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THOMAS ALLEN, mat. Semi-weekly, per an. W 00 | Weekly, per an. 99 00 " " au mouths, 9 00 | " eta month*, 9 00 No subscription will be uken fur a single copy of either edition, for a term shttrl of ail mouths ; mm mi ls** petti for in *4p+tut. raica or advbrtisixu. Twelve lines, or leea, three iueciuoite, ? 91 00 Etch additional uieeruon, ... 35 Lonuer advertisements at proportionate rates. A liberal iliacount made to those who advertise by the rear. K7 Subscribera may reutit by mail, in hills of advent banlu, potttpt fuml, at our risk ; provided it ahall ap pear by a poetmaater'a certificate, that such remittance ha* been duly mailed. A liberal discount will be- made to companies of fit* or more transmitting their aubecriptioua together. Postmaster*, and other* authorized, acting aa our agenta, will be entitled to receive a copy of the psper gr<tiu for every five aubeclibera or, at that rate per cent, au subscriptions generally ; tlie terma being fulfilled. Letter* and communication* intended lur tlie ssts bliahinent will not be received uuleaa tlie poitugi n pmtd. PROSPECTUS. Tmi Madisonian wdl be devoted to the aupport of the priuciules and doctrines of the democratic party, aa delineated by Mr. Madl-on, and will aun to conauimnale that political reform in the theory and practice of the national government, which haa been repeatedly indi cated by the general suHerage, aa sssenttal to the peace and prosperity of the country, and to the perfection and perpetuity of ita free institutions. At thia time a singu lar state of affaire ia presented. The commercial in tereata of the country are overwhelmed with cmbarrase mcnt; ita monetary concern*'ate unusually disordered ; every ramilkatiou of aociety |a invaded by diatreaa, and the social edifice aeeina threatened with iliaorgarusation; every ear ia tilled with prediction* of evil ana the rour inuringa of deapondcncy ; tho general government ia boldly assailed by a large and respectable portion of the people, aa the direct cauae of their difficulties ; open resistance to the lawa ia publicly encouraged, and a spirit of inaubordination ia fostered, aa a necessary defence to the pretended usurpations of the party in power; some, from wtiom better thitiga were hoped, are making the " confuaion worse confounded," by a head long pursuit of extreme notiona and indefinite phantoms, totally incompatible with a wholesome state of the country. In the midat of all these difficulties and em barrassments, it is feared that many of the leas firm of the frienda of the administration and supporters of democratic principles aro wavering in their confidence, and beginning, without just cause, to view with diatrust thoae men to whom they have been long attached, and whoee elevation they have laboured to promote from honaat and patriotic motives. Exulting in the anticipa tion of dismsy and confusion amongst the supporters of the administration as the consequence of these things, the opposition are consoling themselves with the idea that Mr. Van Bunn's friends, as a national party, are verging to diasolution ; and they allow no opportunity to pass unimproved to give eclat to their own doctrines. Tlioy are, indeed, maturing plans for their own future government of the country, with teeming confidence of certain auccets. This coulideuco is increased by the fact, that visionary theories, and an unwise adherence to the plan for an exclusive metallic currency have unfortunately carried aoine beyond the actual and true policy of the govern ment; and, by impairing public confidence hi the credit system, which ought to be preserved snd regulsted, but not destroyed, have tended to increase the difficulties under whieh- the country is now Isbounng. All these seein to indicste the necessity of a new organ at the scut of government, to t>e established upon sound prin ciples, and to represent faithfully, and not to dictate, the real policy of the administration, and the true sentiments, measures, and interests, of the grest body of its sup porters. Tlie necessity also sp|>car* of the adoption of more conservative principles than the conduct of those aeeina to indicate who aeek to remedy abuses by de stroying the institutions with which they are found con nected. Indeed tome measure of contribution it deemed estential to the enhancement of our own aclf-respect at home, and to the promotion of the honor and credit of the 'nation abroad. Xp meet these indications this undertaking haa been insntuted, and it is hoped thst it will produce the effect of inspiring the tnnid with courage, the desponding with hope, and the whole country with confidence in the administration of its government. In this view, this journal will not seek to lead, or to follow any faction, or to advocate the views of any particular detachment of men. It will aspire to accord a just measure of sup port to each of tho co-ordinate branches of the govern ment, in the lawful tfxcrcisp of their constitutional prerogatives. It will address itself to the understandings of men, rather than appeal to any unworthy pnjudices or evil passions. It will rely invariably upon the prin ciple, that the strength and security of Americsn insti tutions depend upon the intelligence and virtue of tile people. Tub Maoisonian will not, in any event, be made the instrument of arraying the north and the south, the east and the west, in tiostilo altitudes towards each other, upon any subject of either general or local interest. It will reflect only that spirit and those principles of mutual concession, compromise, and reciprocal good-will, which so eminently characterized the inception, formation, and subsequent adoption, bv the acveral States, of the con stitution of the United States. Moreover, in tiic same hallowed spirit that has, at ull periods since the adoption of that sacred instrument, characterized rrs dkkkncb by the reoFLK, our press will hasten to its support at every emergency that shall arise, from whatever quarter, and under yvhatever guise of philanthropy, policy, or principle, the antagonist power may appear If, in this responsible undertaking, it shall be our good fortune to succeed to any degree in promoting the harmony and prosperity of the country, or in conciliating jealousies, and allaying the asperities of party warfare, by demeaning ourself amicably towards all; by indulg ing personal animosities towards none; by conducting ourself in tho belief that it is perfectly practicable to differ with others in matters of principle and of expe diency, without a mixture of personal unkindness or loss of reciprocal respect; and by " asking nothing that is not clearly right, and submitting to nothing that is wrong," then, and not otherwise, will the full measure of it* intention bo accomplished, and our primary rule for its guidance be sufficiently observed and satisfied. This enterprize has not been undertaken without the approbation, advisement, and pledged support of many of the leading and soundest tninds in the ranks of the democractic republican party, in the extreme north and in the extreme south, in the cast and in the west. An association of both political experience and talent of the highest order will render it competent to carry forward the principles by which it will be guided, and make it useful as a political organ, and interesting us a journal of news. Arrangements also have been made to fix the establishment upon a substantial and permanent basis. The subscriber, therefore, relies upon the public for so much of their confidence and encouragement only as tho fidelity of his press to their great national interests shall prove itself entitled to.reccive. THOMAS ALLEN. Washington City, D. C. July, 1837. From the New York American. TO JOHN WATERS?on his " Sfbinoe." I know thee well, John Waters ; tho' thy spelling _ Is quaint and old, like theirs thou lov'st to praise? The bards of long past years, in purity excelling Far th' artificial verse of modern days. Thy changing hair is not vet silvered over, No change has chilled the fervor of thy heart, A happy husband long, but still thou art a lover? I hy song the flow of feeling, not of art. No " Cyra" read I of in olden sonnet, Or fabled story of the classic time ; *Tis a sweet name, and yet, my life upon it, But changed from one thaUreads not well in rhyme. What pity for thy songs her name '* not " Mary," What pity for my songs the name's not mine', For I can find no other rhyme than " viiry," When I would sing my love as thou dost thine. But * vary" suits me not, except with " never" Prefixed before it, to speak constancy ; Tis not mere will that bids me love for ever, Fondly and true, for love is life to me. A happy man, I am sure thou art, John Waters, Singing thy joy that pleasant " sprinie" above j And happy she atnonu earth's rentlest daughters, The Lyra ol thy heart, and Naiad of thy love. God bless thee, and the wcll-fpring of thv gl?dnes*,# Long may it gush sweet music, and no trace Of sorrow's tears, or clouds of gath'ring sadness, Dim the calm beauty of its heaven-like fact . 1 love to hear thee sing : sing on, John Waters, ^ Nor only aiu^ of that sweet " springe," thy pride ; For though she 'a every charm thou ciui'st have tho't hers, Thou hast, I know, full manv a song beside. PHILADELPHIA. J| * Proverbs, r. 19. THE MADISON IAN. 4 * ' VOL.1. WASHINGTON CITY, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 6, 1837. - NO. 7. FrviA the Ntkg Yorh A Htckrrbocktr. MOHEGAN LANGUAGE AND GEOGR.U'HI CAL NAMES. T? Ike Editor/ of the K*ukcrbocker: Mi< hiumalmmach, Auguai 3, 1837. In making gome inquiries rccenlly of a party of the Mohejin tribe?the remnant of whom have made - their way to this quarter within a few yoara?^I find tint they have preserved their traditionary history lor the last two centuries, or morts, with a degree of accuracy which is npt common to the native tribes ui this region. It is very well known, from published data, that this ancient tribe oc cupied l.ong Island -and the contiguous main land, on the discovery ot the country, whence in process of Umo they withdrew c'astwardiy into Connecticut, and afterward went west into Massachusetts. They appear, from the first, to have had the means of instruction, which have beeu continued up to the present time, with perhaps less interruption than among most of the other tribes. This may accouut in part for the better preservation of their traditions. Many of them being able to rea^ could refer to some things in printed doc uments. Others appear to have retained with tenacity that traditionary lore which the aged among the tribes generally emplov the leisure of their superannuated days in handing down to the young. During the long residence of this tribe at > tockbrulge, (Mass ,) they were commonly called Stockbridges, and after the revolutiona ry war, when they transferred their residence to Oneida, in western New York, they naturally retained this name, and finally bore it with them to their present location in Wisconsin territory. I disclaim any intention to sketch their history ; and wish no farther to allude to it, than appears to be necessary to bring for ward a few facts in tho character of their lan guage, and particularly their names for the places of their former residence, on the lower parts of the Hudson. And as this is a matter of which but little is generally known, it has appeared to me of sufficient local interest, to justily the liberty I take in addressing these remarks to you. The Mohegan is readily recognised as a type of the Algonquin or (as Mr. Gallatin has recently denominated it) the " Lenapee-Al goukin family, and bears a strong resem blance, both in sound and syntax, to the dia lects of some of the existing lake tribes. 1 his affinity is veiy striking in its grammati cal structure, and its primitive words. Deri vatives, with all our tribes, are subject to in terchange their consonants, or drop them en tirely, which creates a necessity of being i constantly on the alert to detect these ex changes. Moreover, the accent is uniformly moved, or doubled, often creating primary and secondary accents in the same phrase, which, in an unwritten language, is alone sufficient to accouut for numerous mutations. But what, more than any other principle, affects the sound of Indian words, in their concrete and derivative states, is the large stock of (so to say) floating, particles, which come into these words in the shape of prefixes and suf fixes. l'hesc are, in their offices, almost as numerous as the purposes of person, tense, number, quality, position, etc., may require, but while their respective office remains prc CfS i i in almost any given number of dialects in a mother language, it is found that the several tribes pique themselves in giving these auxiliary particles a sound pe culiar to themselves, by which something like nationality is kept up. Thus in two dialects indicating the least change in the primitives or derivatives, to be found among all the tribes, namely, Chippewa and Ottowa, these particles, which, in the animate class for plu ral, arc denoted by do, and in the local inflec- j tions by oxo, and ixo, in the one dialect, are ' respectively changed U) ux, onk, and ink, in the other. ?Similar to this process, seems to have been the result of change between the ancient Al gonquin and the Mohegan, the latter, like ihe Ottawa, constantly substituting k for o, and r for d, etc., but in other respects, it exhibits numerous gutturals, and some aspirates, which are but rarely found in the liquid flow of the Algic. It also embraces the (perhaps) Gothic sound of th, which is wholly unknown (the Shawnee excepted) to the modern lake dia lects. Geographical terms, with the Indians, are found generally to unite some natural quality in the features or productions of the country with- an indication of the locality; so that their names are not, as with us, simple nomi natives, but (as in all other cases in these pe culiar languages) the quality, action, etc., transfers itself to the object, and is expressed in a consolidated phrase. This is one of the most constant and distinguishing traits of these languages. Their nouns and adjectives, therefore, as well as their verbs, are transi tives. Even their prepositions take a transi tive character, and link themselves, as with " hooks of steel," to the objects to which they are applied. Thus their name for the island from which this letter is dated, is Place of the Gigantic Faeries, or, by another "inter prctation, Place of the Great Turtle. Detroit is (literally translated) Roundward, or Rounds by Place, denoting the sinuosities of the river ini its approach. Sault St. Marie, " At the Shallow Water with Rocks." In another class of derivative words, the union of the substantive and adjective is without a local inflection, as in their name for Lake Superior which is simply called, The Sea Waters ' Mississippi, The Great River; Michigan, The Great Lake, etc. I his principle is found most fully to per vade the Mohegan. I requested one of the chiefs of tho pariy above referred to, to pro nounce their name lor Long Island. He re plied, I'acm-nuk-kaii-hi'k, signifying Place of the Long Land. The name of the coast opposite to this island, a|?he mouth of the Hudson, or rather across the Sound, he pro nounced Mo.n-ah-tox-uk. Dropping the lo cal inflection i k, meaning place, or land, we have the elements of Manhattan, the latter of which preserves the original quite as well as I,f ?^ner?lity of Indian names transmitted by I'-of*lisp enunciation. Philologists will prr t( 'i\e, farther, that the aspirate n would be very- naturally prefixed to the second syllable, w ii e the sound of o, hem# the sound of o in it rt m li word tun, might be expressed nearly as well, by some of the modified sounds of A. Judged by similar means of analysis, Sing Sing is a corruption of Osix-s.nk, i. Place | of Stone*, or Rocks; Nevereink from Nawai sink, u phrase descriptive of'highlands equi di?iant between two waters, a* Raritan Bay and the Atlantic. Minisink is, literally, Place of the Inland. 1 appan Sea appears to be a derivative from a hand of the Mohcgans, who dwelt there, called Tai-on?ekm, or rather from the name of their village. After getting through the Highlands, names of Mohawk de ri\atiou occur. Poughkeepsie, Warwarsing, and Coxsackie, are, however, clearly of Mo hegao origin. So far as I recollect, the an cient name of Albany, Skk-nkk-ta-da, is the first term of the Iroquois type of languages, lit ascending the Hudson, of which any notice is preaervcd. In proceeding cast, west, or south-west from that point, geographical names of this character universally prevail. Hut it is to be remarked, that but few sono rous names occur, until reaching the districts of country formerly possessed by the Onei das, Onondaga*, and other western branches ol this confederacy. I am, gentlemen, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, vv*? Henry R. Schoolcraft. PASSAGE-OF THE RE1) SEA. We find in the 44 Incidents of Travel," the following description of the route of the Is raelites, and the placu where they crossed the Red Sea: " Late in the afternoon, wc landed on the opposite side, on the most sacred spot con nected with the wanderings of the Israelites, where they rose from the dry bed of the sea, and at the command of Moses, the divided waters rushed together overwhelming Pha raoh and his chariots, and the whole host of Egypt. \V ith the devotion ol a pious pilgrim, picked up a shell and put it into my pocket as a memorial of the place ; and then Paul and I mounting the dromedaries which my guide had brought down to the shore iu readi ness. rode to a grove of palm trees, shading a fountain of bad water, called Ayoun Moussa, or the fountain of Moses. I was riding care lessly along, looking behind me towards the sea, and had almost reached the grove of palm trees, when a large flock of crows flew out, and my dromedary frightened with a sudden whizzing, started back and threw me twenty feet over his head, completely clear of his long neck, and left me sprawling in the sand. It was a mercy I did not finish my wanderings where the children ol Israel began theirs; but I saved my head at the expense of my hands, which sunk in the looso soil to the wrist, and bore the marks for more than two month afterward. I seated myself whero 1 fell; and as the sun was just dipping below the horizon, told Paul to pitch the lent with the door towards the place of the miraculous passage. 1 shall never forget that sunset scene, and it is the last I shall inflict upon the reader. I was sitting on the sand, on the very spot where the chosen 'people of (iod, after walking over the dry bed of the sea, stopped to behold the divided waters return ing to their place, and swallowing up the hotft of the pursuers. The mountains on the other side looked dark and portentious, as if proud and conscious witnesses of the mighty mira cle ; while the sun descended slowly behind them, long after it had disappeared, left a re flected brightness, which illuminated with an almost supernatural light the dark surface of tho water. But to return to the fountain of Moses. I am aware that there issome dispute as to the J precise spot where Moses crossed ; but hav ing no time for scepticism on such matters, I began my making up my mind that it was the place, and then looked around to see whether according to the account given in the Bible, the face of tho country and the natural land marks did not sustain my opinion. I remem ber 1 looked up to the head of the gulf; there was a high range of mountains, which it would be necessary to cross?an undertaking, which it would be physically impossible for 600,000 people, men, women and children, to accom plish with a hostile army pursuing them. At ?Suez, Moses could not "have been hemmed iu as he was, he could go off into the Syrian de sert, or unless the sea has greatly changed since that time, round the head of the gulf. But nere, directly opposite to where I saU, was an opening in the mountains, making a clear passage from the desert to the shore of the sea." POLITICAL. F mm the Richmntui Enifuir'r. REJOINDER TO THE IlLPLV OK THE GLOllE. I he editor of 44 the Globe" in the second number of its reply to 44 Caniillus," attempts to prcve that in the quotations which I made from tho Annual Messages of Gen. Jackson in my first article, there is nothing incompati ble with the principle of Mr. Gordon's bill, 44 That the whole revenue of the United States derived from customs, lands and other sources, shall be paid in the current coin of tho United States"?and that I am in reality mistaken iii my deductions from these quotations, and not the Globe in its assertion, that this was the proposition wliich 44 President Jackson was so solicitous to enforce as a constitutional princi ple. I o prove this error on my part, the Globe alleges, that 1 did not present, in mv communication, " a solitary line front any pa per ol the late President recommending the banks as depositories, showing that ho wished their notes to be legalized as a tender, as those ol the Bank of the United States had been." I This is true, nor was it necessary ; for, when these messages were delivered, "the Govern ment was, and had been previous to, and ever since, the act of March, 1816, in the constant practice of receiving the notes of all specie paying banks in payment of the public reve nue ; a duty which the act of 1816 enjoined, and a practice which the late President upon no occasion intimated a wish u> correct. If he had regarded this practice as one of the errors of the system, which he so warmly and so earnestly recommended to Congress, there can be no doubt that he would have recom mended its correction; but, not having done so upon any occasion, it is clearly manifest, that he had no such design. If Gen. Jackson meant, that the receipts and disbursements of the depoaite banks should be confined to spree only, what interpretation is to be placed upon the following language in the Annual Message of December, 1831: "Those institutions have already shown themselves competent to purchase auil furnish domestic exchange for the convenience of trade, art reasonable rates, and not a doubt is entertained, that iu a abort period all the wants of the country in bank ac commodation aud exi iia.nuk will bo supplied as promptly and cheaply as they have hereto fore been by the Hank of the luited Stales.'1 It ia manifest, that the great desideratum with Gen. Jackson was completely to remove any necessity fur the re-establishment of a Nation al Bunk, and that he looked to the maturing of the State Uank system as the surest means of effecting that object. The efficiency and success of the State Hunk system depended much upon the credit which their notes should acquire, the extent of their circulation, and the cheapness with which they could conduct the exchanges of the country, and as nothing was so well calculated to give this credit, ex tend this circulation and secure this cheapness of domestic exchanges as the receipt of the uates of these banks in discharge of the public refeuue, it is fair to conclude, that such was a pari of the system which Geo. Jucks^pji?4 in view. With these views, and the that at no time during his administration, did the late President recommend the discon tinuance of the receipt of the notes of specie paying banks in payment of the public reve nue, 1 still maintain that the Globe has mista ken the policy of Gen. Jackson while in office, or it proves that Gen. Jackson meant one thing and said another, which I cannot believe. A* to the legalizing of the notes of the Hank of the United States as a tender, I do not know what the Globe means. I have no knowledge of any act making them a legal lender, except so far as thev were to be received in payment of the public revenue. % The Globe, not being able to find in all the official documents of Gen. Jackson any single sentiment favoring its gilded scheme, of sepa rating the fiscal concerns of the Government from all connection with the banking institu tions of the country, resorts to other evidences not official in their character, for the purpose of proving that Gen. Jackson conceived this design of compelling the receipts of the pub lic revenue in gold and silver only, shortly after the adjournment of the session of Con gress, succeeding the prohibition of the dejx> site of the public money in the Hank of the United States. According to the Globe, the first public expression of this design which Gen. Jackson gave, was at a public' dinner given him in Nashville, Tennessee, in the following sentiment: 4" The true constitutional currency, gold and silver?It can cover and protect the labor of the country, without the aid of a National Hank ; an institution that can npver be otherwise thnn hostile to the 1 liberties of the people, because its tendency is to associate wealth with an undue pow er ' over the public interest."?Did the editor of the Globe suppose for a moment, when he urged this sentiment as a proof of Gen. Jack son's views in favor of the scheme, which he now so warmly urges upon the country, that the mind of any of its readers could be so de luded as not to detect its utter fallacy ? Is it not entirely manifest, that Gen Jackson only j meant u? assert that the country was not and ' need not be dependent on a Hank of the Uni ted States? and that nil the purposes of the laboring class of.the community, could be an swered by gold and silver coin ? Does he intimate, that the currency of the country should He exclusively metallic, or that the Govern ntenj should be confined to gold and silver coin in the receipt of its revenue T As ' a proof ?f this, 1 will refer to an extract from . an editorial article of the Globe of September < 1834, a short time after the publication of this i sentiment?It says, " Mr. Leigh knows that ' the President himself is opposed to the project j which he ascribes to his supporters, (a Sub treasury scheme.) and that his friends in j Washington, whethcr ok the Cabinet or not, heartily concur with htm in the course of' policy it is expected to PURSUE. They look to the total extermination of the Bunk of the United Plates, not to be restored, cither under the control of a Directory of its own, or the President of the United Slates. They look to j goi.d and silver as a GENERAL currency?to restrictions by the States, upon the circulation of small notes?to the deposite of the public j moneys in the State. Hanks, under regulations established by Congress?anil to those banks to carry on in future, the domestic exchanges of the. country, for the accommodation of the Go vernment and PEOPLE." Again, on the 18th of November following, in an editorial article, the Globe says : " Like Mr. I<eigh himself, he (tho President.) believ ed the Treasury Department susceptible of an enlarge ment, though not on the same plan, so as to afford all the necessary fiscal aid to the Government, and at the tamo time render essential service to the commerce of the country. 13ut he never made a recommendation even of thai?he only threw out n feir rug at* liana, for the consideration of the Congress and the people?and we do not doubt, has long since lost all desire, if any he had, to see any such scheme adopted. It was only j thought of as a >ub*lilute for the present hank, and he . is now satisfied, that no tubtltlult it ticccsiary or tipc dient." , The next evidence adduced by the Globe, is an extract from the speech of Mr. Gordon, delivered on offering the amendment, now the subject of discussion. Tho editor of the Globe says, " That his (the President's) do-1 sign was understood at the time, as we have | recently represented it, is.manifcst from a re mark made by Mr. Gordon iu the House of Representatives, in support of his proposi tion, and which no friend of the President controverted, as appears from the report " It was said to be the opinion of the Pre sident, [said Mr. Gordon,] that it was ex- 1 trcmely desirable the revenue of the U. States should be collected in specie, and not in pa per ; and in connection with which opinion > the House had heard a new name applied to , specie ; it had been called 4 Jackson money.' ; He now called upon all who were in favor of , 'Jackson money,' to go with him in support of \ the old fashioned constitutional notion of a hard money government." If the desire attributed to Gen. Jackson, existed at the time this remark was made by Mr. Gordon, then it was taken tip 1 subsequent to the 18th of the previous No vember, when the editor of the Globe said, " He (the President) is now satisfied, that no substitute is expedient or necessary"?and to the delivery of his Annual Message at the commencement of the session, when ho re ferred to the existing system as all that could be desired ; a system, embracing the receipts of the public revenue in the notes of specie paying banks. It is most singular, if this was ^ the existing desire of tho President, that but a single friend of hi? adrnuiistration voted for ?t, and that ho failed to recommend it at the succeeding session of Coagr*.*. On. Gor don .plan, as carried out in the amendment which lie offered, embraced not only the re , ceipt of the public revenue in gold and silver only, 'Hit its disbursement bv agent* of the treasury ; a consequence necessarily result ing fro,,, the restriction. If Gen. Gordon's scheme was regarded wise as to the receipts of the public revenue, and unwise as to the mode of disbursement, why did not some Ineml of the administration move to strike out that part of the bill which was objectiona ble, providing for the disbursement, and re tain the restriction upon tiie receipts, which was salutary and desired by the Administra tion . n was not done, nor was it ever recom mended bv the President; and I am therefore warranted in the coiiolusiou. that however de sirable ,t miglu.fi.ve been, the President regarded it as Utterly impracticable in the then condition <#1> cpuMry, and never re commended it or lnfcnidtd to recommend it. ,Jrlle (;lobo : "ff'wUu., we ha. sdducod hav i"I! to prove that we ave uiisukeii (jcn Jackson'? views on this .ul.iect, Ut the annplc fcel that lie cmploynl the State li.nk. I ?? depositoriei, und declared in. confidence in Hum. u. unjually that by imputing the dc.i?n. of collecting the revenue in specie, we subject the laie StTtSLtfi8** p,'"ns?" hfocm-; I have made no unjust assumption what ever. If niy assumption is incorrect, it arose ironi the carelessness with which he Globe penned the article which 1 attempted to re view, and not from any deduction of mine. lhe Globe published, in the article alluded to, the entire amendment offered by Mr Gordon, embracing as well the receipts in gold and stiver, as the disbursement by agents of the treasury. This amendment embraced the present views of the editor of the Globe itself, which it is constantly urging upon the republican party. It accompanied its own opinion with the declaration, that Gen. Gor don s amendment proposed the policy, which President Jackson was so solicitous to en-' force as a constitutional principle," viz : " that the tr/wle revenue of the United States, de rived from customs, lands, and other sources, s/iull be paid in the current com of the United 'States'' From the declaration, unaccompa nied with any exception, as to the other part ol the scheme, that of disbursing through agents of the treasury, I deduced, as 1 think fairly and properly, that the Globe intended to give strength to its own views by bring ing to its aid those of Gen. Jackson. If that part of the scheme applying to the re ceipts, was the only part, it, favor of which, the Globe intended to cite the approbation of Gen. Jackson, it was due to Gen. Jackson as well as to candor, that the editor should have stated, that during his administration, Gen. Jackson did not favor or recommend the Sub-Treasury scheme, contained in Mr. Gor- I don's amendment. If he had done this, I should have been saved the necessity of uiy review, and the unpleasantness of this con troversy. 1 had no desire to draw any harsh inference from the article which I have at tempted to review; and if I have done so, it was because 1 could not do otherwise,! from the character of the article itself, and not because I desired it. If the extracts which I adduced from Gen. Jackson's mes sages, and his subsequent actions in con formity with his expressed opinions, do not prove that during his administration, he did not favor the system advocated by the Globe, then I am at a loss to know, what stronger and more direct language he could have em ployed to prove it. I do not refer to his con versations or his toasts. I refer to his offi cial papers, as my guide in ascertaining his official determination in relation to public measures. 1 do not controvert the position of the Globe, that " 1 here is nothing in the collection and disbursement of the public revenues in specie incompatible w ith the employment of the State Hanks as depositories and disbursing agents" ?because, it might be made the interest of the Banks to exercise such an agency. But I cannot perceive how this argument avails the Globe in the present discussion. Such a scheme has never been proposed to the De posite Banks, or recommended by Congress. The point in issue is, did the late President desire such a system ? I have adduced, from his several messages, recommendations total ly at war with such a desire; and the fact, that upon no occasion did he ever propose it, either in his negotiation with the Banks or his messages to Congress. The idea is far ther negatived by the fact, that according to Gen. Jackson's own construction of the art of March, 1810, lie had power to impose the re striction, but failed to exercise it, to any ex tent, except in the Treasury order of July, 1836, in relation to the public lands. Let it be remembered by the reader, that when this article was written, Gen. Jackson had adopted the State Bank system, a part of which was the receipt of their notes in pay ment of tho public revenue, and had entered into stipulations with them; yet the Globe contends, that early after the adjournment ol the session of Congress, succeeding the removal of the deposites from the Bank of the United States, ho conceived the idea ol restricting the receipts of the public reve nue to gold aud silver only, and conformed his course to the accomplishment of that ob ject. In two days after this article was pub lished, with the State Bank system unchang ed in a single particular, the editor of the Globe says: " We verily believe, that tho present system ol deposites for the public money, regulated by law as it will be, is as good for safety, and the least liable to abuse by the Executive, of any which the wit of man can conceive." I would respectfully ask, if in all the regulations of the State Bank sys tem recommended to Congress bv Gen. Jack son, he once intimated the propriety of re stricting the receipts of the public revenue to gold and silver ? If he did, in what message or treasury report w as it done f I should be thankhil lor the information?but 1 doubt whether it can be afforded. The Globe, therefore, instead ol calling upon me to show from (ten. Jackson m public papers, a sinjjle expression unfavorable to its scheme, should produce one favorable to it, ns it proposes a departure from an existing to a new scheme. The editor of the Globe .says, from this time forward, meaning the publication of the Nash ville toast, the late President lalwired to intro duce the precious metals into the country, and among other efforts, " He used his influence to have the standard rectified, by correcting the undervaluation of the gold coins, by which they had beeu bauished in conformity to the Hauulioniau policy." 1 athall not question the fact, that Geu. Jacksou used his best exertions to procure the rectification of the standard of the valuation of gold coins; but the Globe is utterly mistaken in fixing the commencement of his exertions from and after the Nashville toast; for, unless my memory very much deceives me, tlie toast was drunk August, lb3t, when the act of Congress rec tifying the standard had Imen pat-teil, and ap proved by Gen. JackMNi on the 28ih of June preceding, so that this act preceded the pe riod when Gen. Jacknon commenced the exertions ascribed to liiro by the Globe. It was before this time also, if 1 mistake not, between November, 1833, and July, 1834, that the great importation of spucie took place. These exertions were directed to a proper and important object, whether the notes of banks or specie only was to be reccivwd in payment of the public dues, and avails nothing I in this discussion. The Globe next refers to the passage of the Deposite Bill of the Senate, in the session of '$ 4-35, in supi>ort of its assertion. It seems whvu that bill was in progress, that on the 26th F-tytMjy, 1835, Mr. Webster, in offer ing i i JiPnii in to that bill requiring the deposite banks to pay the treasury warrants and drafts in gold and silver, made the fol lowing remarks : 44 H'ifAin a week past at tempts have been made to pay off warrants of the. Treasury not in specie, but in drafts pay able on their fact in current bills. Aow, this (saiil Mr. W.) he unshed to prevent; he wished all drafts to be payable in cash, and that the holders should not be turned ofi and paid tn current bills." The amendment offered by Mr. Webster was accepted by Mr. Benton, who said, 44 he would not only concur in the amendment, but he would go further, and con cur in an enquiry, why there had been any re laxation from what he thought last year would have been the system adopted." This bill, says the editor of the Globe, was carried to the House of Representatives so late in the ses sion, that it was lost for the want of time to act upon it. I do not know what evidence the editor of the Globe can derive in support of his assertion from this bill, and its passage through the Senate. It nowhere prohibited the receipt of notes of specie-paying banks in payment of the public dues ; nor did it prevent the holders of treasury warrants from receiv ing notes, or drafts, or checks, il they prefer red it, in payment of these warrants. The amendment of Mr. Webster was only intended to prohibit the banks from discharging trea sury drafts in any way, which would compel the holders against their wishes to receive them in current bills. If they accepted in navment of treasury drafts, bank drafts paya ble in current bills', then they would be com pelled to receive any current bill which might be offered by the payers of such drafts. It ia true, that this bill, after it passed the Senate, reached the House of Representatives too late to be acted upon ; but this does not prove that it would have passed that body; for, if I re member right, the House h^d previously passed and sent to the Senate a deposite bill, which was never noticed by that body. If my information be correct, the Senate b bill was so filled with objectionable features, that the friends of the Administration in the House had determined that it should not be taken up ; as if it had passed, it would at once nave destroyed the deposite system ; not a single respectable bank could havo held the depo sites under it. So fearful wore some of the friends of the Administration, that the Oppo sition might steal a march on them, and get it up and passed on the last night ol the session, that many were prevailed upon to stay until the next'da v, solely that a majority might be at hand to defeat any such attempt, in case it had been made. The Globe also refers to the Treasury Cir cular, as proof of the design ascribed to Gen. Jackson. The Treasury Circular could not have been intended to effect any such purpose, because it is confined in it* operation to the public lands, and not to the whole revenue. It avowed its object to be, to suppress extensive speculations and excessive Bank issues grav ing out of it. If Gen. Jackson had designed tins order as the entering wedge to this sys tem, he would certainly havo recommended it in his annual message at the next session ol Congress, as the permanent policy of the Go vernment. This he did not do, but expressed his entire approbation of the State Bank sys tem as the permanent policy of the Govern ment ; from which the inference is irresistible, that lie designed the treasury order as a tern porary remedy, lot a temporary disease, which was to cease with the removal of the distasc itself. As conclusive proof, that both the late I re sident and the Editor of the Globe were strongly opposed to the sub-treasury scheme, so warmly now advocated by the Globe, and upon which, in its estimation, depends the adherence to the Republican faith, I here quote an extract from a commentary of the Globe of Nov. 20th, 1834, upon Mr. Leigh's opinion before referred to. ' It says?" And docs Mr. Leigh conceive, that the power of the Execu tive over the public money would be diminish ed, if in lieu of one treasurer as at present appointed bv the President with the concur rence of ilie Senate, who cannot himself touch a dollar of the public money while in his le gal custody, a 4 principal treasurer' and ' as many assistant treasurers as might be found convenient,' were substituted, appointed by the President.alone, or the head of the tren 8Ury department, who should hold all the mil lions of the treasury in their actual posses sion ? Says Mr. Leigh: 4 The obvious effect of the scheme would be, to take the public treasure out of the custody and control of the President.' On the contrary, it is as palpable as the sun, that the effect of the scheme would be, to bring the public treasure much nearer the actual 4 custody and control of the President' than it is now, and expose it to be plundered by a hundred hands where one cannot now reach it'!! This extract, with that contained in my re joinder to No. 1, embraces nearly every lead ing objection to the sub-treasury scheme, and with thein I might safely, and probably will, close this discussion with the Globe, ihat press will find it difficult to surmount ihc dif ficulties which itself has presented to its pre sent favorite scheme, and to persuade the de mocratic party to denounce thoee of their faithful public servants who supported, and who are now supporting the policy recom mended by Gen. Jackson'. Administration upon this subject; and not having changed their opinions, do not think face to the right about because the Globe has thought proper to do it.