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The Madisonian will be devoted to the support of
the principles and doctrine* of the democratic party, aa
delineated by Mr. Madirou, and will aim to consummate
that political reform in the theory and practice of the
natioual government, which has beeu repeatedly indi
cated by the general sutler age, as essential to the peace
and prosperity of the country, and to the perfecUou and
perpetuity ef its free instil uiiuns. At this time a singu
lar stale of a flairs is presented. The commercial in
tcreeta of the country are overwhelmed with embarrass
mint; ita monetary concerna are unuaually disordered ;
every ramification of society ia invaded by distress, and
the social cdifice seems threatened with disorganization;
every ear is tilled with predictions of evil and the mur
muring* of despondency ; tho general government ia
boldly assailed by a large and respectable portion of the
people, as the direct cauae of their difficulties ; open
resistance to the laws is publicly encouraged, and a
spirit of insubordination ia foatered, as a necessary
defence to the pretended usurpaliona of the party in
power; some, from whom better things were hoped, are
making the "confusion worse confounded," by a head
long pursuit of extreme notions and indefinite phautouis,
totally incompatible with a wholesome state of the
country. In the inidat of all these difficulties and em
barrassment!, it is feared that many of the leas firm of
the friends of the administration and supporter* of
democratic principles are wavering in their confidence,
and beginning, withoutjust cause, to view with diatrust
those men to whom they have been long attached, and
whose elevation they have laboured to promote from
honest and patriotic motives. Exulting in the anticipa
tion of dismay and confusion amongst tho supporters of
the administration a* the consequence of these things,
the opposition are consoling themselves with tho idea
that Mr. Van Burcu's friends, as a nstional party, are
verging to dissolution ; atld they allow no opportunity to
pass unimproved to give eclat to their own doctrines.
They are, indeed, maturing plans for their own future
government of the country, with seeming confidence of
This confidence is increased by the fact, that visionary
theories, aud an unwise adherence to the plan for an
exclusive metallic currency have unfortunately carried
some beyond the actual aud true fiolicy of the govern
ment ; aud, by impairing public confidence in the credit
system, which ought to be preserved aud regulated, but
not destroyed, have tended to increase the difficulties
under which the country is now labouring. All these
seem to indicate the necessity of a new organ at the
scat of government, to lie established upon sound prin
ciples, and to represent faithfully, and not to dictate, the
real |?olicy of the administration, and the true sentiments,
measures, and interests, of tho great body of its sup
porters. The necessity also appears of the adoption of
more conservative principles than the conduct of those
seems to indicste who seek to remedy abuses by de
stroying the institutions with which they are found con
nected. Indeed some measure of contribution is deemed
essential to the enhancement of our own self-res|>ect at
home, and to the promotion of the honor and credit of
the nation abroad.
To meet these indications this undertaking has been
instituted, and it is hoped that it will produce the effect
of inspiring the timid with courage, the desponding with
hope, and the whole country with confidence m tho
administration of Us government. In this view, this
journal will not seek to lead, or to follow any faction, or
to advocate the views of any particular detachment of
men. It will aspire to accord a just measure of sup
port to each of the co-ordinate branches of the govern
ment, in the lawful exercise of their constitutional
prerogatives. It will address itself to the understandings
of men, rather than appeal to any unworthy prejudices
or evil passions. 'It will rely invariably upon the prin
ciple, that the strength aud security of American insti
tutions depend upon the intelligence aud virtue of the
Thb Madisomav will not, in any event, be inadc tho
instrument of arraying the north and the south, the east
and the west, in (tostilo altitudes towards each other,
upon any subject of either general or local interest. It
will reflect only that spirit aud those principles of mutual
concession, compromise, and reciprocal good-will, which
so eminently characterized the inception, formation, and
subsequent adoption, by the aeveral States, of the con
stitution of the United States. Moreover, in the same
hallowed spirit that has, at all periods since the adoption
of that aacred instrument, characterized its dbfknck
by thic PBOPLB, our press will hasten to its support at
every emergency that shall arise, from whatever quarter,
and under whatever guise of philanthropy, policy, or
principle, the antagonist power may appear.
If, in this responsible undertaking, it shall be our
good fortune to succeed to any degree in promoting tho
harmony and prosperity of the country, or in conciliating
jealousies, and allaying ihe asperities of party warfare,
by demeaning oursclf amicably towards all; by indulg
ing porsonal animosities towards none; by conducting
ourself in the belief that it is perfectly practicable to
differ with others in matters of principle and of expe
diency, without a mixture of personal unkindnrsa or loss
of reciprocal respect; and by ?? asking nothing that is
not clearly right, aud submitting to nothing that is
wrong," then, and not otherwise, will the full measure
of its intention be accomplished, and our primary rule
for its guidance be sufficiently observed and satisfied.
This enterprize has not been undertaken without the
approbation, advisement, and pledged support of many
of the leading and soundest minds in tho ranks of the
democratic republican party, in the extreme north and
in the extreme south, in the cast and in the west. An
association of both political experience and talent of the
highest order will render it competent to carry forward
the principles by which it will bo guided, and make it
useful as a political organ, and interesting as a journal
of news. Arrangements also have been made to fix tho
establishment upon a substantial and permanent basis.
The subscriber, therefore, relies upon the public for so
mucl: of their confidence and encouragement only as the
fidelity of his press to their great national interests shall
prove itself entitled to receive.
Washington City, D. C. July, 1837.
ADVICB TO YOUNO MERCHANTS.
1. Do not. like a foolish mariner, always calculate
upon fair weather; but be prepared, at all times, for
mercantile squalls and gales.
2. If you form a co-partnership, silent or avowed, do
not advertise it until the capital is actually paid in
3. Always have articles of co-partnership written by
a lawyer of integrity, and signed and sealed before you
?1 If you buy and sell on credit, it is not safe to sell
more in a year than five times your actual capital
[When your credit is well established, you may exceed
5. Never sell to a man when you have* reasonable
doubts about his ability to pay at the lime.
6 Never sell on credit to a drunkard, horse-racer
gambler; or a man not educated as a merchant. '
7 Never sell on credit to a man who has not paid
former purchases, if due.
8 Select a store, the best situated for your business,
even il the rent be high, provided that it is not extrava
9 I)o not marrv under twenty-five, and none but a
well educated, prudent, noiseless woman?one that can
earn as much as she spends.
10 Let not your house rent be more thsn a fifth of
the amount you are willing to expend in family and per
11 Keep a regular set of books, by double-entry ;
and have them posted up and examined at least every'
12 Pake an account of stock, balance vour books,
? lid settle all your accounts twice ? vcar, if practicable ?
aiways once i >ear.
VOL.1. WASHINGTON CITY, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 1 4, 1837. NO. 10.
from Uu iwntM JfufMM*.
J MRS. JAMES MADISON. S
The parent* of Mrs. Madison, whose maid
en name wu Dolly Payne, were native* of
Virginia- She was however bom in North
Carolina, while her mother was on a visit to
some of her friends in that state. Not long
alior their marriage, her parents joined the
society of Friends or Quakers, manumitted
their slaves, and removed to Pennsylvania,
'l'heir daughter was educated in Philadelphia
in all the strictness of the sect to which the
family belonged. She was, therefore, but
little indebted to acquired graces and accom
plishments for the admiration and regard
which followed her wherever she was known.
To much personal beauty, she added a warm
heart and a benevolent disposition; charms
and attractions which won for her not only
admirers but friends.
At an early age she was married to Mr.
Todd, a young lawyer of Philadelphia, and
also a member of the society of Friends.?
This connexion was of short duration. She
was soon left a widow with an iufant son.?
Her father being also dead, she went to live
I with her surviving parent, who bad fixed her
residence in the same city. Here her beauty
and engaging manners secured her many ad
mirers and brought her seversl advantageous
offers of marriage. Among those who sought
her hand she gave preference to Mr. Madison,
at that time a distinguished member of Con
gress to whom she was married in 1794.
From this time to the time of Mr. Madison s
appointment as Secretary of State, she re
sided at Montpelier on Mr. Madison's pater
nal estate.* Here she entertained her numer
ous friends and guests with an abundant and
cordial hospitality. Her mother and sisters
lived with her; and the regard and kindness
with which her husband treated them, was
repaid on her part by similar attentions to the
happiness and comfort of his aged mother,
who continued to live with her son.
On Mr. Jefferson's election to the Presi
dency, in 1801, Mr. Madison was appointed
Secretary of State, and in April of that year
removed his family to Washington. We can
not better describe the manner in which she
acquitted herself in the new and elevated sta
tion to which she was now raised, than in the
language of a memoir in the national portrait
gallerv, a work of great merit. " The Presi
dent's house was the seat of hospitality, where
Mrs. Madison always presided in the absence
of Mr. Jefferson's daughters, when there were
female guests. After the President's, the
house of the Secretary of State was the re
sort of most company. The frank and cor
dial manners of its mistress gave a peculiar
charm to the frequent parties there assembled.
All foreigners who visited the seat of govern
ment?strangers from the different states oi
the Union, the heads of departments, the
diplomatic corps, senators, representatives,
and citizens, mingled with an ease and free
dom, a sociability and gaiety, to be met with
in no other society. Even party spirit, viru
lent and embittered as it then was, by her gen
tleness was disarmed of its asperity.
Individuals who never visited at the Presi
dent's nor met at the other ministerial hou?es,
could not resist the softening influences of
her conciliatory disposition, and her frank and
generous manners, but frequented her evening
circle ; and sat at her husband's table ; a table
that was covered with the profusion of Vir
ginian hospitality, rather than with the ele
gance and refinement of European taste.
The lady of a foreign minister was once ridi
culing the enormous size and number of the
dishes with which the board was loaded, and
observed, that it was more like a harvest home
supper, than the entertainment of a Secretary
of State.?Mrs. Madison heard of this and
similar remarks, and only observed with a
smile, that she thought abundance was pre
ferable to elegance ; that circumstances form
ed customs, and customs formed taste ; and as
the profusion, so repugnant to foreign customs,
arose from the happy circumstance of the su
perabundance and prosperity "of our country,
she did not hesitate to sacrifice the delicacy
of European taste, for the less elegant, but
more liberal fashion ol Virginia. I he many
poor families daily supplied from that profused
spread table, would have had reason to regret
the introduction of European fashion, had Mrs.
Madison been prevailed on to submit to its
"During the eight years that Mr. Madison
was Secretary of State, he and his family
lived with the inhabitants of Washington as
with fellow-citizens; receiving and recipro
cating civilties in the most kind and friendly
manner. The Secretary himself, being whol
ly absorbed in public business, left to Mrs.
Madison the discharge of the duties of social
intercourse. And never was a woman better
calculated for the task. Exposed, as she ne
cessarily must have been in so conspicuous a
situation, to envy, jealousy, and misconstruc
tion, she so managed as to conciliato the good
will.of all, witbc.it offending the self-love of
any of the numerous competitors for her favor
and attention. Every visitor left her with
the pleasing impression of being an especial
favorite, of having been the object of peculiar
attention. She never forgot a name she had
once heard, nor a face she had once seen, nor
the personal circumstances connected with
every individual of her acquaintance. Her
quick recognition of persons ; her recurrence
to their peculiar interests, produced the grati
fying impression, in each and all of those who
conversed with her, that they were cspecial
objects of regard.
'?Her house was very plainly furnished, and
her dress in no way extravagant. It was on
ly in hospitality and charity that her profu
sion was unchecked, aad sometimes made her
sensible that her income was not equal to her
The amiable and engaging qualities which
have been described, characterized Mrs.
Madison through the whole of her husband's
public life. In the midst of the bhterness of
party spirit and the violence of political ani
mosity, she was mild and courteous to all.
The political assailants of her husband she
treated with a kindness, which disarmed their
hostility of its individual rancor, and some- ,
times even converted political enemies into
personal friends, and still oftener succeeded
in neutralizing the bitterness of opposition.
During the last war her courage and firmness
were put to a severe test. In August, 1814,
the British troops landed forty miles below
Washington, and approached that city. The
President left the city to hold a council of
Before his departure, he anxiously inquired
whether she had courage or firmness to remain
in the President's house until his return on
the iporrow or preceding day. She assured
hiin she had no fear but for him and the suc
cess of our array. When the President reach
ed Bladensburgh he unexpectedly found the
two armies engaged. Manwhile terror spread
over the city. All who could obtain con
veyances fled to the adjoining towns. The
sound of the cannon was distinctly heard, and
universal dismay and confusion prevailed.?
Some personal friends who remained with
Mrs. Madison strongly urged her to leave the
city. They had her carnage brought to the
door, but could not persuade her to enter it till
her husband should return and accompany
her. And she did not finally depart till seve
ral messengers had been despatched to bid
We close this sketch in the words of the
memoir from which we have quoted. " Much
as she graced her public station, she has been
not less admirable in domestic life. Neigh
borly and companionable among her country
friends, as if she had never lived in a city;
delighting in the society of the young, and
never ^ better pleased than when promoting
every youthful pleasure by her participation ;
she still proved herself the affectionate and
devoted wife during the years of suffering
health of her excellent husband. Without
neglecting the duties of a kind hostess, a
faithful friend and relative, she smoothed and
enlivened, occupied and amused the languid
hours of his long confinement. Hj knew,
appreciated, and acknowledged the blessing
which heaven had bestowed on him in giving
him such a wife."
From the New York Commercial Advertiser,
We have had our time and times of laugh
ing at animal magnetism. We shall laugh at
it no more. There is something awfully mys
terious in the principle, beyond the power of
man to fathom or explain. Being in Provi
dence on Saturday, Sunday and Monday, the
26th, 27th, and 28th of August, an opportuni
ty was afforded us of seeing and taking part
in a series of experiments, with a young liliml
lady, whilo under the magnetic influence, the
results of which were not only marvellous in
our eyes, but absolutely astounding. The ex
hibition was not public, and the parties were
all people of the first respectability, profes
sional and otherwise. Having heard much
upon the subject, and disbelieved all, the ex
periments were made before a private circle
of ladies and gentlemen, at our own urgent
We have written a narrative of the circum
stances, comprising some fifty or sixty pages
of foolscap; and we venture to say, that no
thing hitherto published upon that subject, is
so wonderful by far, as the facts of which we
were witness?all of which we saw and part
of which we were. We shall publish our
narrative, on taking it to Providcnce for exami
nation, provided we can obtain permission of
the parties?who have hitherto avoided publi
cations, or public exhibitions.
One surprising incident we will mention.
On Sunday, while we were in Providence, a
small package was received from Mr. Stephen
Covill, of Troy, containing, as he wrote to his
friend, a note, which he wished Miss B. to
read, whilo under the magnetic influence,
without breaking the seal, if she could. Mr.
C. had been induced to try this experiment, in
consequence of having heard of extraordinary
performances of the kind?which, of course,
he doubted. The package, or letter, was evi
dently composed of several envelopes. The
outer one was composed of thick blue paper.
On Sunday evening, Miss B.f who, it must be
borne in mind, when awake, is blind, was put
into a magnetic slumber, and the letter given
to her with instructions to read it. She said
she would take it to bed with her, and read it
before morning. On Monday morning, she
gave the reading as follows :
" No other than the eye of Omnipotence can read
this, in this envelopment.?1837."
Wre made a memorandum of this reading, !
and examined tho package containing, as she !
said, the sentence. She said then on Mon- j
day morning, that there were one or two
words between the word " envelopment" and '
the date, as we understood her which she
could not make out. We examined the seal I
with the closest scrutiny. The seal of Mr. |
Covill was unbroken, and to turn the letter, or
to read it without opening, was impossible.
After our return to the city, viz. : on Wed
nesday last, we addressed a letter to Mr. Co- 1
vill, to ascertain whether the reading of the
blind somnambulist was corrcct. The fol- ;
lowing is his reply :
" Troy, Sept. 1, 1837.
" Dear Sir?Your's of yesterday I received by tins
morning's mail, and as to your inquiry relative to the
package submitted to Miss li. while under the magnetic
influence, I have to say, the package came to hand yes- i
tcrday. The sentence had been Written by a friend, and j
sealed by him at my request, and in such a manner as !
was supposed could not have been read by any human '
device, without breaking tho goal. We think tho seals |
have not been broken un.til returned. The sentence as i
read by Miss 1). is?' No other than the eye of Omnipo- j
tenre can reail this, in this envelopment?1837.' And j
as written in the original, on a card, and another card j
placed on the faco of the writing, and enclosed in a thick j
blue paper envelope, was?' No other than the eyt of \
Omnipotence can read this sentence in this envelope.' \
" Respectfully yours, Ac.
P. S. We have just received a note from I
Providence, with permission to publish our I
own narrative. But as it is very long, and
equally complex and wonderful, we shall first
take it to Providence, for the examination of
those who were present on the occasion. Our
aim being scrupulous exactness. We also
left a note for the blind lady to read, sealed
with seven seals. We have received it this.!
morning, the seals unbroken, with the answer '
written on the outside. This answer is cor- i
rect, as far as it ?goes. We were in great J
haste at the time of preparing the note, and
having the odd title of a queer old book in our
potfket, printed in a small Italic letter, we
wrote a part of the note with a pencil, and
stuck on two and half lines of the small Italic
printing, with a Wafer. The note, written and
printed, as we left it, was in these words:
The follow ing is the title, equally quaint
and amusing, of a book which was published
in Kngland, in the time of Oliver Cromwell:
" Rgi>s of Cknritif, liyrd /<?/ the Ckfk ens of
the Covenant, and boiled by the water? of Di
vine love. Take ye and eat ."
The following is the answer, sent by Miss
B., through an intimate friend :
" The following ia a title, equally amazing
(or amusing) and quaint, of a book published
in England in the time of Oliver Cromwell;
" Eggs of Charity?
" Miss B. does not know whether the word
is amazing or amusing. Something is writ
ten after the ' Eggs of Charity,' which she
cannot make out."
Thus much for the present. We make no
comments. What we know to be true, we
fear not to declare. Facts sustained by the
evidence of our own senses, we trust we shall
ever have the boldness to publish. In regard
to our narration, it is alike wonderful and in
explicable. As Paulding's black witch in
Koningsmarke, says?" I've teen what I've
seen, I know what 1 know."
Gamblers.?A man whs had gone over a
great part of the world, returned at length
from his travels: his frieuds came and re
quested him to relate what he had seen.
" Listen," said he. " Eleven hundred miles
beyond the country of die Hurons, there are
men whom I thought Very strange ; they fre
quently sit at table until late in the night;
there is no cloth laid, they do not wet their
mouths ; lightnings might flash round them ;
two armies might be engaged in battle; even
the sky might threaten to crush them in its
falls, they would remain unmoved on their
seals, for they are deaf and dumb. Yet now
and then there escapes from their lips a half
broken, unconnected and unmeaning sound,
and they horribly roll their eyes at the same
time. 1 often stood looking at them with as
tonishment, for when such sittings take place,
people frequently go and witness them. Be
lieve me, brethren, I shall never forget the
horrible contortions which I there saw. De
spair, fury, malicious joy and anguish were
by turns visible in their countenances. Their
rage, 1 assure you, appeared to me that of the
furies?their gravity that of the judges of hell
?and anguish that of malefactors." " What
was their object ?" asked his friends. " They
attend, perhaps, to the welfare of the commu
nity ?" "Oh, no!" "They are seeking the
philosopher's stone?" "You are mistaken."
" They wish to discover the quadrature of the
circle ?" " No." " They do penance for old
sins ?" "Nothingof all this."
" Then they are mad: if they neither hear,
nor speak, nor feel, nor see, what can they be
doing?" " They are gambling?"?From the
German of Tichtwcbr.
From the Cincinnati Daily Gazette.
Mr. Editor?There have been, since the
organization of our government, 'Hiirteen
Presidential Elections. The following is a
correct statement of the number of votes re
ceived by each principal candidate, for Pre
sident and Vice President, at each of said
elections; and as it will be found on exami
nation to have been compiled from good au
thority, it may perhaps be worthy of a place
in your columns.
First Election, 1788.?Number of Electors
69.- George Washington received 69 votes;
John Adams 34, and John Jay 9. Washing
ton was elected President, and John Adams
Second Election, 1792.?Number of Elec
tors 135. George Washington received 132
votes ; John Adams 77, and George Clinton
50. Washington and Adams were both re
Third Election, 1796.?Number of Elec
tors 136. John Adams received 71 votes;
Thomas Jefferson 69 -T Thomas Pinckney 59,
and Aaron Burr 30. Adams was elected Pre
sident, and Jefferson Vice President.
Fourth Election, 1800.?Number of Elec
tors 138. Thomas Jefferson and \aron Burr
received each 73 xotes ; John Adams 65, and
Charles D. Pinckney 64. As there was no
choice of President in the College of Elec
tors, the election devolved on the House of
Representatives, and after balloting 36 times,
Jefferson was elected by a majority of one
State. Burr was clccted Vice President.
Fifth Election, 1804.?Number of Electors
176. The present plan of voting separately
for President and Vice President was now
Thomas Jefferson received 162 votes for
President, and Charles C. Pinckney 14. Geo.
Clinton received 162 votes for Vice President,
and Rufus King 14. Jefferson and Clinton
Sixth Election, 1808.?Number of Elec
tors 176. James Madison received 122 votes
for President, and Charles C. Pinckney 47.
George Clinton received 113 votes for Vice
President, and Itufus King47. Madisonand
Clinton were elected.
Seventh Election, 1812.?Number of Elec
tors 217. James Madison received 128 votes
for President, and De Witt Clinton 89. El
bridge Gerry received 131 votes for Vice Pre
sident, and Jared Ingersoll 86. Madison ajid
Gerry were elected.
Eighth Election, 1816.?Number of Elec
tors 217. James Munroe received 183 votes
for President, and Rufus King 34. Daniel
1). Tompkins received 183 votes for Vice
President, and John E. Howard 22. Monroe
and Tompkins were elected.
Ninth Election, 1820.?Number of Elec
tors 232. James Monroe received 231 votes
for President, and Daniel D. Tompkins 218
for Vice President.
Tenth Election, 182 4.?Number of Elec
tors 261. Andpew Jackson received 99 votes
for President; John Q. Adams 84; Win. II.
Crawford 41, and Henry Clay 37. As nei
ther 'candidate had a majority, the election
was carried into the House, whore John Q.
Adams having received the votes of 13 States
out of 23, was elected President. John C.
Calhoun received 192 electoral votes for Vice
President; N. Sandford 30, and Nathaniel
Macon 24. Calhoun was elec ted Vice Pre
Eleventh Election, 1828.?Number of Elec
tors 261. Andrew Jackson received 178
votes for President, and John Q. Adams 82.
John C. Calhoun received 171 votes for Vice
President, and Richard Rush 83. Jatkson
and Calhoun were elected.
Twelfth Election, 1832.?Number of Elec
tors 288. Andrew Jackson received 219 votes
for President ; Henry Clay 49 ; John Floyd
11, and Wm. Wirt ?. Mnrti:i Van Huron re
reived 189 votes lor Vice President; John
Sargeant 49; Win. Willuns 30; Henry Lee
11, aud Amos Ellinaker 7. Jackson and Van
Uuren were elected.
Thirteenth Election, 1836.?Number of
Electors 294, (including those of Michigan.)
Martin Van bur en received 170 votes for
President; William li. Harrison 73; Hugh
L. White 26; Daniel Webster 14, and Willie
P. Mangum 11. Richard M.Johnson receiv
ed 147 votes for Vice President; Francis
Granger 77; John Tyler 47, and Win. Smith
23. As neither of the candidates for Vice
President received a majority of the electoral
voles, aud as Kichard M. Johnson and !? rancis
Granger received more votes than any other
two, the Senate proceeded to elect one of
these candidates Vice President. In the Se
nate Richard M. Johnson received 33 votee,
and Francis Granger 16. Van Huron and
Johnson were elected.
From lAt Cincinnati Rtfublnan. |
The Currency.?This subject continues to
occupy a very large share of public attention
at this time ; but not more than its importance
deserves, but no where have we seen it dis
cussed with so much ability and lairness as
in the columns of the Richmond Enquirer ;
by the editor and his numerous correspond
ents. The most distinguished statesmen in
Virginia, as upon former occasions of emer
gency, have come forward and taken up their
pens, and are discussing the subject with the
most praiseworthy zeal. How unlike are the
.distinguished men of Virginia to the great
men of some other States which it is unne
cessary to name, in this respect. There,
the Rives, the Harbours, the Roanes, the
Garlands, and the Tazewells, like the Madi
sons, the Jeffersons, and Randolphs ol other
times, do not think it disparagement to con
tribute for the press, when great and weighty
subjects arise of State or national interest.
Thus, they not only give tone and character
to the press, but they set men's minds to think
ing?they elicit reflection and discussion, and
enable the public to comprehend subjects of
vital importance to the nation, about which
they were previously ignorant or had an im
perfect conception. It is to be regretted, that
some of our enlightened poliiicians of Ohio,
of which we have a few of both parties,
would not follow the example of the distin
guished men of Virginia, and letting alone,
for a while at least, the interest of partizan
leaders, and the deplorable bitterness of party
strife, come to the assistance of the Press, in
discussing the great questions which are now
agitating the country. In the language of an
able correspondent of the Richmond Enquirer,
whose article is now before us. >l 1 he time
has arrived, when sensible men ought tp look
above partizan feeling and personal interest?
when we ought to think ol our country, and
forget men altogether."
" If (says this same writer) the nation
could be induced to come to the consideration
of this question with feelings ol this kind,
how easily it could be settled, and the pros
perity of the country restored! And why can
we not consider it with this temper of mind ?
Am 1 really guilty of an act ol moral turpi
tude in the estimation of a friend, by express
ing opinions differing from his own on the
subject of the currency ? Ought it to be a
cause of personal offence or of dislike ? Can
we not let reason decide the question between
. us, without exciting the angry passions ? Is
not freedom of opinion the birth-right of us
all ? Did not our forefathers encounter all the
horrors and privations of a seven years war,
that their children might enjoy it ? Most un
questionably they did. And when we surren
der it, we give up one of the choicest bless
ings of our Republican Government."
The principle point of difference among
the democracy of the country, and the oppo
nents of a National Bank, at this time, is with
reference to the regulation of the government
finances. A portion aro for collecting the
revenue in specie, and paying it out to the
officers of the Government, civil and military,
and to other government creditors, in specie,
through the agency of a Sub-1 reasury. \V bile
a portion of the friends of the Administration,
and we think much the most enlightened, if
not the largest portion, contend that such a sys
tem would be inexpedient, if not altogether
From Iht Utica (N. Y.) Obttrvrr.
The radicals of all sorts, feeling thatlhcir course was
becoming desperate as well as contemptible, have been
very industrious of lato in picking up the savings of emi
nent men of the democratic party, and endeavoring to
turn them to account in support of the doctrines of
Fanny Wright and her followers. The writings of Jef
ferson and other distinguished republicans, against a
National Hank, aud the high-toned federal doctrines of
the day, have been consulted, and by dint of quoting
here and there, a passage, separated from its context, at
tempts aro made to bring Mr. Jefferson s authority
against State Hanks as well as against a National Insti
tution. All this may be very well with those who are
resolved to pull down at all events, and we should not
have troubled ourselves about the matter, if we had not
kindly been invited by the State Paper to " point out
wherein the Argus has departed from the ptmciples of
the democratic party, as established by Thomas Jeffer
son and his coteinporaries." When that is done, the
editor promises to "come back to the republican track. '
It might be thought presumptuous in us to decide on
the political character of any paper, and it might not
onlv l?e presumptuous, as it certainly would be difficult
to do so, of one which holds different opinions on al
ternate days ; and we should greatly prefer to have the
Argus say for itself which side it is oil, and then slick
to it; if it maintains the old land-marks against all the
new devices of the enemy, then we have no controver
sy with the Argus. But if, either from inclination or
want of what the Globe calls " political courage," the
Argus goes with its loving friends, the 1'laindealer, the
Post, <Stc , we shall have \io difficulty in showing that it
'? has departed fiom the principles of the democratic
party, as established by Thomas Jefferson and his co
temporaries." If our " political friend" is indeed any
thing more than half and half, and if the bigger half lies
on the other side, then we may perhaps be called upon
to add another word on a future day. In the mean time,
however, what wo proceed to say is not for the Argus,
but for the downright and confessed loco focos.
" Thomas Jefferson and his coteinporaries" nobly as
serted and maintained " the principles of the dotnocratic
party." They did many things which were esteemed
grievous by the federalists; but they did not rear the
structure of political power on any such foundation as
that oti which modern radicals propose to build.
'? 'Thomas Jefferson and his coteinporaries" were for
a strict construction of the constitution of the l?. S ,
and maintained thai congress had no power to establish
a National Hank; but neither Jefferson nor hn eotern
poraries made war upon the State Hanks On the c?n
i trarv, the " cotemporaries" and political friends ol >?
I mas Jefferson, voted .'or and approved of the nicorpora
[ lion of banks in all the States. Hostility lo t < ni is o
modern growth and invention. So banks have .< < n rj
peatedlv established in the V. S lemtor.es by the di
ect author.'y and approval of congross. It was indeed
nnlv on the third of March l ist, ('he la-1 dav of the a-!
ministration of President Jackaon, one of the " rote in
jtoraries" of Thomu Jeflerson,) thai be signed * bill
approvuig and confirming the eatabhahiueiii of tkree
bank* in the Territory of Wisconsin This was dono
by Audiew Jackson?he therefore ?H not a loco fuco
la this Sute, the Bank of New York was incorporat
ed in 1791, the Bank of Albany in 1792, the Bank of
Columbia in 1793, and the Sute Bank in 1803?all
under the administration of the father of the democratic
party in this Slate, George Clinton Governor George
Clinton, like hie " cotem|>orary" Jelferaon, was opposed
U> a National Bank on conatitutional ground, but he waa
not opposed to Sute Banks He was not a loco foco ;
he did not belter* with Fanny Wright, that all things
should be iu common, or that a currency purely metal
lic, was adequate to lite business wants of the country.
Daniel D. Tompkins waa also a u coiem|?oranf" of
Jefferson, and was always supposed to bo a true demo
crat. Under his administration the Mohawk Bank waa
incorporated in 1807; the Mechanics' and Farmers'
Bank, the Bauk of Troy, the Middle Diatrict Bank, and
the Bank of Newburg, iu 1811 . the Bauk of Utica and
the City Bank of New York, in 1812; the Bank of
Lansiugburgh, the Catskill Bank, the Ontario Bauk,
and the Bauk of Orange County, in 1813 ; the Bank of
Niagara and the Jefferson County Bank, in 1816 ; the
Banlt of Geneva, the Bank of Auburn, thu Bank of
Washington and Warreu, and the Bank of Plattsburg,
iu 1817 Daniel D. Tonipkina waa not a loco foco.
DewiU Clinton waa a " cotemporary" of Jefferson,
and under his sdmiuistratiou several Banks were lucor
porsled. Dewitt Clinton waa not a loco foco.
Joaeph C. Yatea was one of the " cotemporariea" of
Jefferaon, and under hia administration the Tradesmen'*
and other Banks were incorporated. Governor Yates
was not a loco foco.
Martin Van Buren was a " cotemporary" of Jefferson.
Ha recommended the renewal of all the bank chartera
in 1829, and waa univeraally reputed to be the father of
the aafety fund aystem, until some indiscreet friends
have recently taken upon themaelves to deny that he
me?nt what he aaid in relation to banks. Martin Van
Buren was not a loco foco.
Enos T. Throop and William L. Marcy were "co
temporaries" of Jefferson, and under each of their od
ininistraUoua banks have been incorporated. Neither of
them is a loco foco.
Our banks have not oidy been incorporated under re
publican governors, but nine-tenths of the whole num
ber have been voted for by republican members of the
legislature, who were " coteinporariea" of Jefferson.
Indeed, there never has been a time since Jefferson
came to the Presidency in 1801, when the federalists
had a majority in both houses. Our republican legisla
tors have not therefore been loco focos.
In 1814 the banks stopped apecie payment. Gov.
Tompkins did not make war upon them ; the legislature
did not make war upon them. Unfortunate aim deplora
blc as the event was, there was aupfiosed to be an abso
lute necessity for it, though the banks in New England
continued to pay specie, and the misfortune was endur
ed The democrats of those daya were not loco focos.
But now, when the banks in all the states have sloped,
and the whole commercial world is convulsed and strug
gling for life, a stoppage by our banks la to be visited,
not in retribution upon the bartka, but in ruin upon the
whole community ! Our modern radicals are not over
honest iu pretending that they stand on " the principles
of the domocratic party as established by 'Ihomas Jef
ferson and his coteinporariea." " Tbomak Jefferson and
his cotomporaries," although aome of thein were and
still are interested in banks, never sold out their slock
at a high premium, and then commenced a warfare upon
those who did not. They never attempted to destroy
the just influence of a political friend by whis|?ering
that ho was a " bank man," " unsound," or " crooked,
unlesa they could point to some departure from " the
principlea of the democratic party." . n
The democratic editors who were " cotemporaries
of Jefferson, were bold, manly, and direct in their
course ; they dared to avow their real sentiments for
two daya, or even for two weeks iu succession, snd in
deed for all time, without reserve or equivocation.
They never went out of the way to avoid the responsi
bility of expressing their opinions I*oco Foco scissors
men are a contrivance of modem times. The old
fashioned democratic editors never followed any one
man, nor even a small knot of men, to the exclusion of
all others?they went with the party, not merely with a
Now if our friend of the Argus is no< a loco foco,
will he be good enough to say so and stick to it ! if he
is one, then having shown that he " has departed from
the principles of the democratic party, as established by
Thomas Jefferson and his cotomporaries," we have a
right to insist that he shall fulfil his promise and come
?' back to the republican track." " We pause for a re
From the Marshall (Mich.) Times.
Thb Washington Globe.?In another column will
bo found an article from the Onondaga Standard, on the
course puisued by the government paper at \\ ashing
ton, and the consequences likely to result from an ad
herence to the policy which has governed that print for
some time past. With most of the yiews entertained
by the editor of*the Standard, we entirely concur. I'or
months past, wo have not cared to quote the Globe as
the organ of the republican parly ; as its evident leaning
to measures too ultra for the good of tho country, has
done more to dispirit our democratic friends and create
disunion in their ranks, than all the wiles and strata
gems of the enemy. The Globe has rendered cfhcient
service in procuring the triumph of the people over the
United States Bank ; and it is with pain that we obscrvo
any symptoms of aberration from the republican course
which it has pursued. Democrats never yet have gain
ed anything by living from the straight-forward course
which characterised tho early days of their party, and
pursuing doubtful and ill-digested schemcs of policy ;
but when, relying on the justice of their cause and the
intelligence of the people to appreciate it, they have
pursued such measures only as commended thomselves
to the good sense of tho public, they have almost urn
family been sustained. At a time like the present,
when no means aie left untried by our political oppo
nents, to effect the overthrow of tlie democratic princi
ples, union and harmony arc all-important to insure
their maintenance; and he must have a heavy account
to render to his country, who contributes to the dis
semination of doctrines that at best can only divide and.
destroy ; or, if carried into practice by the government,
would produco a sccne of universal ruin and distress.
For years, the friends of an exclusive paper currency
have been busily engaged in substituting their pro
I,uses" for tho n-al standard of value : a reaction has
now commenced in the public mind, which, if rightly
directed, promises the happiest result: let us rur. to the
opnosito extreme, and wo shall find ourselves buried
amid the general crash that must inevitably follow.
Merchants ?While some of us arc making loud
complaints against the merchants, and repeating a sen
timent lately advanced that thn/ deserve no favor /rem
the (internment, would it not bo well to refer to tunes
cone by, when the Government were beset with ene
mies at home and abroad, and see whether the class wo
are denouncing were not then deserving of praise. ^ ?
saw it staled not long since that two merchants, of
Salem Mass , contributed $10,000 each, towards build
ing a frigate, soon after I ho Government went into opc
ration These merchants' names were Israel 1 horndikc
and William Gray. The latter gentleman we havo
often heard stated when we were a boy, was one of tho
chief supporters of the late war, and enabled the t.o
vcrnmcni to carry it on with his funds. 1ho federalists
in Boston were so enraged against the State Batik tor
tiding the United States with its funds, that they were
determined to crush it. and every means were resorted
to to accomplish that object. And perhaps they would
have succeeded had it not been for W illiam Gray ; all
his available funds were put in the vaults of the State
liank, which saved it from ruin. Mr. Gray was as ob
noxious to the federalists as tho Bank, but they could
not crush him. Here then is ono example of a merchant
who aided his country at a tune when she needed
friends, and wo presume there were many more who
were actuated with the same laudable xeal, and contr?
buted funds iu support of the war ; and should there
ever come a time when the government wishes funds to
defend he, rights, our " merchant Princes .willnotbo
backward in giving assistance I.et no one i
this class of our citizens are not deserving the favor of
Spkcib Pavmf.nts.?The movement of some New
York Hanks with reference to scsum.ng specie pay
mrnl(S has excited the indication of sundry whiggish
r>rints like the New York kxpress <V Courier iV Ln
ouiror The efforts of thoae Banks to discharge their
duties to the iieople, sre denounced as an Administra
tion trick ; and the Philadelphia Banks Uadtd by the
?? I nited States Bank," consider it " useless" to discuss,
the subject now. It cannot be doubted that the in
fluences which wer? exerted to extort a renewed charte
former years, will now again I* eiercised in every
possible maimer to effect that object amid the troubles
of these times. This is obvious from the abuse which
certain Whig prints lavish upon the Stale Banks for en
deavoring to accomplish s speedy resumption of spccie
payment*.? lincheMlrr Adrncale.
The last Afehwdon Statesman contain* death of
Col John Keller, the late Senator, from that dwtricr .
Col. K was on his return from lexis, wl)rre lie >?
been to purchase land.