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Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, August 19, 1856, Image 1

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lOasljiugton fentiiul:
Or, we should rather have said not Remarka
ble, that nearly all the infidels of the lan>l are
in the ranks of the Black Republicans. All
the 8oi-disant reverends who renounce and de
uouuce the Ood of the Bible are amoug the
most noisy, unscrupulous and habilual talsifiers
of that party. They are men who suck sub
stance from dupes all around, but who af
ford uo wholesome nourishment for body or
soul to any one.
These reverends have abandoned the teaching
of their flocks, the holy precepts and examples
of the Savioun they have ceased to inculcate
charity and brotherly kindness, the loving of
our neighbor as ourself; they have ceased to
warn themselves and their people to cast out
the beam from their own eye before railing at
the mote in a brother's eye. The sermon on
the Mount is no longer hoard in their churches?
Bnt in their stead a fierce and unrelenting hate
towards unoffending brethren is daily preached
by those "dogs in foreheads but deer in heart,
the Beechers, Sillimans, Parkers, Phillips s,
and et id ovine, genus. For Bibles, Sharpe s
rifles are substituted, and for psalms and
hymns,doggerel instigating seditiouand discord
have been substituted.
What crimes or sius has the South com
mitted, and of which the North is innocent,
that a warfare should be carried on by the
North against the South with such unsparing,
elentless malignity, villifying and slandering
he South, its people and all their institutions.
We place a truthful picture before our readers,
and leave them to judge how far the South is
UBtly subject to censure and such virulent hos
tility from the North; of the propriety of the
North passing sentence of unmitigated con'
demnation, and of wreaking its utmost ven
geance regardless even of the a;gis of the Con
During our subjection to Greut. Britain as
colonies, the South then, as now, were without
shipping. Then, as subsequently, up to the
period of the abolition of the slave trade with
Africa, the importation of slaves from Africa
was made by the English and the North.
Upon these, and these alone, does the whole
stigma of African slavery in this country rest.
The South is wholly exempt from reducing
freemen to slavery.
The North is steeped to the eyes, crimson
dyed with this enormous guilt.
The North has received profits from this
guilty trade, which, being invested as received,
now exceeds the enormous sum ol two thou
Baud millions of dollars.
With this enormous fruit ot its 'guilt in its
pocket, the North sits in judgment on the
South, making itself accuser, witness, judge,
and executioner.
Tii.! offence charged upon the South is this:
that the North having violently and wickedly
reduced many hundred thousand freemen to
slavery?having packed them, like herring, in
holds of ships, where nearly one-fourth died
from suffering, and having brought them to
this country, offered them lor sale to the South
ai slaves for life, they and their posterity, until
he will df their owners should emancipate
hem. They furnished bills of sale guaran
teeing all this, and each northern man, with his
wn sign mannual, ?rave receipt for the cou
ideration. The South, finding the negroes in
acknowledged, perpetual slavery to these north
ern men, who gavo guarantee that the right to
hold the negroes and their posterity in per
petual bondage was indisputable, purchased
and paid the price, for the guarantee.
With this admitted state of the case, the
North not only refuses to restore these slaves
thus purchased when they escape to them, but
seek by every thieving, sneaking and dishonor
able means to steal and to entice away the
people who they themselves first enslaved and
then sold into slavery, but. also do this in de
fiance of a solemn compact made by every
northern State, pledging Its sacred honor to
its fulfilment.
Not only this, but they protest against one
of these slaves going into any portion of the
common and immense federal domain, belong
ng equally to the holders of the slaves as to
the northern men.
The South is condemned by the North, (the
Black Republican North,) to lose their slaves
when they escape to the North, to have every
slave kidnapped, seduced, or stolen by the
North without reserve, hesitation or limit.
To have the slaves in the District of Columbia
forcibly manumitted; in addition to the full
price paid the North for these slaveB, the
North now requires, in addition, the abandon
ment by the South, with their slaves, of all
right or pretension to any portion of their own
domain, a domain in which they are with the
North joint and equal tenants. This was cer
tainly no part of the original contract when
bills of sale were given for the slaves, nor is
there any trace of any such subsequent pro
vision. The North would also prohibit the
inter State slave trade or commerce, and pro
hibit the passage of slaves from one State to
The North itself held in slavery as many
negroes as it found profitable. How did the
Northern States net rid of slavery? By eman
cipation? No. They did not pass laws eman
cipating all who were their slaves, but they did
pass laws to the effect that, if the owners of
slaves did not by a certain time sell their slaves
out of the State, that then they should be free.
Under this law, of course, all were sold except
those whose owners were willing to set them
free, and needed no law to do so. Thus it
clearly appears no Northern State erer emanci
pated its slates.
Having thus imported slave* and sold them
o the South as long ns the law allowed; hav
ing worked as many of them at the North as
were prolitable, and as long as they were pro
fitable, they then emancipate thetn into slavery
at the South for a full consideration.
The. lavs wrc lairs fqr emancipating t/u
Northern States from negroes, and nothing
else ; they were laws to relieve themselves frotr
burdens, not for the freedom or welfare of th<
negro; from no motive of philanthropy or mercy
but a cold calculation of their own interesti
aud convenience; it was an emancipation foi
which full value for the slaves was received
and by which the negroes were consigned int(
i ^
Jl- "1 11 I~VV EEK rT~
a designed perpetual slavery for a full consid
eration received.
Without referring to the immen.se profit
which these same men have received for trans
porting the products of slave-labor, from the
manufacturing these products, from the sup
plies furnished to the slaves and their masters,
we will simply say?
1 hat with this record helore it the North sits
in judgment on the South and announces the
It discards the old adage that "the receiver
is as bad as the thief," and its verdict stands?
" That the receiver is alone the guilty one."
The thief is not only guiltless in their esti
mation, but he is the very proper person to ac
cuse, prosecute, testify against, judge, condemn
and execute the receiver; the very thief who
assured the receiver that his title to the slave
was perfect and absolute and who had given a
guarantee of title to the receiver against every
such claimant.
The judge is the Northern thief, with the
consideration and guarantee money in his
pocket, setting in judgment on the Southern
receiver, who holds the judge's own bill of sale,
receipts and guarantee of title in his hands.
Yet the honest thief judge, chinking his guilt
money, in his pocket, condemns his Southern
This is a plain unvarnished 'truthful state
ment in which scarce half the enormity of
Northern guilt is shown, and but a portion of
the monstrous injustice to the South appears.
We will exhibit this in a separate article.
" I he agitation on the question of domestic
Slavery has too long distracted and divided the
people of the Union and alienated their affec
tions from each other.
"Most happy would it be for the country, if
this long agitation were at an end. During
its whole progress it has produced no practical
good to any human being, whilst it has been
the source of great and dangerous evils. It
has alienated and estranged one portion of the
Union from the other, and has even seriously
threatened its existence. To my own personal
knowledge it h;n produced the impression
among foreign nations thai our great and glo
rious confederacy is in constant danger of dis
solution. This does us serious injury, because
acknowledged power and stability always com
mand respect among nations, and are among
the best securities against unjust aggres-ions,
and in favor of the mainlainance of honorable
" Under these circumstances, I must cheer
fully pledge myself, should the nomination of
the convention be ratified by the people, that
all the powi r and influence, constitutionally
possessed by the Executive, shall be exerted
in a firm but conciliatory spirit, during the sin
gle term I shall remain in office, to restore the
same harmony among sister States which pre
vailed before this apple of discord, in the form
of Slavery agitation, had been cast into their
midst."?James Buchanan's Letter ok ac
Something fur Southern Know-nothings.
The following, from a leading Northern
Know-nothing journal, will be interesting to
Southern members of the order :
" Know nothingism and Black Republican
ism.?The Albany Register, a leading Know
nothing puper, says that 'everything, except
in New \ ork, these two titles [Know-nothing
ism and Black Republicanism] are indissolu
ble joined together in a holy wedlock.' The
Register further says:
"'If Fremont is elected the country will owe
the American party a debt of gratitude ; for it
is not doing injustice to other noble advocates
of freesoil to say that the American organiza
tion in the East and W*c-,t is the backbone of
the Republican party.'
"Those Germans in our city who lately
formed a Fremont club, resolving at the same j
time against Know-notiiingism, will no doubt
be pleased to know ihat they have allied them
selves with the very faction against which they
levelled their deuunciation. They will no
doubt be delighted to learn that Black Repub
licanism 'is indissolubly joiued in a holy wed
lock' with Kriow-nothingism; and that the
Know-nothingism organization 'is the back
bone of the Republican party.'"
The limt) In it Nnt-alicll. '
A national Whig of Alabama, R. W. Walker,
in responding to an invitation to attend and
addres9 a Democratic mass meeting, states the
issues in the pending contest with a degree of
conciseness and clearness that we have rarely
seen. Here is an extract rum his letter:
"Believing that the Democratic party is the
only national party now in existence, and that
upon its success in the present contest depends
the preservation of the rights of the South, if
not indeed, the very existence of the Govern
ment, itself, I feel it my duty to forego all old
prejudices, forget former differences, and #ive
my earnest support to the nominees of the
Cincinnati Convention.
" If I were asked to name the fundamental
principles which lie at the hasis of our Govern
ment, and on which our free institutions have
been built, as a house upon its foundations, I
should answer, the equality of the State.1 which
compose the Union, and the equality of
the cilixrns uho constitute the States. The
tirst of these principles is denied and assailed
by the Black Republicans j the second, if not
opculy controverted, is at least insidiously at
tacked, by the Know-nothigs. The errors of
those parties, then, (if the terms be not too
mild,) ore errors of fundamental and vital
principles, menacing, in the one instance, the
civil privileges and the religious liberty of the
private citizen; and in the other, the sovereign
rights of the States and the existenco of the
Union. The Democratic party alone, of all
the organizations now in the Held, maintains
and defends both of these essential principles,
and thus, in my humble judgment, entitles
itself to the cordial support and co-operation of
all national men, of every section and party.
" Very respectfully, your obedient servant.
"R. W. walker/
Below will be found a truly statesmuulike
letter from Senator Pratt to bin fellow-Whigs
of Maryland. It takes irrefragrable positions
justifying his and their support at. the coming
election of the Democratic nominees.
It states briefly that Mr. Fillmore abandoned
his Whig friends and went over to the Ameri
can party, which deuounced the Whig party;
that Mr. Fillmore accepted the nomination as
of the American party; that he did not con
sult his Whig friends, nor appeal oor refer to
them in his acceptance; that, in fact, he made
himself a voluntary separation from them, con
sequently there can be no claim by him to
their support.
The letter shows that the Fremont party is
organized for the express purpose of attacking
the rights and interests of Maryland.
That, allowing to Mr. Fillmore every merit
claimed for him, it is clear as noonday that be
cannul be elected.
That it is equally clear, that with the aid of
the Whigs the nominees of the Democratic
Convention can certainly be elected, and that
thus the conspirators against the peace, in
terest, and honor of the South, will be de
That the old issues between the parties arc
That to vote for Mr. Fillmore, in the South,
is only a diversion iu favor of Fremont.
In response to the communications received
from many of my brother Whigs, I deem it my
privilege, iu this manner, to counsel with all in
relatiou to the course which patriotism and
duty would seem to indicate as proper in the
present political crisis.
No lover of his country whose judgment is
unbiased by party zeal and uncontrolled by
Northern or Southern fanaticism can fail to
see and deprecate the pending danger to the
The first duty of every man who loves his
country and her institutions is to provide for
their safety. The life of the nation is in dan
ger. It must be saved ; then, and not till then,
will it be permissible to us to discuss jur differ
ences of opinion upon minor subjects.
I say that the lite of the Union is in danger,
because, for the first time iu our history, a
party has been formed composed exclusively
of citizens of one section of the country, bound
together by tke single bond of an alliance for
offensive warfare against the other section.
That the success of such a party would imperil
the Union has been recently demonstrated by
an address of Mr. Fillmore, and will, it is sub
mitted, be apparent to all who will beotow a
moment's consideration upou the existing pos
ture of political affairs.
The value of the slave property of the South
is not less than two thousand millions of dol
lars, a sum equal to one fourth of all the other
property in the United States, as 6hown L>y the
last census. This property is not only recog
nised, but so far guarantied by the Constitution
as to impose upon tbe Federal Government the
duty of restoring to his owner the slave who
may escape into another State or Territory of
the United States. For jears past this con
stitutional obligation has been uot only repu
diated by some of the non slaveholding States,
but political parties have been organized in all
with the avowed object of liberating the slave,
and thus not only depriving tbe Soulh of this
vast amount of property, but subjecting it to
all the horrors which would necessarily result
from such a consummation. In addition to all
this, whilst the abolitionists on tbe one hand
9peuly avow their opposition to the Constitu
tion and their desire to destroy a Government
which imposes obligations repudiated by them,
on the other hand many Southern men, goaded
by tbe incessent attacks of their Northern fel
low citizens upon their feelings, their property,
and their constitutional rights, express tbe be
lief that the interests of the South would be
more effectually protected by a separation of
the slave from tbe non slaveholding States,
and therefore rather promote than inter
pose to prevent a result so calami ous. We
have hitherto disregarded the danger which
such a state of feeling and such a course
of actiou would indicate as most imminent,
because we have assumed that such sentiments
and action could only be attributed to a small
minority of our Northern brethren. But now,
when this sectional exasperation has been
made available for the inauguration of a party
calling itself Republican, under whose banner,
for the first time iu the history of the couutry,
this sectional opposition to Southern rights
and interests have united in nominating, with
alleged probabilities of success, a purely see
tional ticket for the Presidency and Vice Presi
dency of the United States, we can no longer
shut our eyes to the reality of the threatened
danger; we cannot but feel that the success of
such a party would be the death knell of the
( Union. The unpatriotic purposes of this sec
tional party are but too manifest. Many of its
supporters avow their object And purpose to be
disunion, and have even gone so far in the
madness of their fanaticism as to desecrate the
flag of our country by obliterating from its
constellation the fifteen stars which represent
the slaveholding States, and displaying as (heir
party banner that flag with but sixteen of its
stars remaining, to represent the sixteen non
slaveholding States. It is manifest that those
who disavow the object are uot ignorant of the
inevitable result.
The Whigs of Maryland, whom I have the
honor to address, need no proof to convince
them that calamitous consequences would How
from the success of this sectional party. They
each and all know that the election of Mr. Fre
mont, and the administration of the Govern
ment by him upon the principles of his party,
would necessarily occasion a dissolution of the
Federal Union, to which theij have been taught
to look as the source of national strength and
of individual prosperity and happiness.
I have known only the Whigs of my State too
long, I estimate their patriotism too highly, 1
have associated with them too intimately, to
suppose it necessary for a moment to offer an
argument to them in behalf of their country.
They appreciate, as fully as I could depict, the
horrors of disunion; they will see the loss ot
national strength, the internal dissensions, the
fatal check to civilization and freedom, tho con
tempt of the world which would be the conse
quences of such a calamity. The Whigs ot
Maryland, who have followed the lead of such
patriots as Clay and Webster, ''will never keep
step to any other music than that of the
It therefore only romains to inquire what
course shall he taken to rebuke sectional tana
ticism and preserve our country from the dan
gers of its success.
Ton are aware that this Republican party,
which we ull ugree must be put down ut ul!
hazards, is opposed by two other party organi
zations: the American, headed by Messrs.
1" illmore and Donelson, and the Democratic,
led on by Messrs. Buchanan and Breckinridge.
You will recollect that Mr. Fillmore, prior'to
his recent visit to Europe, abandoned the
Whig party and became a member of the
former of these organizations, which boasted
that it had risen upon the downfall of the
Whig party, and which proclaimed that the
corruptions ot the Whig and Democratic par
ties constituted the necessity of its existence.
You know that he and Andrew Jackson Don
j elson have been nominated by this party (not
j bjr the Whig party) tor the Presidency and
I \ ice Presidency, aud you will admit that the
principles of proscription because of religious
opinions, and other reputed tenets of tins' new
I party, are in direct antagonism with the prin
, ciples ol that good old VV hig party to which ice
are still attached, and which has been abandon
ed by Mr. Fillmore. It is not my object in re
| feriing to these facts to deny to the American
j party, since the secession of its abolition adhe
; rent*, a fair claim to nationality; nor to deny
the patriotism and virtue of Mr. Fillmore, nor
| his eminent qualification for the office of Chief
-Magistrate. But I do dcduce from'them th"
necessary conclusion that, as Whigs we owe no
party allegiance to Messrs. Fillmore and Donel
son, members and nominees of the American
party. I deduce the conclusion that, as Whigs,
we are are not only at liberty, but that as pa
triots we are bound, by every obligation to our
country and posterity, to throw aside, on the
?'ie band, the feelings of hostility which Mr.
iillmore's desertion of our party would be cal
culated to engender, and, on the other hand,
to forget for the time our former battles with
the Democratic party, aud to ask ourselves but
one question?which of the two national organ
izations offers the best guarantee of success in
I crushing out of existence this new and mon
strous sectional party, which threatens the life
ot your country ? I do not propose to examine
the relative claims of the two national parlies
or their nominees to our support. It is not, in
my judgment, permissable in the present crisis
to interpose our individual differences of opin
ion upon minor questions. It is sufficient for
us to know that the election of either national
nominee would secure the Union ; and theonly
I question permitted by patriotism is, whether
our support ol the one or the other would more
certainly prove successful'/
But before I proceed to this inquiry, having
shown that no political allegiance to Messrs.
Fillmore aud Donelson will interpose to pre
vent the fair exercise of our judgment on that
side, I propose briefly to inquire whether there
is anything to prevent our support of the De
mocratic nominees, if afier investigation we
shall believe that our vote in their favor would
more certainly secure the safety of our country.
It cannot have escaped your observation that
the political principles upon vhieh the Whig
and Democratic parties have battled for thirty
years, with varied success, have been for the
most part settled by the fiat of the people, and
that such as have not been so definitely dis
posed of have been either abandoned by the
one or adopted by the ether of those parties;
so that now the representatives of the people
in the halls of Siute and Federal legislation
are found indiscriminately advocating and op
posing the same principles and measures. Not
only is there no principle of political antago
nism which should prevent Whigs and Demo
crats acting together for the benefit of their
common country, but it is confidently submit
ted that tipon the only vital question, that
which uow agitates and endangers the country,
the two parties fully accord. The Whig and
Democratic platforms upon the slavery ques
tion in eighteen hundred and fifty-two were
identical; aud, there being no Whig nominees
before the people, it might be suggested that
consistency would ralher require than oppose
the support of the Democratic nominees by
W higs. The controlling inquiry to the patriot
now recurs, which of the two national organi
zations can by his vote be made most certainly
Fvery Maryland \\ hig will be bound lyr every
tie of duty to vote as bis judgment shall de
cide this question.
It may not bo immaterial to observe that
neither of the national nominees will obtain
throughout this broad land any votes which
will not be cast by national conservative citi
zens, and it is to be regretted that in this crisis
that vote should be divided between two na
tional candidates, whilst the entire anti-na
tional vote will be concentrated upon the sec
tional nominee. To judge of the relative
strength of the two national organizations it is
unnecessary to trace minutely the origin of the
American party. It is sufficient to bring to
your recollection that it was originally com
posed, North and South, of the dissatisfied
members of the two old parties, and that in tne
North its original members were chiefly those
who opposed the conservative principle upon
the slavery question avowed in the platforms of
the two old parties. It must not escape your
recollection that upon the nomination of Messrs.
I* illmore and Donelson a large majority of the
Northern delegates seceded from the conven
tion, declared their intention not to support
those nominees, and subsequently united in the
nomination of Mr. Fremont. 'Ibis separation
of the sectional from the national portion of
the American party has occurred in every
Northern State in the Confederacy. I deduce
from these facts the nationality of the suppor
ters of Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson, and I
submit the inquiry for the honest decision of
those to whom this papeT is addressed, what
non-slaveholdingState can this national branch
of the American party, thus shorn of the larger
portion of its original strength, promise its
nomineest Let the Whigs of Maryland pon
der upon the view of this subject I have en
deavored to present to their consideration, and
no on<j of them will say that a single non
slaveholdiug State is certain for Fillmore nnd
Donelson. Time, I think, will develop the fact
that Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson will be left
without an electoral ticket in most of the free
States, and it is at any rate the deliberate con
viction of my judgment that they will not carry
a single non slaveholding State in the Union.
If I am right, or even approximate the truth
in the view 1 have taken, it will necessarily fol
low that any conservative vote for the Ameri
can nominees North will be equivalent to a
vote for Mr. Fremont, as it will be a vote taken
from Mr. Buchanan, his only real competitor.
It is clear, then, that to ihe South alone can the
friends of Messrs. Fillunre and Donelson look
for the probable chance of an electoral vote ;
and it is to the States of Maryland, Tennessee,
Kentucky, and Missouri that they profess to
look with the greatest b< pe of success. It is
manifest that if this hope uere realized, it'might
indeed prevent tho election of Messrs. Buch
anan and Breckinridge by the people, but it
would only throw the election of President
into tho present House of Representativet,
composed as that House now is. Does nut
the election of this same Mouse, after a con
tpst of two months, of a Black Republican
Speaker, admonish us of the danger of such
>tii experiment? Who can doubt tlmt our po
i lilical Tabuc would be shaken to its very foun
dations by ibid election of President being
thrown upon the present House of Represen
i tativea? On the othes hand, is it not certain,
beyond ihe contingency ol a doubt, that the
the vote of ihe States indicated for Mr. Buch
anan, when added to that of the other Southern
States, would semrc his election and the con
sequent safety of the Union? It is obvious
that in this condition of the canvass, the only
serious contest is thai between Fremont and
Buchanan ; that the only po*sibl 1 result that
the most sanguine of the friends of Fillmore
and Donelson can hope to attain is to carry
the contest into the House of Representatives.
! Who can conceive anything more fatal to the
peace of the country, more insane in political
actipn, than such a course of conduct leading
to such a result? Suppose Mr. Fillmore to
reach the House of Representatives with the
votes of (bur or five States, (his utmost possi
ble strength.) no man can seriously contend
that he would be elected President, and as
suredly few will bo found bold enough to as
sert that, under such circumstances, lie ought
to be. The only effect, then, of giving the
electoral vote of any portion of the South lo
Mr. Fillmore would be to transfer the contest
between Mr. Buchanan and Fremont from the
hustings to the House of Representatives ; and
the danger to our country, now sufficiently
menacing, would, in that event, be appalling
indeed. Who can contemplate the occurrence
of such a contingency, without feeling that he
would be a trator to his country, if he failed
to exert every possible effort to avert so awful j
a calamity ?
I deem it, then, to be iwj duty, as well as
that of all who believe w ith rae that the election
of Fremont would bu the death-knell of the J
Union, to unitu iu the support of Messrs. Buch
anan and Breck in ridge; and 1 shall sustain
their election to the be*: of my ability. Whilst
I concede that there are Certain principles
hitherto professed by the paKy which nominated
them that cannot receive our support, yet on
the great issue.s of the constitutional rights of
the South the platform on which they stand |
meets my cordial approval, and is in accor
dance with that of the party which I now'address,
and to whose kind favor I owe the honor of
holding the seat I now occupy, and which 1
shall '-ease to hold after the 4th of March next
by lav. fiat of that party to which Mr. Fillmore
has attached himsetf, and which is now domi
nant in the Legislature of my native State.
Let Maryland Whigs remember that the po
litical battle now being fought is one of the
deepest interest to them; that the maintenance
of the constitutional rights of the South is the
issue tendered lo the American people by the ;
Democratic party, and (as the Whigs have no
candidate) by that party alone: that upon this
issue the Republican parly have staked the
Union; and in such a battle, upon such an
issue, they must be true to those who are doing
battle in our behalf. Il would be indeed sad
if, in such a contest, the conservative strength
of the country should not be united; it would
be as strange as sad if, iu such a c ilest,
Southern men should not be found i ling
shoulder to shoulder for the maintcntt.K s of
their own constitutional rights.
I11 thus accomplishing what 1 believe to be
a duty, I shall be inexpressibly gratified if I
shall find myself sustained by the approval of
my fellow-Whigs, who have refused to abandon
either the party or the principles in support
of which we have so long and so faithfully
united, and which we shall remain at perfect
liberty to reorganize as soon as our common
efforts shall have succeeded in averting the
perils that now threaten our beloved country.
lion. J. l>. Drlj[lil'( I.eifer.
To the great Democratic mas# Meeting at Indian
apolis on the \1th July.
Washington, July 12, IS^ti.
Dear sik: 1 have seen Senators Cass, Doug
las, and Brown, and Representative Cobb, of
Georgia, and agreeably to your request, have
invited them iu behalf of the " State Central
Committee" lo attend the mass meeting of our
friends at Indianapolis on the 17lb instant. Mr.
Cobb has assured me that he would be present,
but the other gentlemen feel that they cannot,
consistently with their pressing duties here, be
absent for the length of time such a visit would
necessarily require, and ihey beg to be excused.
For myself, nothing would afford me more plea
sure than to unite on the occasion with the
democracy of our State in ratifying the nomi
nation? of that experienced and profound states
man, James Buchanan, for President, and the
equally worthy and gifted young sou of Ken
tucky, John C. Breckinridge, lor Vice Presi
dent, but my official engagement* here are of
such a character as to forbid my leaving at this
I avail m\sell, however, of the opportunity to
say to yon. and to the ma0s gathering of our
friends, and to my constituent* generally, that
so soon as my duties here will permit, I shall
hasten home with the intention of viditing as
many counties as time will allow, and holding
converse with the people, face to face, on the
absorbing questions of ihe day. If there ever
was a time when the constituent and bis rep
resentative should be brought close together 10
commune with each other freely, it is the present.
J'he systematic effort that is being made to
array one section of our country against another
upon a purely local question, and to inflame the
worst passions of men by misrepresentations
and falsehood, is calculated to alarm those who
love the Union and desire its perpetuity. Against
the dangers of sectionalism we were early
warned by the Father of his Country; yet the
tendency of the public mind for the past few
years, led on by men sometimes designing, and
always fanatical, has been toward that result,
until now we see, for the first time in the
history of our country, a formidable sectional
party, presenting scctional candidates for the
highest offices in the nntion's gift, and basing
their claims to election upon purely sectional
grounds. It is appalling to contemplate the
consequences which must result from the success
of such a party; for it can end in nothing less
thai* the dismemberment of that glorious Union
?the work of our revolutionary patriots?the
bequest of our revolutionary sires?to which
we are indebted for our security at borne and
our consideration and dignity abroad.
The Union had its origin in the wants and
necessities of the whole people and of the
several States, and every year of its existence
has afforded fresh proofs -ol ita utility and its
blessing-. Under its benign influences, agri
culture, commerce?every industrial pursuit !
have flourished iu an unparalleled degree ; and
we have grown, iu the short period of ihree
quarters of a century, from an inconsiderable
power to bn one of the mightiest nations of the
world. One mi^ht well paii.?e to consider
whether it would be wise to throw nil these
advantages away for the very illusory, uusub
stainial trains which sectionalisuiw.il furnish.
For myself, " I have not," in the lan^ua<;e of
the immortal Webster, "coolly weighed iho
chances of preserving liberty when the bonda
that unite us together shall be broken asunder.
1 lmvH not accustomed myself to hang over
the precipice of disunion to see whether, with
my short sight, I can fathom the depth of the
abysa below ; uor could I regard him as a safe
counsellor in the affairs of this Government
whose thoughts should be mainly bent on con
sidering, not how tbe Union should be best
preserved, but how tolerable might be the
condition of the people when it shall b# broken
up, and destroyed. While the Union lasts we
have high, exciting, gratifying prospects spreud
out before us, for us and our children, Be
yond that I seek not to penetrate the veil.
God grant in my day, at least, that curtain
may not rise. God grant that on my vision
never may be opened what lies behind. When
my eyea shall be turned to behold, for the last
time, the sun in heaven, may I not see him
shining on the broken and dishonored frag
ments of a once glorious Union?on States
dissevered, discordant, belligerent?on a laud
rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be,
I in fraternal blood. Let their last feeble and
j lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous
I ensign of the republic, now known and honored
| throughout the earth, still full high advanced,
I its aruih and trophies streaming in their origi
nal lustre, not u stripe erased ur polluted, nor
j a single star obscured, bearing for its motto
no such miserable interrogatories as " What is
' all (/tin worth f nor those other words of de
j lusion and folly, Liberty first and Union af
terward* ; but everywhere, spread all over in
characters of living light, blazing on all its
ample folds as they float over the sea and over
; the laud, and in every wind under the whole
I heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every
American heart, Liberty* and Union, now
ANl) FOREVER, ONE AND inseparable."
i A firm believjer in man's capacity for self
! government, I will not allow myself to suppose
that tbe people of Indiana, hiiherto devoted to
the Union, will become so blind and led away
by passion and prejudice, as to be willin;.' to
hazard the stability ot a government that has
afforded them so much of security and pros
perity. for tbe sake of removing a supposed
evil that exists without their borders, and with
which, politically, they have no concernment.
I will rather believe that they will adopt and
adhere to those true principles?on which
alone can this community of Stales bir lasting
?that the people of each State und Territory
shall be left free to regulate their own domes
tic concerns in their own way, subject only to
the Constitution of the United States. In this
way, each community attending to its own
affairs' and leaving others to do the same, we
may look forward with confidence to long years
of continued growth iu everything that makes
a nation prosperous, happy, and great. But
if, instead of this, each community shall under
take to decide, not only what is for its own
good, but what is for its neighbors also, then,
indeed, shall " we have fallen upon evil times,''
and the days of the Unjon may be said to be
already numbered.
I have not the time now to elaborate these
views, but if 1 shall have tbe pleasure of meet
ing my fellow citizens through the summer I
will attempt it then.
Mr. Buchanan is eminently a national man,
of great ability and enlarged experience, and
his past record furnishes a sufficient guarantee
that the government in his hands will be ably
and faithfully administered, not upon sectional
but upon national grounds. If elected, he will
be the President of the whole Union, not of a
part of it. Colonel Fremont has no political
antecedents, and we all know that he is the
chosen candidate of a miserable, sectional,
" higher-law ' party, that sets at defiance all
constitutional obligations, when they conflict
with their perverted notions of political mo
I feel great solicitude that in this contest the
voice of Indiaua should be heard above the
battle's wreck, proclaiming her devotion to the
Union and the Constitution. Noram I willing
to believe that she will maintain any other po
sition. I will not doubt that Indiana?the
Democratic young giant of the Northwest?
will put forth her united strength to preserve
the integrity of our common government.
Only let her national, Constitution, and
Union-loving people understand the true issue
?the living issue?involved in this election,
and from every city, town, and hamlet through
out the length and breadth of the State' they
will rise iu their majesty to protect the free in
stitutions our fathers made, and to bury in
merited oblivion the fanaticism und treason
that would rob 119 of such a priceless inheri
Very respectfully and truly yours,
Gordon Tanner, Esq., Sec., Jtc.
In a late article upon the disasters that
would ensue from the election of J. C. Fremont
to the Presidency, we merely referred to tne
one of appointments to office in the Southern
States. We are induced to present this view
again, becauhe it i? in our memory that the '
National Era some year or more since, rather
advocated the confinement of federal appoint
ments to the North, even when the duties of
those offices were to be performed within the
Southern States. We regret we have not a
file of the Era that we might the better do
justice to it and the subject, by a transfer of
its article to our columns. In the discussion of
these subjects, we are aware that complaint
may be justly lodged agaiust us, for repetition of
view* previously presented ; but this should be
excused by the necessity of making the appro
priate application of the points, which we are
often induced to make. The true basis of the
Federal Union, and the considerations which
induced it, are familiar to all, and, yet, judg
ing from the present condition of parties, it
would seem not wholly a work of supereroga
tion to repeat them again, and again. We
shall not, therefore, fail in this reiteration, be
cause if the wiiful deafness or hardened and
sinful nature of ouj adversaries.
When the Union of these States was consum
mated, the institution of slavery existed in all of
them but one. The caasesot iu non-existence in
that one were not based upon any repugnance
to slavery itself, or any sickly philanthropy
upon the subject whatever. Had this been the
case, the record would have shown it, and had
the question of the right of property iu slaves
even been mooted, the conclusion is inevitable
that the Union would never have been accom
plished. The recognition of the institution of
slavery, then, was not only unanimous by the
States, but in twelve out of the thirteen,
it absolutely existed, and that, too, without
even a remonstrance from the one that formed
the exception I
But furthermore: Out of the thirteen Status
there were seven Northern, aud six Southern
States; the North thus having a majority at the
very first date of the confederacy. Of the aeveti
Northern States, six were slave State*, and
one free Slate. Considering that this fret.
State made no objection to the institution (if
slavery in her sister State*, we may justly as
sume (particularly when we remember that Do
laware is merely in theory a slave State)that the
Northern States had a practical majority, and
bene**, haviug this institution before, and at the
time,and subsequent to their membership in
the Union, that they are responsible for its ex
istence in the Union. The South, if she had
so willed, had not the power to keep slavery
out of the Union, because a majority of the
whole number, and that majority madu up ot
Northern (and now free) Stales, recognized
and enjoyed it!
Thus it will not be controverted, thai the
right of property in slaves was a right anterior
to, co-eval with, aud subsequent to the adop
tion of the Federal Constitution?that it was
not only an inherent and undisputed right, but
was one of those rights that entered into the
compact as clearly as any other right at al!?
that it was a right guarded, guaranteed and
protected by the Constitution, and which can
not be abated, but by the nullification of that
instrument itself.
With this plain, but veritable statement ot
the rights of the States in slave property at the
period of the compact between the States, and
the definition of those rights, under the Con
stitution, which pertain to them in the Terri
tories or common domain of all the States, wo
come to consider the humiliating condition of
things in this connection at the present time
It will be seen from what we have to * ?y
further, that it is no longer an idle threat, ti the
Abolitionists succeed in electing their ticket,
that the equality of the Southern States is to
be utterly destroyed, aud all her rights, privi
leges, aud immunities under the Constitution
are to be shamelessly ignored and repudiated.
What is the state of the case? A Conven
tion of the Auti-SIavery party of the country
is called, and assembles in a Northern city.
It is termed a national Convention. That this
is a misnomer may be inferred bv the fact,
that there were but about halt a dozen men
found who were base enough to claim that they
represented, in its deliberations?a Southern
constituency. Fifteen of the States thus were
unrepresented. A ticket was nominated by this
national Convention, presenting for the suf
frages of the American people two individuals,
both residing in free Slates aud holding opin
ions not only foreign to, but in positive antag
onism with, the constitutional rights aud inter
ests of one half of the States ot ^the Union.
Two individuals, who cannot obtain a single
score of voters throughout the if hole extent ot
this section of the Confederacy 1 The pi tr i
ples enunciated by this national C' ?>"
are at war with the Constitution and in au<l;i
cious defiance of all moral and political ri/hts.
No sooner is this initiative treason and treach
ery accomplished, than, emboldened by their
own achievement, they fling out tin ir piratical
banner* with fifl? en of the States stricken
from the constellated gallaxy of the American
Union 1 Elected by a scctioii ot the Union,
without the aid of the other section on the one
hand, or the power successtully to resist this
evil < n the other, they come flushed with their
treasonable victory to take the reins of Gov
ernment. Discarding, in advance, the Consti
tution as the chart by which their administra
tion should be guided?spurning as inferiors
fifteen of the sovereign members ot the Union?
trampling under the despotic heel of hellish
power all of their rights and privileges?shear
ing them of their proud dignity as equals?
levelling them to the condition of hewers ot
wood and drawers of water?constituting them
a serfdom to do the behests of their high will
nnd pleasure; and, as if these were noteuough,
to sting them with the further humiliation of
having the Federal otfices within their own
limits filled by the fiendish emissaries from
their own foul and corrupt dominions, that the
seed of domestic insurrection may be sown, or
the torch of the midnight incendiary success
fully applied to their once happy and peaceful
homes. This is llie character of the men, and
these the principles of th^ party, who havo
come forth, like the great Philistine of 0?th
to defy the living armies of God and Liber y,
of Right and Reason, of Justice aud the Con
stitution! Is it an exaggerated picture? A
Missouri line of office is to be run! I his i*
their scheme; for, not content with bowing
you down, men of the South, in humiliation
and disgrace, their cormorant maws as insatia
ble as that of their great chicf, demand even
the offices within your household. But, sup
pose there icere bounds to their lust of power
and pelf, ho*y could the Government be car
ried on under the rule of this black crew, who
sot at naught every principle of common hon
esty and truth? Suppose, with a mockery of
favor to you, they were willing to fill the Fed
eral offices with men from your midst, where
are the cravens to be found to hold them under
sqch an administration? Where are the col*
lectors and surveyors of your ports, the post
masters of your citics, and the judges and the
marshals qf y-ur Federal districts? Even the
pure ermine of justice mast draggle in the
mire of corruption and putrescence, and be
subservient to the destructive fiat of a central
power without scruple or principle.
From the election of Fremont, two proposi
tions must ensue?disunion, or a tame sub
mission to the most disgraceful bondage. We
will not depict the train of tragedies and the
frightful destruction that would follow the first.
But what Southern heart doe* not beat quickly
wiih ofi'endcd aud indignant pride at the con
templation of the only alter native of disunion?
the most revolting forin of political slavery.
Fifteen Southern States stripped of their
power, dignity and equality! Fifteen Socrn
ern States made the vas.<als of a horde of
corrupt vandals, to whose natures virtue is a
stranger, and in whose conceptions honesty
has no place. We will not doubt, under such
circumstances, the patriot spirit of all true
lovers of the Constitution will be aroused, and
that when the ides of November come they will
; be mingling their gratulations over a victory
in which peace, order and equality are pre
served in every State of our glorious Union.
The issue is before you?Sectionalism and its
corojlary, Disunion?or the Constitutiou aud
the Union under the Constitution! Choose ye
which you will have.

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