govern ment by him updn the principles of hu party, would necessarily occasion a dissolution of the Federal Union, to which they have been taught j to look as the source of national strength ami j of individual prosperity and happiness. I have known only the W higs of my State too long, I estimate their patriotism too highly, I have associated with them too intimately, to suppose it necessary for a moment to offer an | argument to them in behalf of their country, j They appreciate, as fully as I could depict, the , horrors of disunion; they will see the loss ot national strength, the internal dissensions, the fatal check to civilization and freedom, the con tempt of the world which would be the cotise qnences of such a calamity. The Whigs ot Maryland, who have followed the lead of such ; patriots as Clay and Webster, "will never keep step to any other music than that ot the Union." ... , It therefore only remains to inquire what course shall be taken to rebuke sectional fana ticism and preserve our country from the dan gers of its success. You are aware that this Republican party, which we all agree must be put down at all hazards, is opposed by two other party organi zation: the American, headed by Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson, aud the Democratic, 1.J oa by Messrs. Buchanan and Breckinridge. ^>u will recollect that Mr. Fillmore, prior to his recent visit to Europe, abandoned the Whig party and became a member of the form" r of these organizations, which boasted that it had risen upon the downfall ot the Whig party, and which proclaimed that the corruptions of the Whig and Democratic par ties constituted the necessity of its existence. You know that ho and Andrew Jackson Don elson have been nominated by this party (not by the Whig party) for the Presidency and Vice Presidency, and you will admit that the principles of proscription because of religious opinions, and other reputed tenets of this new party, are in direct antagonism with the priti ciples of that good old Whig party to which we are still attached, and which has been abandon ed by Mr. Fillmore. It is not my object in re leriing to these (acts to deny to the Ameiican party, since the secession ol its abolition adhe rent^ a fair claim to nationality; nor to deny the patriotism and virtue ot Mr. 1' ill more, ^ nor his eminent qualification for the ollice ol Chief Magistrate. But 1 do deduce from them the necessary conclusion that, as Whigs we owe no party allegiance to Messrs. Fillmore and Donel son, members and nominees ot the American party. I deduce the conclusion that, as Whigs, we are are not only at liberty, but that as pa triots we are bound, by every obligation to our country and posterity, to throw aside, on the o*ie hand, the feelings of hostility which Mr. Fillmore's desertion of our party would be cal culated to engender, and, on the other hand, to forget for the time our former battles with the Democratic party, and to ask ourselves but one question?which of the two national organ izations offers the best guarantee of success in crushing out of existence this new and mon strous sectional party, which threatens the life of your country ? I do not propose to examine the relative claims ot the two national parties or their nominees to our support. It is not, in my judgment, peruiissable in the present crisis to interpose our individual differences of opin ion upon minor questions. It is sufficient tor us to know that the election ot either national nominee would secure the Union ; and the only question permitted by patriotism is, whether our support of the one or the other would more cerLainly prove successful V But before I proceed to this inquiry, having shown that no political allegiance to Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson will interpose to pre vent the fair exercise of our judgment on that side, I propose briefly to inquire whether there is anything to prevent our support ot the De mocratic nominees, if alter investigation we shall believe that our vote in their favor would more certainly secure the safety ot our country. It cannot have escaped your observation that the political principles upon which the Whig and Democratic parties have battled for thirty ?ears, with varied success, have been for the most part settled by the fiat of the people, and that such as have not been so detiuitely dis posed of have been either abandoned by the one or adopted by the other ot those parties; so that now the representatives of the people in the halls of State and Federal legislation are foimd indiscriminately advocating and op posing the same principles and measures. Not only is there no principle of political antago nism which should prevent W bigs and Demo crats acting together for the benefit of their common country, but It is confidently submit ted that upon the only vital question, that which now agitates and endangers the country, the two parties fully accord. The Whig aud Democratic platforms upon the slavery ques tion in eighteen hundred and fifty-two were identical; and, there being no Whig nominees before the people, it might be suggested that consistency would rather require than oppose the support of the Democratic nominees by Whigs. The controlling inquiry to the patriot now recurs, which of the two national organi zations can by his cote be made 'most certainly successful'/ Every Maryland Whig will be bound by every tie of duty to vote as his judgment shall de cide this question. It may not be immaterial to observe that neither of the national nominees will obtain throughout this broad land any votes which will not be cast by national conservative citi zens, and it is to be regretted that in this crisis that vote should be divided between two na tional candidates, whilst the entire anti-na tional vote will be concentrated upon the sec tional nominee. To judge of the relative strength of the two national organizations it is unnecessary to trace minutely the origin of the American party. It is sufficient to bring to your recollection that it was originally com posed, North and South, of the dissatisfied members of the two old parties, aud that in tne North its original members were chiefly those who opposed the conservative principle upon the slavery question avowed in the platforms of the two old parties. It must not escape your recollection that upon the nomination of Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson a large majority of the Northern delegates seceded troin the conven tion, declared their intention not to support those nominees, and subsequently united in the nomination of Mr. Fremont. This separation of the sectional from the national portion of the American party has occurred in every Northern State in the Confederacy. I deduce from these facts the nationality ol the suppor ters of Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson, and 1 submit the inquiry for the honest decision of those to whom this paper is addressed, what non-slaveholding State can this national branch of the American party, thus shorn of the larger portion of its original strength, promise Us nominees' Let the Whigs of Maryland pon der upon the view of this subject I have eu deavored to present to their consideration, and no one of them will say that a single non slaveholding State is certain for Fillmore and Donelson. Time, I think, will develop the fact that Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson will belett without an electoral ticket in most of the free States, and it is at any rate the deliberate con viction of my judgment that they will not carry a single non-slaveholding State in the Union. If I am right, or even approximate the truth in the view I have taken, it will necessarily fol low that any conservative vote for the Ameri can nominees North will be equivalent to a vote for Mr. Fremont, as it will be a vote taken from Mr. Buchanan, his only real competitor. It is clear.then,that to the Southalonecan the friends of Messrs. Fillmire and Donelson look for the probable chance of an electoral vote; and it ia to the States of Maryland, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri that they profess to look with the greatest hi pe of success. It is manifest that if this hope were realized, it might indeed prevent the election of Messrs. Buch anan and Breckinridge by the people, but it would only throw the election of President into the present Uouse of Representatives, composed as that House now is. Does not the election of this same House, after a con test of two months, of a Black Republican Speaker, admonish us of the danger of such an experiment ? Who can doubt that our po litical fabric would be shaken to its v?-ry foun dations by this election of President being thrown upou the present House of Represen tatives? On the othes hand, is it not certain, beyond the contingency of a doubt, that the the vote of the States indicated for Mr. Buch anan, when added to that of the other Southern States, would secure his election and the con sequent safety of the Union? It is obvious that in this condition of the canvass, the only serious contest is that between Fremont and Buchanan; that the only possible result that the most sanguine of the friends of Fillmore and Donelson can hope to attain is to carry the contest into the House of Representatives. Who can conceive anything more fatal to the peace of the country, more insane in political action, than such a course of conduct leading to such a result? Suppose Mr. Fillmore to reach the House of Representatives with the votes of four or five States, (his utmost possi ble strength,) no man can seriously contend that he would be elected President, and as suredly few will be found bold enough to as sert that, under such circumstances, he ought to be. 'I he ouly effect, then, of giving the electoral vote of any portion of the South to Mr. Fillmore would be to transfer the contest j between Mr. Buchanan and Fremont from the \ hustings to the House of Representatives ; and the danger to our country, now sufliciently menacing, would, in that event, be appalling indeed. Who can contemplate the occurrence of such a contingency, without feeling that he would be a trator to his country, if he failed to exert every possible effort to avert ho awful a calamity ? I deem it, then, to be my duty, as well as that of all who believe with me that the election of Fremont would be the death-knell of the Union, to unite in the support of Messrs. Buc h anan and Breckinridge; and 1 shall sustaiu their election to the best of my ability. Whilst I concede that there are certain principles hitherto professed by the party which nominated them that cannot receive our support, yet on the great issues of the constitutional rights of the South the platform on which they stand meets my cordial approval, and is in accor dance with that of the party which I now address, and to whose kind favor I owe the honor of holding the seat I now occupy, and which I shall cease to hold after the 4th of March next by the fiat of that party to which Mr. Fillmore has attached himself, and which is now domi nant in the Legislature of my native State. Let Maryland Whigs remember that the po litical battle now being fought is one of the deepest interest to them; that the maintenance of the constitutional rights of the South is the issue tendered to the American people by the Democratic parly, and (as the Whigs have no candidate) by that party alone: that upon this issue the Republican party have staked the Union; and in such a battle, upon such an issue, they must be true to those who are doing battle in our behalf. It would be indeed sad if, in such a contest, the conservative strength of the couutry should not be united; it would be as strange as sad if, in such n contest, Southeru men should not be foun> attiing shoulder to shoulder for the maiutcn^uce of their own constitutional rights. In thus accomplishing what I believe to be a duty, I shall be inexpressibly gratified if I shall find myself sustained by the approval of my fellow Whigs, who have refused to abandon either the party or the principles in support of which we have so long and so faithfully united, and which we shall remain at perfect liberty to reorganize as soon as our common efforts shall have succeeded in averting the perils that now threaten our beloved country. THOMAS G. PRATT. tlon. J. 1>. Bright'* Letter. To the great Democratic mast meeting at Indian apolis on the 17/A July. Washington, July 12,1856. Dear sir: I have seen Senators Cass, Doug las, and Brown, and Representative Cobb, of Georgia, and agreeably to your request, have invited tbem in behall of the " Slate Central Committee" to attend the mass meeting of our friends at Indianapolis on the 17th instant. Mr. Cobb has assured me that be would bo present, but the other gentlemen feel that they cannot, consistently with their pressing duties here, be absent for the length of time such a visit would necessarily require, and they beg to be excused. For myself, nothing would afford me more plea sure than to unite on the occasion with the democracy of our State in ratifying the nomi nationr of that experienced and profound states man, James Buchanan, for President, and the equally worthy and gifted young son of Ken tucky, John C. Breckinridge, f&r Vice Presi dent, but my official engagements here are of such a character as to forbid my leaving at this time. 1 avail myself, however, of the opportunity to say to you, and to the mass gathering of our friends, and to my constituents generally, that so soon as my duties here will permit, I shall hasten home with the intention of visiting as many comities as time will allow, and holding converse with the people, face to face, on the absorbing questions of the day. If there ever was a time when the constituent and his rep resentative should be brought close together to commune with each other freely,itis the present. The systematic effort that is being made to array one section of our country against another upon a purely local question, and to inflame the worst passions of men by misrepresentations and falsehood, is calculated to alarm those who love theUnionanddesireits perpetuity. Against the dangers of sectionalism wo were early warned by the Father of his Country; yet the tendency of the public mind for the past few years, led on by men sometimes designing, and always fanatical^has been toward that result, until now we see, for the first time in the history of our country, a formidable sectional party, presenting sectional candidates for the highest offices in the nation's gift, and baling their claims to election upon purely sectional grounds. It is appalling to contemplate the consequences which must result from the success of such a party; for it can end in nothing less than the dismemberment of that glorious Union ?the work of our revolutionary patriots?the bequest of our revolutionary sires?to which we are indebted for our security at home and our consideration and dignity abroad. The Union had its origin in the wmits and necessities of the whole people and of the several States, and every year of its existence has afforded ftesh proofs of its utility and its blessings. Under its benign influences, agri culture, commerce?every industrial pursuit? have flourished in an unparalleled degree ; and we have grown, in the short period of three quarters of a century, from an inconsiderable power to be one of the mightiest nations of the world. One might well pause to consider whether it would be wise to throw all these advantages away for the very illusory, unsub stantial gains which sectionalism will furnish. For myself, " I have not," in the language of the immortal Webster, "coolly weighed the i chances of preserving liberty when the bond* that unite us together shall be broken asunder. 1 have not accustomed myself to hang over tliH precipice of disunion to nee whether, with my short sight, 1 can futhorn the depth of the abyss below ; nor could I regard him as a life counsellor in the affairs of this Government i whose thoughts should be mainly bent on con sidering, not how the Union should be best I preserved, but how tolerable mi^ht be the : condition of the people when it shall be broken I up, and destroyed. While the Union lasts we ! have high, exciting, gratifying prospects spread I out before us, for us and our children. Be | y?nd that I seek not to penetrate the veil. I God grant in my day, at least, that curtain ; may not rise. God grant that on my vision never may be opened what lies behind. \\ hen my eyes shall be turned to behold, for the lust Time, the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored frag ments of a once glorious Union?on States dissevered, discordant, beliigerent?on a laud rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood. Let their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of the republic, now known and honored throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their origi nal lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, nor a single star obscured, bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogatories as " What is all thin worth t nor those other words of de lusion and folly, Liberty fir at and Union af terward* ; but everywhere, spread all over in characters of living light, blazing 011 all its ample folds as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every American heart, Libertv and Union, now ANl) FOREVER, ONF. AND IXSEI'AitAULE." A firm believer in man's capacity for self government, 1 will not allow myself to suppose that the people of Indiana, hitherto devoted to the Union, will become so blind and led away by passion and prejudice, as to be willing to hazard the stability of a government that has afforded them so much of security and pros perity, for the sake of removing u supposed evil that exists without their borders, and with which, politically, they have no concernment. I will rather believe that they will adopt and adhere to those true principles?on which alone can this community of States be lasting ?that the people of each State and Territory shall be left free to regulate their own domes tic concerns in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. In this way, each community attending to its own affairs and leaving others to do the same, we may look forward with confidence to long years of continued growth in everything that makes a nation prosperous, happy, and great. But if, instead of this, each community shall under take to decide, not only what i.-> for its own good, but what is for its neighbors also,, then, indeed, shall " we have fallen upon evil times," and the days of the Union may be said to be already numbered. I have not the time now to elaborate throe views, but if I shall have the pleasure of meet ing my fellow-citizens through the summer I will attempt it then. Mr. Buchanan is emiuentlv a national man, of great ability and enlarged experience, and his post record furnishes a sufficient guarantee that the government in his hands will be ably and faithfully administered, not upon sectional ! but upon national grounds, if elected, he will be the President o! the whole Union, not of a part of it. Colonel Fremont has no political antecedents, and we all know that he is the chosen candidate of a miserable, sectional, " highrr-law" party, that seLs at defiance all j constitutional obligations, when they conflict with their perverted notions of political mo rality. I feel great Bolicitudc that in this contest the 1 voice of Indiana should be heard above the battle's wreck, proclaiming her devoiion 10 the Union and the Constitution. Nor am I willing to believe that, she will maintain any other po sition. I will not doubt that Indiana?the Democratic young giant of tbe Northwest? will put forth her united strength to preserve the integrity of our common government. Only let her natioual, Constitution, and Union-loving people understand the true issue ?the living issue?involved in this election, and from every city, town, and hamlet through out the length and breadth of the State they will rise it* their majesty to protect the free in stitutions our fathers made, and to bury in merited oblivion the fanaticism und treason that would rob us of such a priceless inheri tance. Very respectfully and truly yours, J. D. BRIGHT. Gordon Tanner, Esq., Sec., Ac. TIIK .M ISS(H It 1 L1SE OF OrFICB. In a late article upon thq^ disasters that would ensue from the election of J. C. FnmNt to the 1'renidency, we merely referred to the one of appointments to office in the Southern States. We are induced to pri-seut this view again, because it is in our memory that the National Era some year or more since, rather advocated the confinement'of federal appoint ments to the North, even when the duties of those offices were to be performed within the Southern States. We regret we have not a file of the Era that we might the better do justice to it and the subject, by a transfer of its article to our columns. In the discussion of these subjects, we are aware that complaint may be justly lodged agaiost us, for repetition of views previously preneftted ; but this should be excu.M-d l?y the necessity of making the appro priate application of the points, which we are often induced to make. The true basis of the Federal Union, and the considerations which induced it, are familiar to all, and, yet, judg ing from the present condition of parties, it would seem not wholly a work of supereroga tion to repeat them again, and agairt. Wc shall not, therefore, fail in this reiteration, be cause of the wilful deafness or hardened and sinful nature of ouj adversaries. When the Union of these States was consum mated, the institution of slavery existed in all of them but one. The causesof its non-existence in that one were not based upon any repugnance to slavery itself, or any sickly philanthropy upon the subject whatever, Had this been the case, the record would have shown it, and had the questiou of the right of property in slaves even been mooted, the conclusion is inevitable that the Union would never have been accom plished. The recognition of the institution of slavery, then, wu not only unanimous by the Stales, but in twklvu out of tiik tuirtekv, it abaoluUly existed, and that, too, without even a remonstrance from the one that formed the exception 1 But furthermore: Out of the thirteen States there were seven Northern, und six Southern States; the North thus having a majority at the very first date of the confederacy. Of the seven Northern States, six were slave Slutss, and one free State. Considering that this free State made no objection to the institution of slavery in her sifter States, we mayjustlvas suute (particularly when we remember that De laware is merely i? theory* slave State) that the Northern States had a practical majority, and hence, having this institution before, and at the time, and iruLsi^uent to their membership in the Union, that they are responsible for its ex istence in the Union. The South, if she had so willed, had not the power to keep slavery out of the Union, because a majority of the whole number, und that majority nmde up of .Northern (and now free) States, recognized and enjoyed it! Thus it will not be controverted, that the right of property in slaves was a right anterior to, co-eval with, and subsequent to the adop tion of the Federal Constitution?that it was not only an inherent and undisputed right, but was one of those rights that entered into the compact as clearly as uny oilier right at al!? that it was a right guarded, guaranteed and protected by the Constitution, and which can not be abated, but by the nullification of that instrument itself. With this plain, but veritable statement of the rights of the States in slave property at the period of the compact between the States, and the definition of those rights, under the Con stitution, which pertain to them in the Terri tories or common domain of nil the States, vc come to consider the humiliating condition of things in this connection at the present time It will be seen from what we have to say further, that it is no longer an idle threat, if the Abolitionists succeed in electing their ticket, that the equality of the Southern States is tu be utterly destroyed, and all her rights, privi leges, and immunities under the Constitution are to he shamelessly ignored and repudiated. What is the state of the case? A Conven tion of the Anti-Slavery party of the country is called, and assembles in a Northern city. It is termed a national Convention. That this is a misnomer may be inferred by the fact, that there were but about half a dozen men found who were base enough to claim that they represented, in its deliberations?a Southern constituency. Fifteen of the States thus were unrepresented. A ticket was nominated by this ?>, national Convention, presenting for the suf frages of the American people two individuals, both residing in free States and holding opin ions not only foreign to, but in positive antag onism with, the constitutional rights and inter ests of one half of the States of'the Union. Two individuals, who cannot obtain a single score of voters througho.it the ichole extent of this section of the Confederacy! The princi ples enunciated by this national Convention are al war with the Constitution and in audit cious defiance of all moral and political rights. No sooner is this initiative treason and treach ery accomplished, than, emboldened by th.*ir own achievement, they fling out their piratical banners with fifteen < f t!.e States stricken from the constellated gallaxy of the American Union! Elected by a section of the Union, without the alJ of the other section on the one hand, or the power successfully to resist this ?-vi! on the ether, they come flushed with their 0 treasonable victory to take the reins of Gov ernment. l>i??arding, in advance, the Consti tution as tli - chart by which their administra tion should be guided?spurning as inferiors fifteen of the sovereign members of the Union? trampling under the despotic heel of hellish power all of their rights and privileges?shear ing them of their proud dignity as equals? levelling them to the condition of hewers of wood and drawers of water?constituting them a serfdom to do the behests of their high will and pleasure; and, as if these were not enough, to sting them with the further humiliation of having the Federal offices within their own limits filled by the fiendish emissaries from their own foul and corrupt dominions, that the seed of domestic insurrection may be sown, or the torch of the midnight incendiary success fully applied to their once happy and peaceful homes. This is the character of the men, and these the principles of the party, who have come forth, like the great Philistine of Goth to defy the living armies of God and Liberty, of Right and Reason, of Justice and the Con stitution! Is it an exaggerated picture? A Missouri line of office is to be run! This ir their scheme; for, not content with bowing you down, men of the South, in humiliation and disgrace, their cormorant maws as insatia ble as that, of their great chief, demand even the offices within your household. Rut, sup pose there 1cere bounds to their lust of power and pelf, how could the Government be car ried on under the rule of this black crew, who set at naught every principle of common hon esty and truth? Suppose, with a mockery of favor to you, they were willing to fill the Fed eral offices with men from your midst, where ?re the cravens to be found to hold them under such an administration? Where are the col lectors and surveyors of your ports, the post masters of your cities, and the judges and the marshals of your Federal districts? Kven the pure ermine of justice must draggle in the mire of corruption and putrescence, and be subservient to the destructive fiat of a central power without scruple or principle. From the election of Fremont, two proposi tions must ensue?disunion, or a tnme sub mission to the most disgraceful bondage. We will not depict the train of tragedies and the frightful destruction that would follow the first. Rut what Southern heart does not beat quickly with offended and indignant pride at the con templation of the only alternative of disunion? the most revolting form of political slavery. FiftkKn Southern States stripped of their power, dignity and equality! Fifteen South ekn States made the vassals of a horde of corrupt vandals, to whose natures virtue is a stranger, and in whose conceptions honesty has no placc. We will not doubt, uniier such circumstances, the patriot spirit of all true lovers of the Constitution will be aroused, and that when the ides of November come they will be mingling their gratulations over a victory in which peuce, order and equality are pre served in every State of our glorious Union. The issue is before you?Sectionalism and its corollary, Disunion?or the Constitution and the Union under the Constitution! Choose ye which you will have.