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The Madisonian. (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, September 06, 1837, Image 1

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Tmi Madisonian wdl be devoted to the aupport of
the priuciules and doctrines of the democratic party, aa
delineated by Mr. Madl-on, and will aun to conauimnale
that political reform in the theory and practice of the
national government, which haa been repeatedly indi
cated by the general suHerage, aa sssenttal to the peace
and prosperity of the country, and to the perfection and
perpetuity of ita free institutions. At thia time a singu
lar state of affaire ia presented. The commercial in
tereata of the country are overwhelmed with cmbarrase
mcnt; ita monetary concern*'ate unusually disordered ;
every ramilkatiou of aociety |a invaded by diatreaa, and
the social edifice aeeina threatened with iliaorgarusation;
every ear ia tilled with prediction* of evil ana the rour
inuringa of deapondcncy ; tho general government ia
boldly assailed by a large and respectable portion of the
people, aa the direct cauae of their difficulties ; open
resistance to the lawa ia publicly encouraged, and a
spirit of inaubordination ia fostered, aa a necessary
defence to the pretended usurpations of the party in
power; some, from wtiom better thitiga were hoped, are
making the " confuaion worse confounded," by a head
long pursuit of extreme notiona and indefinite phantoms,
totally incompatible with a wholesome state of the
country. In the midat of all these difficulties and em
barrassments, it is feared that many of the leas firm of
the frienda of the administration and supporters of
democratic principles aro wavering in their confidence,
and beginning, without just cause, to view with diatrust
thoae men to whom they have been long attached, and
whoee elevation they have laboured to promote from
honaat and patriotic motives. Exulting in the anticipa
tion of dismsy and confusion amongst the supporters of
the administration as the consequence of these things,
the opposition are consoling themselves with the idea
that Mr. Van Bunn's friends, as a national party, are
verging to diasolution ; and they allow no opportunity to
pass unimproved to give eclat to their own doctrines.
Tlioy are, indeed, maturing plans for their own future
government of the country, with teeming confidence of
certain auccets.
This coulideuco is increased by the fact, that visionary
theories, and an unwise adherence to the plan for an
exclusive metallic currency have unfortunately carried
aoine beyond the actual and true policy of the govern
ment; and, by impairing public confidence hi the credit
system, which ought to be preserved snd regulsted, but
not destroyed, have tended to increase the difficulties
under whieh- the country is now Isbounng. All these
seein to indicste the necessity of a new organ at the
scut of government, to t>e established upon sound prin
ciples, and to represent faithfully, and not to dictate, the
real policy of the administration, and the true sentiments,
measures, and interests, of the grest body of its sup
porters. Tlie necessity also sp|>car* of the adoption of
more conservative principles than the conduct of those
aeeina to indicate who aeek to remedy abuses by de
stroying the institutions with which they are found con
nected. Indeed tome measure of contribution it deemed
estential to the enhancement of our own aclf-respect at
home, and to the promotion of the honor and credit of
the 'nation abroad.
Xp meet these indications this undertaking haa been
insntuted, and it is hoped thst it will produce the effect
of inspiring the tnnid with courage, the desponding with
hope, and the whole country with confidence in the
administration of its government. In this view, this
journal will not seek to lead, or to follow any faction, or
to advocate the views of any particular detachment of
men. It will aspire to accord a just measure of sup
port to each of tho co-ordinate branches of the govern
ment, in the lawful tfxcrcisp of their constitutional
prerogatives. It will address itself to the understandings
of men, rather than appeal to any unworthy pnjudices
or evil passions. It will rely invariably upon the prin
ciple, that the strength and security of Americsn insti
tutions depend upon the intelligence and virtue of tile
Tub Maoisonian will not, in any event, be made the
instrument of arraying the north and the south, the east
and the west, in tiostilo altitudes towards each other,
upon any subject of either general or local interest. It
will reflect only that spirit and those principles of mutual
concession, compromise, and reciprocal good-will, which
so eminently characterized the inception, formation, and
subsequent adoption, bv the acveral States, of the con
stitution of the United States. Moreover, in tiic same
hallowed spirit that has, at ull periods since the adoption
of that sacred instrument, characterized rrs dkkkncb
by the reoFLK, our press will hasten to its support at
every emergency that shall arise, from whatever quarter,
and under yvhatever guise of philanthropy, policy, or
principle, the antagonist power may appear
If, in this responsible undertaking, it shall be our
good fortune to succeed to any degree in promoting the
harmony and prosperity of the country, or in conciliating
jealousies, and allaying the asperities of party warfare,
by demeaning ourself amicably towards all; by indulg
ing personal animosities towards none; by conducting
ourself in tho belief that it is perfectly practicable to
differ with others in matters of principle and of expe
diency, without a mixture of personal unkindness or loss
of reciprocal respect; and by " asking nothing that is
not clearly right, and submitting to nothing that is
wrong," then, and not otherwise, will the full measure
of it* intention bo accomplished, and our primary rule
for its guidance be sufficiently observed and satisfied.
This enterprize has not been undertaken without the
approbation, advisement, and pledged support of many
of the leading and soundest tninds in the ranks of the
democractic republican party, in the extreme north and
in the extreme south, in the cast and in the west. An
association of both political experience and talent of the
highest order will render it competent to carry forward
the principles by which it will be guided, and make it
useful as a political organ, and interesting us a journal
of news. Arrangements also have been made to fix the
establishment upon a substantial and permanent basis.
The subscriber, therefore, relies upon the public for so
much of their confidence and encouragement only as tho
fidelity of his press to their great national interests shall
prove itself entitled to.reccive.
Washington City, D. C. July, 1837.
From the New York American.
TO JOHN WATERS?on his " Sfbinoe."
I know thee well, John Waters ; tho' thy spelling
_ Is quaint and old, like theirs thou lov'st to praise?
The bards of long past years, in purity excelling
Far th' artificial verse of modern days.
Thy changing hair is not vet silvered over,
No change has chilled the fervor of thy heart,
A happy husband long, but still thou art a lover?
I hy song the flow of feeling, not of art.
No " Cyra" read I of in olden sonnet,
Or fabled story of the classic time ;
*Tis a sweet name, and yet, my life upon it,
But changed from one thaUreads not well in rhyme.
What pity for thy songs her name '* not " Mary,"
What pity for my songs the name's not mine',
For I can find no other rhyme than " viiry,"
When I would sing my love as thou dost thine.
But * vary" suits me not, except with " never"
Prefixed before it, to speak constancy ;
Tis not mere will that bids me love for ever,
Fondly and true, for love is life to me.
A happy man, I am sure thou art, John Waters,
Singing thy joy that pleasant " sprinie" above j
And happy she atnonu earth's rentlest daughters,
The Lyra ol thy heart, and Naiad of thy love.
God bless thee, and the wcll-fpring of thv gl?dnes*,#
Long may it gush sweet music, and no trace
Of sorrow's tears, or clouds of gath'ring sadness,
Dim the calm beauty of its heaven-like fact .
1 love to hear thee sing : sing on, John Waters,
^ Nor only aiu^ of that sweet " springe," thy pride ;
For though she 'a every charm thou ciui'st have tho't hers,
Thou hast, I know, full manv a song beside.
* Proverbs, r. 19.
4 * '
FrviA the Ntkg Yorh A Htckrrbocktr.
T? Ike Editor/ of the K*ukcrbocker:
Mi< hiumalmmach, Auguai 3, 1837.
In making gome inquiries rccenlly of a
party of the Mohejin tribe?the remnant of
whom have made - their way to this quarter
within a few yoara?^I find tint they have
preserved their traditionary history lor the
last two centuries, or morts, with a degree of
accuracy which is npt common to the native
tribes ui this region. It is very well known,
from published data, that this ancient tribe oc
cupied l.ong Island -and the contiguous main
land, on the discovery ot the country, whence
in process of Umo they withdrew c'astwardiy
into Connecticut, and afterward went west
into Massachusetts. They appear, from the
first, to have had the means of instruction,
which have beeu continued up to the present
time, with perhaps less interruption than
among most of the other tribes. This may
accouut in part for the better preservation of
their traditions. Many of them being able to
rea^ could refer to some things in printed doc
uments. Others appear to have retained with
tenacity that traditionary lore which the aged
among the tribes generally emplov the leisure
of their superannuated days in handing down
to the young.
During the long residence of this tribe at
> tockbrulge, (Mass ,) they were commonly
called Stockbridges, and after the revolutiona
ry war, when they transferred their residence
to Oneida, in western New York, they naturally
retained this name, and finally bore it with
them to their present location in Wisconsin
territory. I disclaim any intention to sketch
their history ; and wish no farther to allude to
it, than appears to be necessary to bring for
ward a few facts in tho character of their lan
guage, and particularly their names for the
places of their former residence, on the lower
parts of the Hudson. And as this is a matter
of which but little is generally known, it has
appeared to me of sufficient local interest, to
justily the liberty I take in addressing these
remarks to you.
The Mohegan is readily recognised as a
type of the Algonquin or (as Mr. Gallatin has
recently denominated it) the " Lenapee-Al
goukin family, and bears a strong resem
blance, both in sound and syntax, to the dia
lects of some of the existing lake tribes.
1 his affinity is veiy striking in its grammati
cal structure, and its primitive words. Deri
vatives, with all our tribes, are subject to in
terchange their consonants, or drop them en
tirely, which creates a necessity of being
i constantly on the alert to detect these ex
changes. Moreover, the accent is uniformly
moved, or doubled, often creating primary and
secondary accents in the same phrase, which,
in an unwritten language, is alone sufficient
to accouut for numerous mutations. But
what, more than any other principle, affects
the sound of Indian words, in their concrete
and derivative states, is the large stock of (so
to say) floating, particles, which come into
these words in the shape of prefixes and suf
fixes. l'hesc are, in their offices, almost as
numerous as the purposes of person, tense,
number, quality, position, etc., may require,
but while their respective office remains prc
CfS i i in almost any given number
of dialects in a mother language, it is found
that the several tribes pique themselves in
giving these auxiliary particles a sound pe
culiar to themselves, by which something like
nationality is kept up. Thus in two dialects
indicating the least change in the primitives
or derivatives, to be found among all the
tribes, namely, Chippewa and Ottowa, these
particles, which, in the animate class for plu
ral, arc denoted by do, and in the local inflec- j
tions by oxo, and ixo, in the one dialect, are '
respectively changed U) ux, onk, and ink, in
the other.
?Similar to this process, seems to have been
the result of change between the ancient Al
gonquin and the Mohegan, the latter, like ihe
Ottawa, constantly substituting k for o, and r
for d, etc., but in other respects, it exhibits
numerous gutturals, and some aspirates, which
are but rarely found in the liquid flow of the
Algic. It also embraces the (perhaps) Gothic
sound of th, which is wholly unknown (the
Shawnee excepted) to the modern lake dia
Geographical terms, with the Indians, are
found generally to unite some natural quality
in the features or productions of the country
with- an indication of the locality; so that
their names are not, as with us, simple nomi
natives, but (as in all other cases in these pe
culiar languages) the quality, action, etc.,
transfers itself to the object, and is expressed
in a consolidated phrase. This is one of the
most constant and distinguishing traits of these
languages. Their nouns and adjectives,
therefore, as well as their verbs, are transi
tives. Even their prepositions take a transi
tive character, and link themselves, as with
" hooks of steel," to the objects to which
they are applied. Thus their name for the
island from which this letter is dated, is Place
of the Gigantic Faeries, or, by another "inter
prctation, Place of the Great Turtle. Detroit
is (literally translated) Roundward, or Rounds
by Place, denoting the sinuosities of the river
ini its approach. Sault St. Marie, " At the
Shallow Water with Rocks." In another
class of derivative words, the union of the
substantive and adjective is without a local
inflection, as in their name for Lake Superior
which is simply called, The Sea Waters '
Mississippi, The Great River; Michigan, The
Great Lake, etc.
I his principle is found most fully to per
vade the Mohegan. I requested one of the
chiefs of tho pariy above referred to, to pro
nounce their name lor Long Island. He re
plied, I'acm-nuk-kaii-hi'k, signifying Place
of the Long Land. The name of the coast
opposite to this island, a|?he mouth of the
Hudson, or rather across the Sound, he pro
nounced Mo.n-ah-tox-uk. Dropping the lo
cal inflection i k, meaning place, or land, we
have the elements of Manhattan, the latter of
which preserves the original quite as well as
I,f ?^ner?lity of Indian names transmitted by
I'-of*lisp enunciation. Philologists will prr
t( 'i\e, farther, that the aspirate n would be
very- naturally prefixed to the second syllable,
w ii e the sound of o, hem# the sound of o in
it rt m li word tun, might be expressed
nearly as well, by some of the modified sounds
of A.
Judged by similar means of analysis, Sing
Sing is a corruption of Osix-s.nk, i. Place |
of Stone*, or Rocks; Nevereink from Nawai
sink, u phrase descriptive of'highlands equi
di?iant between two waters, a* Raritan Bay
and the Atlantic. Minisink is, literally, Place
of the Inland. 1 appan Sea appears to be a
derivative from a hand of the Mohcgans, who
dwelt there, called Tai-on?ekm, or rather from
the name of their village. After getting
through the Highlands, names of Mohawk de
ri\atiou occur. Poughkeepsie, Warwarsing,
and Coxsackie, are, however, clearly of Mo
hegao origin. So far as I recollect, the an
cient name of Albany, Skk-nkk-ta-da, is the
first term of the Iroquois type of languages,
lit ascending the Hudson, of which any notice
is preaervcd. In proceeding cast, west, or
south-west from that point, geographical
names of this character universally prevail.
Hut it is to be remarked, that but few sono
rous names occur, until reaching the districts
of country formerly possessed by the Onei
das, Onondaga*, and other western branches
ol this confederacy.
I am, gentlemen, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
vv*? Henry R. Schoolcraft.
We find in the 44 Incidents of Travel," the
following description of the route of the Is
raelites, and the placu where they crossed
the Red Sea:
" Late in the afternoon, wc landed on the
opposite side, on the most sacred spot con
nected with the wanderings of the Israelites,
where they rose from the dry bed of the sea,
and at the command of Moses, the divided
waters rushed together overwhelming Pha
raoh and his chariots, and the whole host of
Egypt. \V ith the devotion ol a pious pilgrim,
picked up a shell and put it into my pocket
as a memorial of the place ; and then Paul
and I mounting the dromedaries which my
guide had brought down to the shore iu readi
ness. rode to a grove of palm trees, shading a
fountain of bad water, called Ayoun Moussa,
or the fountain of Moses. I was riding care
lessly along, looking behind me towards the
sea, and had almost reached the grove of palm
trees, when a large flock of crows flew out,
and my dromedary frightened with a sudden
whizzing, started back and threw me twenty
feet over his head, completely clear of his long
neck, and left me sprawling in the sand. It
was a mercy I did not finish my wanderings
where the children ol Israel began theirs;
but I saved my head at the expense of my
hands, which sunk in the looso soil to the
wrist, and bore the marks for more than two
month afterward. I seated myself whero 1
fell; and as the sun was just dipping below
the horizon, told Paul to pitch the lent with
the door towards the place of the miraculous
passage. 1 shall never forget that sunset
scene, and it is the last I shall inflict upon the
reader. I was sitting on the sand, on the
very spot where the chosen 'people of (iod,
after walking over the dry bed of the sea,
stopped to behold the divided waters return
ing to their place, and swallowing up the hotft
of the pursuers. The mountains on the other
side looked dark and portentious, as if proud
and conscious witnesses of the mighty mira
cle ; while the sun descended slowly behind
them, long after it had disappeared, left a re
flected brightness, which illuminated with an
almost supernatural light the dark surface of
tho water.
But to return to the fountain of Moses. I
am aware that there issome dispute as to the J
precise spot where Moses crossed ; but hav
ing no time for scepticism on such matters, I
began my making up my mind that it was the
place, and then looked around to see whether
according to the account given in the Bible,
the face of tho country and the natural land
marks did not sustain my opinion. I remem
ber 1 looked up to the head of the gulf; there
was a high range of mountains, which it would
be necessary to cross?an undertaking, which
it would be physically impossible for 600,000
people, men, women and children, to accom
plish with a hostile army pursuing them. At
?Suez, Moses could not "have been hemmed iu
as he was, he could go off into the Syrian de
sert, or unless the sea has greatly changed
since that time, round the head of the gulf.
But nere, directly opposite to where I saU, was
an opening in the mountains, making a clear
passage from the desert to the shore of the
F mm the Richmntui Enifuir'r.
I he editor of 44 the Globe" in the second
number of its reply to 44 Caniillus," attempts to
prcve that in the quotations which I made
from tho Annual Messages of Gen. Jackson
in my first article, there is nothing incompati
ble with the principle of Mr. Gordon's bill,
44 That the whole revenue of the United States
derived from customs, lands and other sources,
shall be paid in the current coin of tho United
States"?and that I am in reality mistaken iii
my deductions from these quotations, and not
the Globe in its assertion, that this was the
proposition wliich 44 President Jackson was so
solicitous to enforce as a constitutional princi
ple. I o prove this error on my part, the
Globe alleges, that 1 did not present, in mv
communication, " a solitary line front any pa
per ol the late President recommending the
banks as depositories, showing that ho wished
their notes to be legalized as a tender, as those
ol the Bank of the United States had been." I
This is true, nor was it necessary ; for, when
these messages were delivered, "the Govern
ment was, and had been previous to, and ever
since, the act of March, 1816, in the constant
practice of receiving the notes of all specie
paying banks in payment of the public reve
nue ; a duty which the act of 1816 enjoined,
and a practice which the late President upon
no occasion intimated a wish u> correct. If
he had regarded this practice as one of the
errors of the system, which he so warmly and
so earnestly recommended to Congress, there
can be no doubt that he would have recom
mended its correction; but, not having done
so upon any occasion, it is clearly manifest,
that he had no such design. If Gen. Jackson
meant, that the receipts and disbursements of
the depoaite banks should be confined to spree
only, what interpretation is to be placed upon
the following language in the Annual Message
of December, 1831: "Those institutions
have already shown themselves competent to
purchase auil furnish domestic exchange for
the convenience of trade, art reasonable rates,
and not a doubt is entertained, that iu a abort
period all the wants of the country in bank ac
commodation aud exi iia.nuk will bo supplied
as promptly and cheaply as they have hereto
fore been by the Hank of the luited Stales.'1
It ia manifest, that the great desideratum with
Gen. Jackson was completely to remove any
necessity fur the re-establishment of a Nation
al Bunk, and that he looked to the maturing of
the State Uank system as the surest means of
effecting that object. The efficiency and
success of the State Hunk system depended
much upon the credit which their notes should
acquire, the extent of their circulation, and
the cheapness with which they could conduct
the exchanges of the country, and as nothing
was so well calculated to give this credit, ex
tend this circulation and secure this cheapness
of domestic exchanges as the receipt of the
uates of these banks in discharge of the public
refeuue, it is fair to conclude, that such was
a pari of the system which Geo. Jucks^pji?4
in view. With these views, and the
that at no time during his administration, did
the late President recommend the discon
tinuance of the receipt of the notes of specie
paying banks in payment of the public reve
nue, 1 still maintain that the Globe has mista
ken the policy of Gen. Jackson while in office,
or it proves that Gen. Jackson meant one thing
and said another, which I cannot believe. A*
to the legalizing of the notes of the Hank of
the United States as a tender, I do not know
what the Globe means. I have no knowledge
of any act making them a legal lender, except
so far as thev were to be received in payment
of the public revenue. %
The Globe, not being able to find in all the
official documents of Gen. Jackson any single
sentiment favoring its gilded scheme, of sepa
rating the fiscal concerns of the Government
from all connection with the banking institu
tions of the country, resorts to other evidences
not official in their character, for the purpose
of proving that Gen. Jackson conceived this
design of compelling the receipts of the pub
lic revenue in gold and silver only, shortly
after the adjournment of the session of Con
gress, succeeding the prohibition of the dejx>
site of the public money in the Hank of the
United States. According to the Globe, the
first public expression of this design which
Gen. Jackson gave, was at a public' dinner
given him in Nashville, Tennessee, in the
following sentiment: 4" The true constitutional
currency, gold and silver?It can cover and
protect the labor of the country, without the
aid of a National Hank ; an institution that
can npver be otherwise thnn hostile to the 1
liberties of the people, because its tendency
is to associate wealth with an undue pow er '
over the public interest."?Did the editor of
the Globe suppose for a moment, when he
urged this sentiment as a proof of Gen. Jack
son's views in favor of the scheme, which he
now so warmly urges upon the country, that
the mind of any of its readers could be so de
luded as not to detect its utter fallacy ? Is it
not entirely manifest, that Gen Jackson only j
meant u? assert that the country was not and '
need not be dependent on a Hank of the Uni
ted States? and that nil the purposes of the
laboring class of.the community, could be an
swered by gold and silver coin ? Does he
intimate, that the currency of the country
should He exclusively metallic, or that the
Govern ntenj should be confined to gold and
silver coin in the receipt of its revenue T As '
a proof ?f this, 1 will refer to an extract from .
an editorial article of the Globe of September <
1834, a short time after the publication of this i
sentiment?It says, " Mr. Leigh knows that '
the President himself is opposed to the project j
which he ascribes to his supporters, (a Sub
treasury scheme.) and that his friends in j
Washington, whethcr ok the Cabinet or
not, heartily concur with htm in the course of'
policy it is expected to PURSUE. They look
to the total extermination of the Bunk of the
United Plates, not to be restored, cither under
the control of a Directory of its own, or the
President of the United Slates. They look to j
goi.d and silver as a GENERAL currency?to
restrictions by the States, upon the circulation
of small notes?to the deposite of the public j
moneys in the State. Hanks, under regulations
established by Congress?anil to those banks to
carry on in future, the domestic exchanges of
the. country, for the accommodation of the Go
vernment and PEOPLE."
Again, on the 18th of November following,
in an editorial article, the Globe says :
" Like Mr. I<eigh himself, he (tho President.) believ
ed the Treasury Department susceptible of an enlarge
ment, though not on the same plan, so as to afford all
the necessary fiscal aid to the Government, and at the
tamo time render essential service to the commerce of
the country. 13ut he never made a recommendation
even of thai?he only threw out n feir rug at* liana, for
the consideration of the Congress and the people?and
we do not doubt, has long since lost all desire, if any
he had, to see any such scheme adopted. It was only j
thought of as a >ub*lilute for the present hank, and he .
is now satisfied, that no tubtltlult it ticccsiary or tipc
dient." ,
The next evidence adduced by the Globe,
is an extract from the speech of Mr. Gordon,
delivered on offering the amendment, now
the subject of discussion. Tho editor of the
Globe says, " That his (the President's) do-1
sign was understood at the time, as we have |
recently represented it, is.manifcst from a re
mark made by Mr. Gordon iu the House of
Representatives, in support of his proposi
tion, and which no friend of the President
controverted, as appears from the report
" It was said to be the opinion of the Pre
sident, [said Mr. Gordon,] that it was ex- 1
trcmely desirable the revenue of the U. States
should be collected in specie, and not in pa
per ; and in connection with which opinion >
the House had heard a new name applied to
, specie ; it had been called 4 Jackson money.'
; He now called upon all who were in favor of
, 'Jackson money,' to go with him in support of
\ the old fashioned constitutional notion of a hard
money government." If the desire attributed to
Gen. Jackson, existed at the time this remark
was made by Mr. Gordon, then it was taken tip 1
subsequent to the 18th of the previous No
vember, when the editor of the Globe said,
" He (the President) is now satisfied, that no
substitute is expedient or necessary"?and to
the delivery of his Annual Message at the
commencement of the session, when ho re
ferred to the existing system as all that could
be desired ; a system, embracing the receipts
of the public revenue in the notes of specie
paying banks. It is most singular, if this was ^
the existing desire of tho President, that but
a single friend of hi? adrnuiistration voted for
?t, and that ho failed to recommend it at the
succeeding session of Coagr*.*. On. Gor
don .plan, as carried out in the amendment
which lie offered, embraced not only the re
, ceipt of the public revenue in gold and silver
only, 'Hit its disbursement bv agent* of the
treasury ; a consequence necessarily result
ing fro,,, the restriction. If Gen. Gordon's
scheme was regarded wise as to the receipts
of the public revenue, and unwise as to the
mode of disbursement, why did not some
Ineml of the administration move to strike
out that part of the bill which was objectiona
ble, providing for the disbursement, and re
tain the restriction upon tiie receipts, which
was salutary and desired by the Administra
tion . n was not done, nor was it ever recom
mended bv the President; and I am therefore
warranted in the coiiolusiou. that however de
sirable ,t miglu.fi.ve been, the President
regarded it as Utterly impracticable in the
then condition <#1> cpuMry, and never re
commended it or lnfcnidtd to recommend it.
,Jrlle (;lobo : "ff'wUu., we ha. sdducod
hav i"I! to prove that we
ave uiisukeii (jcn Jackson'? views on this .ul.iect,
Ut the annplc fcel that lie cmploynl the State li.nk. I
?? depositoriei, und declared in. confidence in Hum.
u. unjually that by imputing the dc.i?n.
of collecting the revenue in specie, we subject the laie
StTtSLtfi8** p,'"ns?" hfocm-;
I have made no unjust assumption what
ever. If niy assumption is incorrect, it arose
ironi the carelessness with which he Globe
penned the article which 1 attempted to re
view, and not from any deduction of mine.
lhe Globe published, in the article alluded
to, the entire amendment offered by Mr
Gordon, embracing as well the receipts in
gold and stiver, as the disbursement by agents
of the treasury. This amendment embraced
the present views of the editor of the Globe
itself, which it is constantly urging upon the
republican party. It accompanied its own
opinion with the declaration, that Gen. Gor
don s amendment proposed the policy, which
President Jackson was so solicitous to en-'
force as a constitutional principle," viz : " that
the tr/wle revenue of the United States, de
rived from customs, lands, and other sources,
s/iull be paid in the current com of the United
'States'' From the declaration, unaccompa
nied with any exception, as to the other part
ol the scheme, that of disbursing through
agents of the treasury, I deduced, as 1 think
fairly and properly, that the Globe intended
to give strength to its own views by bring
ing to its aid those of Gen. Jackson. If
that part of the scheme applying to the re
ceipts, was the only part, it, favor of which,
the Globe intended to cite the approbation of
Gen. Jackson, it was due to Gen. Jackson
as well as to candor, that the editor should
have stated, that during his administration,
Gen. Jackson did not favor or recommend the
Sub-Treasury scheme, contained in Mr. Gor- I
don's amendment. If he had done this, I
should have been saved the necessity of uiy
review, and the unpleasantness of this con
troversy. 1 had no desire to draw any harsh
inference from the article which I have at
tempted to review; and if I have done so,
it was because 1 could not do otherwise,!
from the character of the article itself, and
not because I desired it. If the extracts
which I adduced from Gen. Jackson's mes
sages, and his subsequent actions in con
formity with his expressed opinions, do not
prove that during his administration, he did
not favor the system advocated by the Globe,
then I am at a loss to know, what stronger
and more direct language he could have em
ployed to prove it. I do not refer to his con
versations or his toasts. I refer to his offi
cial papers, as my guide in ascertaining his
official determination in relation to public
1 do not controvert the position of the Globe,
that " 1 here is nothing in the collection and
disbursement of the public revenues in specie
incompatible w ith the employment of the State
Hanks as depositories and disbursing agents"
?because, it might be made the interest of
the Banks to exercise such an agency. But
I cannot perceive how this argument avails
the Globe in the present discussion. Such a
scheme has never been proposed to the De
posite Banks, or recommended by Congress.
The point in issue is, did the late President
desire such a system ? I have adduced, from
his several messages, recommendations total
ly at war with such a desire; and the fact,
that upon no occasion did he ever propose it,
either in his negotiation with the Banks or
his messages to Congress. The idea is far
ther negatived by the fact, that according to
Gen. Jackson's own construction of the art of
March, 1810, lie had power to impose the re
striction, but failed to exercise it, to any ex
tent, except in the Treasury order of July,
1836, in relation to the public lands.
Let it be remembered by the reader, that
when this article was written, Gen. Jackson
had adopted the State Bank system, a part of
which was the receipt of their notes in pay
ment of tho public revenue, and had entered
into stipulations with them; yet the Globe
contends, that early after the adjournment
ol the session of Congress, succeeding the
removal of the deposites from the Bank
of the United States, ho conceived the idea
ol restricting the receipts of the public reve
nue to gold aud silver only, and conformed
his course to the accomplishment of that ob
ject. In two days after this article was pub
lished, with the State Bank system unchang
ed in a single particular, the editor of the
Globe says: " We verily believe, that tho
present system ol deposites for the public
money, regulated by law as it will be, is as
good for safety, and the least liable to abuse
by the Executive, of any which the wit of
man can conceive." I would respectfully ask,
if in all the regulations of the State Bank sys
tem recommended to Congress bv Gen. Jack
son, he once intimated the propriety of re
stricting the receipts of the public revenue to
gold and silver ? If he did, in what message
or treasury report w as it done f I should be
thankhil lor the information?but 1 doubt
whether it can be afforded. The Globe,
therefore, instead ol calling upon me to show
from (ten. Jackson m public papers, a sinjjle
expression unfavorable to its scheme, should
produce one favorable to it, ns it proposes a
departure from an existing to a new scheme.
The editor of the Globe .says, from this time
forward, meaning the publication of the Nash
ville toast, the late President lalwired to intro
duce the precious metals into the country, and
among other efforts, " He used his influence
to have the standard rectified, by correcting
the undervaluation of the gold coins, by which
they had beeu bauished in conformity to the
Hauulioniau policy." 1 athall not question
the fact, that Geu. Jacksou used his best
exertions to procure the rectification of the
standard of the valuation of gold coins; but
the Globe is utterly mistaken in fixing the
commencement of his exertions from and after
the Nashville toast; for, unless my memory
very much deceives me, tlie toast was drunk
August, lb3t, when the act of Congress rec
tifying the standard had Imen pat-teil, and ap
proved by Gen. JackMNi on the 28ih of June
preceding, so that this act preceded the pe
riod when Gen. Jacknon commenced the
exertions ascribed to liiro by the Globe. It
was before this time also, if 1 mistake not,
between November, 1833, and July, 1834,
that the great importation of spucie took place.
These exertions were directed to a proper
and important object, whether the notes of
banks or specie only was to be reccivwd in
payment of the public dues, and avails nothing
I in this discussion.
The Globe next refers to the passage of
the Deposite Bill of the Senate, in the session
of '$ 4-35, in supi>ort of its assertion. It seems
whvu that bill was in progress, that on the
26th F-tytMjy, 1835, Mr. Webster, in offer
ing i i JiPnii in to that bill requiring the
deposite banks to pay the treasury warrants
and drafts in gold and silver, made the fol
lowing remarks : 44 H'ifAin a week past at
tempts have been made to pay off warrants of
the. Treasury not in specie, but in drafts pay
able on their fact in current bills. Aow, this
(saiil Mr. W.) he unshed to prevent; he wished
all drafts to be payable in cash, and that the
holders should not be turned ofi and paid tn
current bills." The amendment offered by
Mr. Webster was accepted by Mr. Benton,
who said, 44 he would not only concur in the
amendment, but he would go further, and con
cur in an enquiry, why there had been any re
laxation from what he thought last year would
have been the system adopted." This bill, says
the editor of the Globe, was carried to the
House of Representatives so late in the ses
sion, that it was lost for the want of time to
act upon it. I do not know what evidence
the editor of the Globe can derive in support
of his assertion from this bill, and its passage
through the Senate. It nowhere prohibited
the receipt of notes of specie-paying banks in
payment of the public dues ; nor did it prevent
the holders of treasury warrants from receiv
ing notes, or drafts, or checks, il they prefer
red it, in payment of these warrants. The
amendment of Mr. Webster was only intended
to prohibit the banks from discharging trea
sury drafts in any way, which would compel
the holders against their wishes to receive
them in current bills. If they accepted in
navment of treasury drafts, bank drafts paya
ble in current bills', then they would be com
pelled to receive any current bill which might
be offered by the payers of such drafts. It ia
true, that this bill, after it passed the Senate,
reached the House of Representatives too late
to be acted upon ; but this does not prove that
it would have passed that body; for, if I re
member right, the House h^d previously
passed and sent to the Senate a deposite bill,
which was never noticed by that body. If
my information be correct, the Senate b bill
was so filled with objectionable features, that
the friends of the Administration in the House
had determined that it should not be taken
up ; as if it had passed, it would at once nave
destroyed the deposite system ; not a single
respectable bank could havo held the depo
sites under it. So fearful wore some of the
friends of the Administration, that the Oppo
sition might steal a march on them, and get it
up and passed on the last night ol the session,
that many were prevailed upon to stay until
the next'da v, solely that a majority might be
at hand to defeat any such attempt, in case it
had been made.
The Globe also refers to the Treasury Cir
cular, as proof of the design ascribed to Gen.
Jackson. The Treasury Circular could not
have been intended to effect any such purpose,
because it is confined in it* operation to the
public lands, and not to the whole revenue. It
avowed its object to be, to suppress extensive
speculations and excessive Bank issues grav
ing out of it. If Gen. Jackson had designed
tins order as the entering wedge to this sys
tem, he would certainly havo recommended it
in his annual message at the next session ol
Congress, as the permanent policy of the Go
vernment. This he did not do, but expressed
his entire approbation of the State Bank sys
tem as the permanent policy of the Govern
ment ; from which the inference is irresistible,
that lie designed the treasury order as a tern
porary remedy, lot a temporary disease, which
was to cease with the removal of the distasc
As conclusive proof, that both the late I re
sident and the Editor of the Globe were
strongly opposed to the sub-treasury scheme,
so warmly now advocated by the Globe, and
upon which, in its estimation, depends the
adherence to the Republican faith, I here quote
an extract from a commentary of the Globe of
Nov. 20th, 1834, upon Mr. Leigh's opinion
before referred to. ' It says?" And docs Mr.
Leigh conceive, that the power of the Execu
tive over the public money would be diminish
ed, if in lieu of one treasurer as at present
appointed bv the President with the concur
rence of ilie Senate, who cannot himself touch
a dollar of the public money while in his le
gal custody, a 4 principal treasurer' and ' as
many assistant treasurers as might be found
convenient,' were substituted, appointed by
the President.alone, or the head of the tren
8Ury department, who should hold all the mil
lions of the treasury in their actual posses
sion ? Says Mr. Leigh: 4 The obvious
effect of the scheme would be, to take the
public treasure out of the custody and control
of the President.' On the contrary, it is as
palpable as the sun, that the effect of the
scheme would be, to bring the public treasure
much nearer the actual 4 custody and control
of the President' than it is now, and expose
it to be plundered by a hundred hands where
one cannot now reach it'!!
This extract, with that contained in my re
joinder to No. 1, embraces nearly every lead
ing objection to the sub-treasury scheme, and
with thein I might safely, and probably will,
close this discussion with the Globe, ihat
press will find it difficult to surmount ihc dif
ficulties which itself has presented to its pre
sent favorite scheme, and to persuade the de
mocratic party to denounce thoee of their
faithful public servants who supported, and
who are now supporting the policy recom
mended by Gen. Jackson'. Administration
upon this subject; and not having changed
their opinions, do not think
face to the right about because the Globe has
thought proper to do it.

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