The Madisonian. [volume], September 14, 1837, Image 2

About The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845

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COMMUNICATION.
ro* tii hammkiam
THE PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.
What is m tie Message that is xorthy of
^r?l* -phe chastity of it* composition, ??dthe
mild temper of iu arguments, ?nd the direct
ueu of its conclusions, and its freedom J mm
pride of opinion, are prominent traits of its ex
cellency. Neither of these Uraits, however,
is so conspicuous as to eclipse or obscure the
moral courage with which the patriotic Pre
sident of the United States has expressed his
opinions with respect to the troubled condition
of the finances and currency of his country.
2. The following declarations of opinion
will be of good report throughout the ranks
of the republicans ; to wit:
? On the other hand, the* must indeed, form ?n em>
neoua estimate of the intelligence and temper of the
American people, who .uppo?e thtt they hete cor^
nued, on slight or insufficient grounds, their perse
vering oiiposition to ? PTaliontl Bank; orlhat they can
bTJucedby pecuniary [assure, or by any othercom
bination of circumstances. to surrender principles they
hsve so long ?nd so inflexibly maintained.
, ???*???
?? Well swsre myself of the duty of reciprocal con
ceaaion among the co-ordinate branches of the Govern
ment, I can promise a reasonable spirit of co-operation,
so far as i? can be indulged in without the surrender o
consUlutional objections. which I ^ leV uTbl
founded. Any avstem thai may be adopted
subjected to the fullest legal proviatoii, ao as to leave
nothing to theE.ecut.ve but what ? ^"^Cever
discharge of the duUcs imposed on him, and whatever
plan may be ultimately established, my own part shall
{Tso digged ss to Jive to it a fair trial, and the beat
prospect of success."
3. The following will be admired by the
friends of a reform in the Slate batik sys
tem, who, for the sake of brevity, I shall de
nominate "the Spartan Hand," whenever
hereafter I Khali have occasion to refer to
them. The following, I say, will commcnd
the Message to the Spartan band :
?In expressing these sentiments, I desire not to un
dervalue the benefits of a salutary credit to any branch
of enterprise The credit bestowed on probity and in
dustry is ine just reward of merit, ami an honorable in
centive to further acquisition. None oppose it who
love their country and understand its welfare. But
when it is unduly encouraged?when it is made to in
flame the public inind with temptations of sudden and
unsubstantial wealth?when ilturna industry into paths
that lesd sooner or lalor to disappointment and distress
?it Incomes liable to censure, and needs correction.?
Far from helping probity and industry, the ruin which it
leads falls most severely on the great laboring classes,
who are thrown suddenly out of employment, and by
the failure of magnificent schcmes, never intended to
enrich them, are deprived in a moment of their only
resource. Abuaea of ciedit and excesses in specula
tion will happen in despite of the moat salutary laws;
no government perhaps can altogether prevent them ;
but surely every government can refrun from contribu -
ing the stimulus that calls them into life."
. . * ? ? ? ? *
What is there in the Message from which
the Spartan band?41 the Legiou of Honor"?
will dissent?
1.1 From the following position ; to wit.
" Should we, then, connect the treasury for a fourth
time with the local banks, it can only be under a coii
viction that past failures have arisen from accidental,
not inherent defects."
Now, the Spartan band will admit, that the
past failures of the State Hank system, are not
imputable to merely accidental causes. But
they insist on it, that the " defects to which
its failures are imputable, are " inherent" in
the present organization, and that the system
may be so re-modelled as to remove those de
fects. They dissent from the celebrated
political economist, Say, which, when ap
plied to the United States, asserts that " the
establishment of several banks," (in each
State) "for the issue of convertible paper, is
more beneficial than the investment of any
single body, with the exclusive privilege;'
and argues, " that the competition forces each
of them to court the public favor, by a rival
ship of accommodation and solidity." The
Spartan band contend, on the contrary, that
the establishment of several banks, in each
State, for the issue of convertible paper, drives
each of them, in order to make large divi
dends, to court the public favor, by an excess
of accommodation, at the expense of their
solidity. They contend, that extravagance ol
enterprise, encouraged and kept up by im
providence of credits, is an " inherent" defect
in the state system of many banks, and that
it may be removed.
2. The Spartan band, with a less desperate
soldier than Leonidas for their leader, are not
willing that the rights of the people be forced
again to encounter the powers of the State
Banks, as at present organized and managed.
They are, therefore, unable to perceive the
force of the following observations, urged by
the Message against reviving the connection
of the State Banks with the Government.
The force of those observations, to w it:
" The use by the banks, for their own benefit, of the
money deposited with them, has received ihe sanction
of tho Government from the commencement of this
connection. The money receive I from the |>eoplc, in
stead of being kept till it is needed for their use, is, in
consequence of this authority, a fund on which discounts
arc made for the profit of those who happen to lie own
ers of stock in the banks selected as depositories."
The State Banks need not be thus invited
or stimulated to over-action?they need not
be thus led into temptation. The public mo
ney may be entrusted to their safe keeping,
on spcciul deposite. IjCt tliem be paid, sa\s
one of the Spartan band, " for the expense of
their agency, rather than they should abuse,"
or have it in their power, without express
prohibition, to abuse " the opportunity of tho
ileposites." And methinks the peonlo of tho
States bad as lief their banks have the benefit
of the public money, from the time of its col
lection to the time of its transfer or disburse
ment, as that the subordinate executive offi
cers of the general government have it.
3. But, says the Message :
" The revenue can only ho collected by officers ap
pointed by the President, with the advice and consent
of the Senate. The public moneys, in the first instance,
must, therefore, in all cases, pass through hands select
ed by the Executive Other officers appointed in the
same way. or. as in some cases, by the President alone,
must also be entrusted with them when drawn for the
purpose of disbursement. It is thus seen that, even
when banks are employed, the public funds must I vice
pass through the hands of Executive officers."
How manifest the fallacy of all this!?
Though banks bo employed as agents in the
safe keeping of the revenue, it must pass
twice through the hands of executive officers!
Does not every man see the wide diflurence
between its passing twice through the hands
jof personal agents, and its being suffered for
an indefinite period, to remain in their hands 1
The agent who has specific directions to de
posite or pay out money which comes into
his hands, as soon as he gets hold ol it, is
not half so apt to misapply it, or in any wise
abuse his trust, as is one who is to keep it,
till it is called for. The latter is apt to use it,
frequently with the best intention, thinking
there will bo a return on its investment before
it will be wanted.
4. It seem* to mo the following declara
tion* are founded on erroneous views of their
Huhject matter, to wit:
" It may, indeed, b? questioned, whether it ia not fur
the internal of the banks themaelvea thai I be Litem
merit should nut receive their paper."
*##??##??
" To My that the refusal of paper money by the Go
vernment, introduces an unjuat discrimination between
lha cwmacy received bv it, and that used by individuate
in iheu ordinary atlairs, ia, ui my judgment, to view it
tn a very erroneous light."
But I return, in conclusion, to what the
Message contains that is worthy of praise, to
wit:
" If a Chief Magistrate may be allowed to apeak for
himaelf, on auch a point, I can truly aay, that to ine no
thing would be more acceptable, than the withdrawal
from the Executive, to the greatest practicable extent,
of all concern in the cuatody and disbursement of the
public revenue; not that I would ahrtnk fiom any re
aponaibility caat upon me by the dutiea of my office, but
because it ia my hrm belief, that ita capacity for uacful
.icaa ia in no degree promoted by the poaaeaaion of any
patronage not actually neceaaary to the performance of
: those duues"
This is worthy of a President elected by
republicans. And before the assembled repre
sentatives of the peopln act, let them reflect
I that " the submission of a free people to the
j executive authority of government, is no more
than a compliance with laws which they
themselves have enacted." Let them not
confer powers on the Executive, or assign
duties, of the exercise or discharge of which
the constituent body will be likely to com
plain. Publics.
THE MADISONIAN.
WASHINGTON CITY.
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 14, 1837.
orncs k aiaxKT, ktwu.i ninth axii tenth.
When we bear in mind that the Sub-trea
sury system as now recommended for the
future action of the government, in all its es
sential features, was brought before Congress
in 1834, by Gen. Gordon, a leading member
of the Whig party, and after a spirited debate,
was rejected by a very large majoity, every
member of the Administration party except
one voting against it; we must acknowledge
that we were not prepared to sec it recom
mended by the Executive, nor to hear it advo
cated by those who then denounced it.
The objections that were made to it in
1834, were based upon the recognized doc
trines of the Republican party ; and so co
gently were they urged in Congress, and by
the Press, that no measure, so comprehensive
in its character as the'scheme of Gen. Gor
don, was ever more signally defeated. In
the very height of party excitement* so un
sound and mischievous were considered its
doctrines, that the political friends of its' au
thor condemned and helped to defeat it. If
the arguments were sound in 1834, in refer
ence to its anti-republican doctrines, its " re
volutionary tendency," and its general impoli
cy, are they less so now ? As a measure of
policy, it is infinitely more objectionable now,
than it was at that time; for then the country
was healthy and prosperous, and able to stand
the trial and the consequences of a bold and
hazardous experiment ; now, the country is
prostrate with disease, and a general derange- j
ment of the whole body politic ; it has not
strength to bear the treatment of an '? untried
experiment" about which doctors differ.
With all deference to our able Chief Magis
trate, we think he has omitted the first and
most important stop in the present crisis of
our affairs?a remedy for the evils that aro
now weighing down all the energies and re
sources of the country. With the exception
of the merchants' bonds and the proposed re
lief to the Treasury, the policy of the Message
is not remedies for existing evils, but looks to
the future action of the government in regard
to the best mode of collecting, keeping, and
disbursing the revenue, and the incidental ef
fect of that mode in restraining excesses in
trading and speculation. The patient must j
first be raised from his bed of sickness, before ?
he can enter upon the regimen prescribed for i
the future preservation of his health. So far i
from its being remedied, by this policy, its
tendency is to enfeeble more and more, and j
to bring the despondency of the mind to aid
in the destruction of the body. The conse
qucnccs of the divorce that is recommended, is j
still further to discredit the state monied in- j
stitutions, and more effectually to destroy that
usefulness for which they were incorporated,
and which the states believe they possess. It
so far seems to infringe upon the interests of
the states. If this measure of policy is to be
carried into effect, and there be power in the
general government by the operation of its i
measures to break down a leading and long
cherished policy of the states, then is the first
step towards consolidation made, and the
power and the precedent to make another and
another are established. If our reasoning be
correct, and the tendency of this policy is to
wards consolidation, it is enough to con
demn it.
We cannot see the propriety of isolating the
general government so entirely and exclusive
ly from every thing else that enters into, and
i3 connected with, our wide spread system of
civil polity. The government is nothing more
than the creature of the sovereign will of the j
people, and they have the right to expect i
from it every constitutional function that goes
to benefit the people, and they can never
recognize the right of this federal power so
to manage and shape the course of the gene
ral government as to give to its functionaries
benefits and immunities* greater than belong
to the people. They can never consent to
see the federal officers of government singled
out as the exclusive beneficiaries of a mea- !
sure which is made such at the expense of !
the great mass. The divorce of the govern
ment from the institutions of the states will
be productive of this state of thi-igs, inasmuch j
as it will havo one medium of payment for !
the government, and that metallic, and most
valuable, when the people in all their burincss i
relations, disconnected from the general go
vernment, will hav? to r?ly upon a paper me
dium, discredited ami dishonored by the fede
ral power. This cannot, ought not to be.
When the country, the whole couutry is in
distress, it is not only the policy, but it is the
duty of the general government to be an
auxiliary in every practicable mode to the re
lief of its sufferings. It falls sbort of the I
purposes of its great creation if it fails to do
this.
These are some of the reflections which
have exercised our minds upon this absorbing
topic. They are made with the freedom that
belongs to the right of opinion, and from a
sense of duty called for by the relation that
we bold to the public. They are made with
the kiudest feelings towards the distinguished
Chief Magistrate, with a thorough conviction
that his opinions are based upon the honest |
dictates of patriotism, and the most sincere
desire to consult the public weal.
A POLITICAL CURIOSITY.
The American Monthly Magazine, publish
ed at New York, hitherto a literary periodi
cal, has assumed, we perceive, in its number |
for September, " a distinct political cha
racter."
We have all along predicted that " ex
tremes would meet," and confidently antici
pated that the " Whigs" and " I<o<;o-foco8"
would unite, as they recently did in the city
of New York, in defeating the party that
brought the present administration into pow
er. Every day is proving to us that, the fed
eralists of former ti.nes are becoming the
" loco-focos" of the present day. The for
mer, always dissatisfied with the form of the
American Government, naturally coalesce
with those who are designing now to tear it
up by the roots. But the amalgamation, it
will be seen, is of the most curious and in
congruous character, if we are permitted to
judge by the political professions of the Ame
rican Monthly.
The " state of the times," the 44 public apa
thy," " political profligacy," " executive usur
pation," "violations of the constitution," and
the fact that a periodical is forthcoming at
Washington, 44 unhappily about to devote its
energies to the perpetuation of those perni
cious principles of government of which we
so much deprecate the prevalence, and to tho
defence of those abuses which have already
given the country so grievous cause to
mourn," and 44 a call for light," seemed to be
the reasons assigned for this change in the
character of the Magazine. It says:
44 The course of tho late and present administration,
in preaching one doctrinc and practising another; in
hanging out the banners of Democracy while enforcing
an actual desjiolism ; in encouraging a foreign political
influence in the very heart of the country while affect
ing a high nationality ; in vilifying the monicd institu- '
tions of the country through the medium of the banks; |
and lastly, in interfering with the private affairs of the |
States under the pretence of studying the welfare of the
Union ; have at length combined to open the eyes of
thinking men to the present condition of the Republic,
and alarm them for the extremity to which all things
seem tending.
"The theoretical believers in true Whig principles
at length see the necessity of carrying their principles
into action by every exertion in lluir power, and bring
ing back our institutions to the original objects for
winch they were established. This is only to be done, j
First, by checking the overweening influence of the Ex- '
ecutive. Secondly, by arresting the interference of the
General with tho State Governments. Thirdly, by
preventing the increase of foreign voters: and, Fourth
ly. Ay divorcing the dangerous union of Bank and State,
and leaving money to be dealt in by tlie citizen* of tho
Republic like any other article of trade."
The article then proceeds to indicate a
preference for 44 the American party, and the
doctrines of Free Trade and States' Bights."
44 'Principles, not men,' must be our motto ; and not
the inotto of our lips only, but of our practice alio."
To illustrate the " principle," practically,
he proceeds to speak " of one whose name
has become synonymous with sycophancy and
partisan servility," of another as a 44 servile
and sycophantic slave of the palace, arraign
ed as a culprit" and of others, with various
terms of reproach, unbecoming a journal of J
the character and dignity this has hitherto
sustained.
He is against the re-charter of a National
Dan!:, against all banks, and is positive 41 the
system must fall." lie is in favor of free
trade and free banking.
On tho subject of the " Divorce of Bank
and State," he has the following:
41 When the leading article of our present number was
put to press, we had no idea that this, the rallying cry
of the real and seceding democrats of the country, ni
well as of a large portion of the opposition, who agreed
with them in sentiment upon the subject of free trade
in banking, was so soon to be taken up by the tory party
generally. At that season the Administration paper at
Washington held a different language. It trembled before
the Albany Regency, by whose aid Mr. Van Buren has
so long controlled New \ ork, and who governing them
selves through the medium of the affiliated banks, placed
him in power by the means with which he now finds ho
can dispense. Hut though that party, which so long
deceived the people, affect now to discard the appliances
which have given them tho ascendancy, it is no reason
why the whigs, as a body, should secede from the posi
tion which many of the most intelligent among them
wero just preparing to take. For once in the course of
many years of political trimming, the torics have at last
committed themselves to a principle, and let us hold
them to it. We have seen how they have misruled the j
country through the medium of our State moneyed insti- i
tutions, and we can judge how thoroughly they would
have enslaved us had they once gained the possession of '
a Federal Hank No bank can lie now established of I
which they would not have the management; and, ?
however our compatriots may disagree in relation to the !
constitutional power of government to regulate the cur- I
rency. however temporally expedient it may be to have
a :<ational Hank to revive our drooping commerce, it
must be agreed that our only permanent salvation lies in
tak.sg the currency entirely from the control ol the lead
ing powers, and leaving money, liko other merchandise,
to regulate itself. Credit would then establish itself
npoii a basis which it has never yet occupied. Its growth,
though slow, would be sure ; and foreign capitalists]
secure against the intermeddling, of political quaek
salvers, would, by making this country the theatre of
their operations, instantly supply the smews of com
merce. So innch wild radicalism and moboeratic slang
whanging has lately been mixed up with this subject of
Bank and State, that disgust may prevent many from
examining its real bearings ; but since the tune when,
in the Comcntionof the State of New York, Rurcs
Kinu so ably opposed the granting of monopolies, the !
leading doctrine of our modern Loco Foeo.i has con- I
tinuallv been making converts among the most intelli
gent men m the community. Shall we now, because
the tones have been driven jwriially to commit them
selves to it, reject the boon from mere suspicion of the
corrupt hands which extend it tons! i.et us hold
them rather to ?? the divorce of Bank and State." Let
us unite with them in rUecting the measure, watching
only lest there be some double play behind this unwonted
committal to a principle, some game which they will be
certain to carrv effectually under the smoke of the strug
gl?, if the whim array themselves to opposition u> a
inoi sment which can aloiM) Ira* oiif political system
irom corruption, mid which must alunaaitrly redound i?
our coautiercisl prosperity."
Thus will the advocates of the " Divorce"
jog oil together, quarrelling, bating, and de
nouncing in a queer and motley company.?
The amalgamation of " Whigs," " Nullifies*,"
aud " Loco-focoa" will furiu the most curious
ly incongruous party, known to the history
of this country. They might be called a he
teroffenocraey.
The Magazine further gavely asserts that,
" Our mercantile and our moneyed iuteres! hate mow
become completely mi it J up ietlk politics ; party may
relieve them for a while, but they will be auhject to all
the fluctuations of party, until the sinew* of trade. and
the main spring* of corruption are placed beyond the
Uinperiug of the government and toe fury of dema
gogue* ; iu a wortl, until a complete divorce of Bank
ami Slate."
Pray, who has a greater stake in politics
than the " mercantile and the moneyed in
terests ?" The next proposition, no doubt,
will be, a divorce of the government from the
people, lest the people should get mixed up
with politics! What a puerile fallacy is this,
for a journal of the charactcr of the American
Monthly!
He thus doscribes a Loco Foco:
" What la a I.oco Foco 1"
" A wild destructive, that would break down all our
institution*, resolve society into ita original elernenta,
put tbe throats of our children at the mercy of the radi
cal refuse of foreign jails, and break down the glorious
republican party established by the immortal Jefferaon."
After his indignation in spent, and the lan
guage of denunciation exhausted, in respect
to " radicalism," aud the " present incumbents
in office," he thus embraces the very oracle of
the Loco Focos, the New York Evening
Post.
" With regard to the State Banks, the whig* hare set
tled that quealiuii for themselves, by dwelling to tedious
ness on the dangerous patronage which the employment
of these institutions, as depositories, conferred on the go
vernment. Will the employment of individual agents to
retain and pay out the revenues be a less Ipriiudable source
of influence than that which the opponenta of the Albany
Urgency have so long struggled against in this state."?
Evening Pott.
(" Let us add," aays the Magazine,) " Certainly not !
Why then should the members of the whig party, while
already differing in sentiment upon the subject of a Na
tional Bank, create jstill further ground* of division by
partially identifying tliemaelvea at this ninth hour with a
broken scction of the enemy which would fam throw it
self into their arms. No one can deny but that the
Evening Poat, in the above paragraph, describes truly
the sentiments to which the whig press has heretofore
committed itaelf in relation to the Deposite Banks "
Surely, " misery acquainteth men with
strange bed-fellows.
" It will he perceived by our readers that Thomas
Allen, editor of the Madisonian, has been clccted prin
ter to the Mouse of Representatives. We regret this
mult, inasmuch at it shouts that the friendt of the pre
sent administration are a minority tn that body."?N.
Y. Evening 1'ott.
The Post ia mistaken. It only shows that ultraism
and Sub-Treasuries are in a minority in that body. It
will be found too, inuch leaa than waa indicated on the
vote for Printer. The adminittration is not in a mi
nority. but there arc difference* of opinion among ita
member* in reaped to the " untried expedients" re
commended by the Message. These differences, to be
sure, are atnking on thia particular point, and if we are
not greatly mistaken, will include on both sides, very
nearly an equal division of the friends of the adminis
tration^
d "CaNILIUs."?We state on due authority, that the
essays over this signature which appeared in the " Rich
mond Enquirer," and excited so much interest through
out the country, were not wiitten by Reuben M. Whit
ney as recently stated, but by the flon. J,unci (JarlanJ,
a gentleman of distinguished talents, and a member of
the preacnt Congress from the Slate of Virginia.?
Sites' Register.
What is said of the essays of Camillus,
and the talents of the author is just and true,
and much less than might be said with strict
justice and impartiality. But we claim for
him a higher and nobler distinction than that
of talents?the distinction of political honesty,
moral courage, and enlightened patriotism.
The Globe quotes opposition papers to show our
character. Would it be fair for us to quote the same
papers to show theirs ?
Er We learn by a slip from the New Orleans Mer
chants Exchange News Rooms, that the yellow fever is
on the increase in that city. The number of intcnneiita
on the 6th inst. were 44.
CORRESPONDENCE.
New York, September 9, 1837.
Dear Sir?I fear an impression haa gone abroad that
the Prcaident'a Message was received by the party here
with satiafaction, and that the resolutions of the Gene
ral Committee is considered an approval by the repub
lican* of this city. The truth is the entire reverse. The
receipt of the Message cast a glooin over the friend* of
the administration that I have never before witnessed.
Your election as printer has dispelled it. We hope
every thing from that Spartan hand that stood by you.
As to the resolution* which purport to have been passed
by the General Committee, they are an entire fraud.
You will sec in the next " Timea" an explanation of the
whole aflair, by a member of the committee. It is in
short this : at the assembling of the Committee, one of
the " Loco focos" moved a resolution approving the
course of the Glolie. A motion to lay it upon the table
waa passed by 23 to 14, the latter number being the en
tire strength of the " Loco focos" in the Committee.
A similar resolution, in approval of the Evening Post,
was also laid upon the table by a similar\ote. It waa
now about 10 o'clock, and a motion was made to ad
journ. Some one, however, suggested that the neces
sary resolution* ought to be passed for assembling the
ward meetings, preparatory to the approaching election.
As thia was mere formal business, and would occupy
some time in naming (lie different p'acca of meeting,
without suspecting any foul play, the conservatives
dropped off and went home, until there were but 26
present, a bare quorum, when the resolution* were in
troduced and carried by, I believe, a vote of 14 to 12.
Had the resolutions been offered in the early part of the
evening when the Committee was full, tliey wouid have
been laid on the table by a vote cf 23 to 14. No reso
lutions would have been passed except one disapprov
ing the Sub-Treasury Scheme, and approving of that
part of (he Message which "refer* to Congress the
measures necessary to regulate in the present emer
gency the safe-keeping and transfer of the public mo
ney*"
In the wisdom of that Con .less we place our trust.
We all regret that the President should have put forth
such a Message.
We do not consider his individual opinion* upon
thc?c "untried expedients" binding upon lis, and you
may rest assured that the Democracy of this city will lie
in favor of its old doctrines, not the " untried expedient*."
Niw Yoh, Sept 11th, 1S37.
Dkar Sir?The Mc*?agc of the President has cre
ated a vast sensation among our political friends hern,
and the regret is nearly universal that he should have
deemed it proper to su<jge<t the Sub Treasury si heme
I at ? moment when every breach of industry ie paralyzed,
1 end when iu adoption would cwm ao diaoatioua a re
vulaion to fallow on the heela of that which has nearly
expended ita forte.
The lt?f bluran General Commitiee held a meeting
and pasted a resolution approving of the acntunenta and
recommendation* of the Mraaage, but I an informed
that there ware but fourteen members who voted for the
resolution, out of fifty-one, when the resolutions were
adopted. By this etatemeiu you will perceive that the
edict of the Committee is perfectly shoru of lis conse
quence, and is but ihe act of a email minority of that
body. That the whole Committee are ready, at all
times, to award the Preaxlent his just dsima to patriot
ism and intelligence, ia fully admitted; but they, in
common with a large majority of the party here, are
ready to express their diaeent from hia views whenever
entertained.
Tina ia the proud prerogative of independent citizens,
and no individual more fully recognises the propriety of
ita exerciae than the Preaident himself.
Tha election of Printer waa hailed in thia city aa an
omen of good to the business interests of the country,
and our political friends were seen congratulating rach
other on the indication it afforded that expedients of
more than questionable utility were deatined to receive
their i/uielut at the hands of the National Legialature.
Even the loco foeo't themselves appeared inwardly
satisfied st- tiic uaolt, and I have auspiciona that the
more intelligent portion of that disorganizing party would
partake of the public regret if they believed their ay ? Urn
could be adoptod.
Tha reatlcsa spirit that originally induced the deatrnc
livea to join Fanny Wright and other agrarian apostles,
requires aome hobby to mount, snd so re would be their
mortification if deprived of its support.
The able article of the Richmond Enquirer on the
Message, ia considered aa ? lucid and faithful exposition
of the viewa entertained by the large majority of the
political frtenda of the President m thia state, and will
command attention from the high character of ita au
thor no leaa than [from ita intrinsic merit. We aie
proud of the gallant band of conservativea who were
faithful to their principlea in the hour of trial, and the.
country will suatain them triumphantly.
Buffalo, [N. Y] Sept 6.
? * " The people are with you. You can draw
a lino through Utica, north and south, to the State
boundariei, and all ire*t of that line, with the exception
of St. l^awrence, ia unanimous on the aubjoct of Iako
Pocoiain. The doctrine ia every where repudiated, and
the courae of the Globe, violent, unjuat, and reckleaa aa
it ia and has been, ia unequivocally condemned. Con
tervatism can alone save the administration."
Hartford, [Conn ] Sept. 19.
* ? " The principlea of the Madisonian are those
of truth, patriotism, and genuine democracy, and all
powerful ai they are, cannot but prevail, even though
acoffed at and opposed by some of those in high places,
who have grown ariatocratic and overbearing, and
" waxed fat" upon the apoila of long continued political
victories. The spirit inanifeated towards you by thosa
intereated in a cotcmporary office, ia worthy only of a
Nero or Caligula, anxioua to cruah with the atrong arm
of force, all who do not quietly aubmit to its orders and
decrees. I wish you God apeed in the great cause you
have espoused ; and truat you will have strength and
judgment to carry it through. It ia a great work to
perform?but the field ia ample?the people are with
you, and ' truth is mighty,' ao you have every thing to
encourage you."
? Clinton, Mississippi, Aug. 24.
* * The subject of the currency of the country ia
one of such deep interest to the community, and espe
cially to the business part of the country, that it* has
engaged some of my attention. I have come to two or
three conclusiona which will l>e entertained by me in
future.
In the first place, over-banking is a great evil under
which every part of the U. S. labors The over-issues
of the hanks must be prevented?and it is a a much an
evil to issue divjiro|iortionatcly, as excessively. I mean
that much paper supported by little specie is to be con
demned as well as more paper with more specie. And
I know of no better mode of accomplishing thia check,
than by prohibiting the banka from issuing notes for
auma under twenty dollurs?but even thia change should
he gradually introduced.
In the second place, a National Bank, in any shape,
is a great evil, and ought to be avoided if possible. I
do not now see what can be substituted for a National
Bank. But I do hope, that it will not be reaorted to
until every other hope, remedy or substitute be tried or
yielded. And I would greatly prefer that the special
session of Congress pass over with discussions aixi en
quiries, rather than a National Bank, in any shape, be
adopted. Such discussions arc obliged to he useful?
they will be hcneticial even if unable to find an adequate
substitute?tlicy will point out wholesome regulationa
for a National Bank, if we cannot get along without one.
But it is easy to aee, that in the present state of par
ties, and condition of commerce, it will be difficult to
carry these views into effect?or resist the effort for a
National Bank. Yet firmness and perseverance can do
much?and the talent, experience, and political influ
ence which may favor the regulation of the banking
system may do much. At all events, do not despair,
or consider the cause as lofet, because every thing (or
nothing material and decisive) can be carried at the
called session. Stand firm. Come before the nation
with your viewa, principles, and objects. It ia time to
coino out 'fully, tho' respectfully and modestly. Point
out the dangers from a National Bank?the evils of
over-banking?and the immense bertefits of a well rfcgu
lated banking system?and give the good sense and pa
triotism of the nation time to decide* Much Buffering
has been brought on the nation recently?but if it lead
to a wholesome permanent regulation, it will be almost
a blessing. Again, I urge you to stand firm?do not fly
into the arms of a National Bunk, or yield to its estab
lishment until every other remedy be tried or proved
and given up. If this opportunity be thrown away, mis
used, or suffered to slip by, when will another be ob
tained. I prav you to be calm, firm and persevering.
THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE.
The statement subjoined has been sent us
from Yates county, New York, for publica
tion. It will be seen that a Convention has
been held by the Democratic Republicans of j
that county, strongly disapproving of the pro
posed " divorce of Bank and State." It will
be observed, that the meeting was held be
fyre the Message was received. We arc j
satisfied by the evidences we are receiving
from all quarters, that the people are totally
Unprepared to meet the " expedients" proposed |
in the Message of the distinguished Chief
Magistrate they labored to elevate. It \\ ill be j
recollected that meetings were held a short
time since, in Philadelphia, Charleston, Poa- j
ton and Cincinnati, which, in the absence of
proof of the respective characters of those as
semblies, might have been deemed by the
President, indications of the popular will.?
They wore not so. They were to be regard
ed as the result of the individual efforts of a
few agitators, among the dissatisfied and al
ways restless classes to be found hanging ;
loosely upon the skirts of the Republican par
ty in the large cities. While the real friends
of the Administration in those citios, knew
their ?haracter from personal observation, th"
people of the country were also ?eo8ibl?'
enough to understand from tbetr owu feeling*
and interests, and those around them, that
such doctrines, were only agiuted by dema
gogues of limited influence, and rested satis
fied that they never would prevail in the coun
try. 1 he people have not understood, and
did not expect the policy proposed by the
President's Message. We venture to assert
that, had they understood that the schemes
proposed were to be the policy of tlnj Admi
nistration, they would have been smothered
by petitions and remonstrances in the iui i
pient stag.-s of their introduction. We are
willing to risk our reputation as prophets, upon
the prediction, that a few months will bring
forth indications abundant to show in the most
unequivocal manner, that, the opinions we
have stated as to the real feelings of the people
on this subject are correct.
At a meeting of the Democratic Republican* of Yates
county. (New York.) held in pursuance of previous no
tice, at the Court House, in the village of Perm Yan, on
the 2d day of September. 1837 Hon Samuel S Ells
worth ?u cboaen Presuleu' ; Georuk Young* and
Jaska D Mohcun, Esquire*. Vice President*, and
Charles G. Jt'DD and John L. Lewis, Jr, Secreu
nea.
The object* of the meotirig having been stated, on
motion,
Retolved, That a committee of three be appointed to
prepare resolution*, and present tlietn to thi* meeting for
it* consideration.
Hon. Cornelius Mataon, Abraham H. Bennet and
John L. I^ewis, Jr. were appointed aucb committee.
Mr. Lewi*, from aaid committee, reported the follow
ing resolutions, which after discussion, were UMiiiuiois.
ly adopted.
I. Resolved, That when any theory, however plaun.
ble it* pretension*, or flattering in it* conclusion*, has
been proved to be impracticable in its operation, and
ruinous in it* result*, it *bould be rejecn-d as unworthy
to be the basis of further action, and that no theory
should be embraced a* a matter of experiment, unless
demanded by public sentiment.
2 Retained, That while we lament the deranged
stale of the currency, and the present pecuniary embar
rassments of the country, and absolve the government
from all blame or accusation as the cause, we cannot
but believe that they have arisen in a measure from em
bracing as true, principles which wefe never proven,
and which experience ha* shown to be unsound and
false
3 Resulted, That we repudiate the doctrine of a
currency exclusivity metallic, as visionary?as inconve
nient and burdensome in its exercise?as paralv zing the
growth of enterprise, industry and prosperity?as un
productive hi its nature, slid a* totally impracticable, bv
reason of a want of specie for a circulating medium, or
for even the ordinary transactions of business.
4 Resulted, That we approve of a credit system
under due restriction* ; a system which shall be based
upon public confidence and mutual good faiih ; which
shall advance the general pros;>crity of the whole coun
try, expand ita.enteqirise, and develope and bring into
action its various resources ; which shall extend general
knowledge and happiness, and which shall diffuse that
universal content, security and freedom, " which is the
distinguishing feature between despotism and liberty."
6 Resolved, That we do not believe, that these great
results will be obtained by demolishing the moneyed in
stitutions of the States, or destroying confidence in
them, but we deem it to be a duty to foster and encou
rage, while we reform and regulate them, restricting
undue issues, and placing them on a secure basis, and
thus causing them to subserve the purposes of their in
corporation.
6 Resolved, That we have the most entire confidence
in the Safety Fund Banking System of the Slate of
New } ork, as conducive to these ends, by regulating
our banking institutions, exercising a vigilant supervi
sion of their affaiis, and restraining them within their
proper limits.
7. Resolved, That we look to a kindly tone towards
our Stale Banks, and a prudent confidence in them, as
the only effectual means of leading to that universally
desired object, a resumption nf specie payments, (sus
pended through necessity, and not by fraud or treache
ry,) and that we do not think thit object can be gained,
while crippling and warring against them.
8 Resolved, That we cannot concur in sentiment
with those, who advocate tho collection, keeping, and
disbursement ol the public moneys by individuals, (coin- "
mouly called " the Sub-Treasurv plan,") because we
believe that plan to be hostile to the State Banks; that
the public revenues will be unsafe ; that it increases in
an undue manner Executive patronage ; that it surren
ders into the hands of the Executive, through its agents,
the public purse ; that it is difficult, dangerous, and more
expensive, than the present system ; and that it in
creases the supposed necessity for a National Bank.
9. Resolved, That our confidence in the administra
tion of the National Government is not diminished, but
it is incressed by the avowed w illingness-of the Presi
dent to afford ample and speedy relief to the nation ;
and that we recognise in Martin Van Bcren, a man
w hose life has been devoted to the best interests of the . '
people, arid who has ever united with the democracy
of his native Slate, in securing equal rights, and advanc
ing the welfare of every citizen.
10 Resolved, Thai we regard the views of the Re
publican General Committee of Albany, expressed in
their late Address, as sound, well-timed, and able, and
with some few exceptions receive our most cordial con
currence.
11 Resolved, That wc most cordially approve of the
positions assumed bv our distinguished Senator in Con
gress, Hon N. P. Tallmadue, in his letter to the Al
bany Argus, on tho subjects of a well regulated credit
system, and a metallic currency, and that in carrying
out Uiose views he will receive our fu'lest support.
12 Resolved, That our best thanks arc due to those
democratic presses, who have so ably and fearlessly ad
vocated the sentiment* above expressed, which we be
lieve to be in accordance with public opinion, and the
views of a majority of the Republican party, and that
w'e cordially welcome to the field a new and distinguish
ed laborer, in the advocacy of those principles, in the
" Madisoman," recently established in the city of Wash
ington.
13. Resolved, That the times and the exigencies of
the country demand a tone of conciliation in our coun
cils, and that we earnestly recommend the adoption of
a spirt of unity and harmony in the democratic ranks,
a.i the only means of preserving and enforcing the as
cendancy of those doctrines, so long and so zealously
maintained.
On motion, a letter of the Democratic Republicans
of i ates county to Hon. N. P. Tallmadge, approving
of the positions in his letter to the Albany Argus, on the
subjects of n credit system and the currency, was then
read, and approved, and presented for signatures. (Tins
letter will be given hereafter.)
On motion of Hon. W. M. Oliver.it was
Resulted, Thai a committee of five lie appointed to
transmit the above letter, with the signatures, and a
copy of these proceedings, to Hon. Mr. Tallmadge ; and
Messrs. Y. illiam M. Oliver, Samuel S. Ellsworth, Abra
ham H. Bennett, Samuel Stevens and John L. Lewis,
Jr were appointed such committee.
On motion, Resolved, That these proceedings bo
signed by the officers of the meeting, and be published
together with the letter to N. P. Tallmadge, in the
Washington Madisoman, Onondaga Standard, and Penn
Yau Democrat.
Samuel S. Ellsworth, President,
pnonaic Youngs > ... ?
James D Moruan ( hce 1 renitnls,
Charles G. Jmn > 0
John L. Lewis, Jr. f Belarus.
THE WASHINGTON GUIDE. Jiv W>i.
Elliot. Washington, published by Franck
Taylor, 1837.
This is a neat and useful liitle pocket
volume, of about throe hundred pajres, illus
trated with a map anil several cn?;ra\ings. It
will be found a valuable Guide, not only to
the stranger, but tho man of business. Its
best recommendation to the public favor, is its
table of Contents, which we subjoin :
City Hall, (frontispiece ) Map of the City of Warh
ington. The District of Columbia Captain John
Smith's Account of the. Chesapeake Bay, <Vc Letter
to Queen Anne of Great Br.'ian. Votes on the Bill for
locating a District of Territory', on the Potomac. An
Act lor establishing the Seal of Government of tlk t'ni
ted Stall's. Proclamation bv the President of llie I,'til
led States. Proclamation (Amendatory) bv the Presi
dent of the United State*. Ratification of Cession bv
Maryland. The River Potomac. Fisheries Geology
and Minenlogv Cifv of Wash'njton, tec Public