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The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845, September 16, 1837, Image 1

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Th? Madisoniah w published Tn-weekly during the
?ittings of Congress, and Sami-weekly during the re
cess, at $A per annum. For MX month*, fJ
No subscription will be takan for ? lerni short of ?*
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Postmasters, and others authorized, acting as our
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on subscriptions generslly ; the terms being fulfilled
Letters and communications intended for the esta
blishment will not be received unless the potiagt it
Thk Maimsomiah will be devoted to the support of
the principles and doctrines ol the democratic party, as
delineated by Mr Madi?on, and will aim to consummate
that political reform in the theory and practice of the
national government, which haa been repeutedly indi
cated by ilio general sutlerage, as essential to the peace
aud prosperity of the country, and to the perfection and
perpetuity of it* free institutions At this time a singu
lar stale of aflairs is presented. The commercial in
terests of the country are overwhelmed with embarrass
ment ; its monetary concerns are unusually disordered ;
every ramification of society is invaded by distress, aud
the social edifice aeeuia threatened with disorganization;
every ear is Ailed with predictions of evil and the inur
murings of despondency; the general government is
boldly sssailed by a large and respectable portion of the
people, aa the direct causa of their difficulties; open
resistance to the lam ia publicly ancoursged, and ?
apirit of inauborduiation is fostered, aa a necessary
defence to the pretended usurpations of the party in
power ; some, from whom better things were hoped, ape
making the "confusion worse confounded," by a bead
loug pursuit of extreme notions and indefinite phantoms,
totally incompatible with a wholesome atate of the
country. In the inidst of all these difficulties snd em
barrassments, it is feared that many of the less firm of
the friends of the administration and supporters of
democratic principles are wavering in their confidence,
and beginning, withoutjust cause, to view with distrust
those men lo whom they have been long attached, and
whose elevation they have laboured to promote from
honest and patriotic motives. Exulting in the anticipa
tion of dismay and confusion amongst the supporters of
the admmiatration aa the consequence of these things,
the opposition are consoling themselves with the idea
that Mr Van Burcu'a fnends, as a national party, are
verging to dissolution ; snd they allow no opportunity to
pass unimproved to give eclst lo their own doctrines.
They sre, indeed, maturing plans for their own future
government of the country, with seeming confidence of
certain success.
This confidence is increaaed by the fact, that visionary
theories, and an unwise adherence lo the plan for an
exclutttc nulaUtc currency have unfortunately carried
some beyond the actual and true policy of the govern
ment ; aud, by impairing public confidence 111 the credit
system, which ought to be preserved and regulated, but
not destroyed, have tendea to increase the difficulties
under which the country is now labouring. All theae
aeem to indicate the neceaaity of ? new orgpn at the
seat of government, lo be established upon sound prin
ciples, snd lo represent faithfully, and not to dictate, the
real policy of the administration, and the true sentiments,
measures, and interests, of the great body of its sup
porters. The necessity also apfiesrs of the adoption of
more conservative principles than the conduct of those
aeema to mdicate who seek to remedy abuses by de
stroying lite institutions with which they are found con
nected. Indeed some measure of contribution is deemed
essential to the enhancement of our own aelf-respect at
home, and to the promotion of the honor and credit of
the nation abroad.
Totneet these indications this undertaking has been
instituted, aud il is hoped that it will produce the effect
of inspiring the tiinid with courage, the desponding with
hope, and the whole country with confidence in tlio
administration of Hs government. Iu this view, this
journal will not seek to lead, or lo follow sny faction, or
to advocate the views of any particular detachment of
men. It will aspire to accord a just measure of sup
port to each of the co-ordinate branches of the govern
ment, in the lawful exercise of their constitutional
prerogatives. It will address itself to the understandings
of men, rather than appeal lo any unworthy prejudices
or evil passions. It will rely invariably upon the prin
ciple, that the strength and security of American msti
tutions depend upon the intelligence and virtue of the
1 hc Madikoman will not, in any event, be made the
instrument of arraying the north aud the south, the east
and the west, in hostile altitudes towards each other,
upon anv subject of either general or local interest. It
will reflect only that spirit and those principles of uiuiual
concession, compromise, aud reciprocal good-will, which
so eminently characterized ihe inception, formation, aud
subsequent adoption, by the several States, of the con
stitution of the United Slates. Moreover, in the same
hallowed spirit that has, at all pe(iods since the adoption
of that sacred instrument, characterized its picrKNcc
by tiii: rtopLK, our press will hasten lo its support at
every emergency thai shatl arise, from whatever quarter,
and under whatever guise of philanthropy, policy, or
principle, the antagonist power may appear.
If, in this responsible undertaking, il shall be our
good fortune to succeed to any degree in promoting the
harinonv and prosperity of the country, or in conciliating
jealousies, and allaying the aaperities of party warfare,
by demeaning ourself amicably towarda all; by indulg
ing personal animosities towards none; by conducting
ourself in the belief that it ia perfectly practicable to
ditfer with othera in matters of principle and of expe
diency, without a mixture of personal unkindncss or loss
of reciprocal respect; and by " asking nothing that is
not clearly right, and submitting to nothing that is
wrong," then, and not otherwise, will the full measure
of its intention be accomplished, and our primary rule
for its guidance be sufficiently observed ana satisfied.
This etiterprize has riot been undertaken without the
approbation, advisement, and pledged aupport of many
of the loading and soundest minds in the ranks of the
dcmocractic republican party, in the extreme north and
in the extreme south, in the east and in the west. An
association of both political experience and talent of Ihe
highest order will render it competent to carry forward
the principlea by which it will be guided, and make it
uaeful as a political organ, and iutcroating as a journal
of news. Arrangements also have been made to fix the
establishment upon a substantial and permanent basis.
The subscriber, therefore, relies upon the public for so
much of their confidence and encouragement only as the
fidelity of his press to their great national interests shall
prove itself entitled to receive.
Washinoton City, D. C. July, 1837.
This town, the first Brittish settlement in Virginia,
A. D. 1707, now no longer exists as a place of resort lo
the mechanic or artizan ; but the spot on which it stood
must ever be full of interest to the antiquarian ant) the
historian The land that is pojnted ojit as once possess
ing attractions for the early settlers, is now in cultiva
tion, anJ has been for many years in possession of the
Ambler family. The only relic of the olden time, which
is presented to the eve of the traveller, (as he hurries
past with the swiftness of the wind, in the fleet and
beautiful steamers that nsvigate the James) is part of
an old house, built many years ago, by one of the
Nicholas family. This old town stood on a point of
land projecting into James river, in the southern part of
James city, county, &c.?Recollections of the History
iif Virginia.
A letter dated Palermo, 12th inst, received at Mar
seilles, says : " the ravages of the cholera are Iwginniitg
to decrease ; the mortality has been most frightful.?
'I he number of deaths up to tho evening of the 9th, is
upwards of 11,000. The situation of Palermo now, i?
compared' lo that of Marseilles when ravaged by the
plague in 1720."
The Sub-Treasury scheme meets with general oppo
sition from the democratic press We shall wail with
considerable anxiety for the President's Message, as
indeed for every thing coming from the governmental
authorities with respe t to the currency question. It is
believed Mr. Van Burcn will coincide with the viewa of
the majority of the Republican party in disapprobation
of the project.?Pulaski Advocate.
FtIMN the Notional InteUigtncer.
'Die following statement will, at the present moment,
be interesting, it not useful, to many 01 our readers:
Statkmknt showing tho commencement and termina
tion of each session of Congress held under the pre
sent Constitution, with the number of day* in each.
Mar 4, 17HU
Jan. 4. 1790
Dec 6, 17'JO
Oct. 34, 1791
No*. 5, 1792
Dec. 2, 1793
Nov. 3, 1794
Doe 7, 1795
Dec 5, 1790
Mavl5, 1797
Nov. 13,1797
Dec. 3, 17UB
Deo. 2. 1799
Nov. 17,1800
Dec. 7, 1?01
Dec. 6, 1802
Oct. 17, 1803
Nov. 5, 1604
Dec t, 1805
Dee. 1, 1906
Oct, 26, 180
5 M
"? X
k. M
o a
M *
Sep. 29, 1789
Aug. 12, 1790
Mar. 3, 1791
May ?, 1792
Mar 2, 1793
June 9, 1794
Mar 4, 1795
June 1, 1796
Mar. 3, 1797
July 10, 1797
July 16, .788
Mar. 3, 1790
May 14, 1800
M?r. 3, 1801
May 3, 1802
Mar. 3, 1803
Mar. 37, 1804
Mar 3, 1805
April 21, 1806
Mar. 3, 1807
April 25,1808
Nov. 7, 1808! 3, 1809
May32, l?09| J una 28,1800
Nov.27,180th May 1,1810
Dec. 3, 1810! Mar. 3,1811
Nov. 4, 1811 July 6,1812
Nov. 3. 1812 Mar. S, 1613
May 24,1813 Aug. 2,1813
De?;. 6, 1813. April 18,1814
Sep. 19,18141 Mar. 3,1815
De^jl, 1815, Aprd 30,1810
Dec. 2, 1816 Mar 3,1817
Dec 1, 1#I7 Annl 30,1818
Nov.16,1818, Mar. 3, 1819
Dec. 6, 1819 May 15, 1820
Nov.13,1820 Mar. 3, 1831
Dee 3. 1821 May 8, 1822
Dec. 2, 1832, Mar. 3,1823
Dee. 1, 1823. May 27, 1824
Dec. 6, 1824! Mar. 3, 1825
Dm. ft, 1835 May 32, 1836
Dec. 4, 1826 Mar. 3, 1827
Dec. 3, 1827 May 26, 1828
Dee. 1, 1828
Dec. 7, 1829
Dec. 6. 1830
Dec. 5, 1831
Dec. 3, 1832
Dec. 2, 1833
Dec. 1, 1834
Mar. 3, 1829
Mar. 31,1830
Mar. 3, 1831
July 16, 1832
Mar. 3. 1833
June 30,1834
Mar. 3,1835
Dec. 7, 1835 July 4, 1836
Dcc. 5, 1836 Mar. 3, 1837
x x
Z 2
z *
a 5
k. _
o *
A correspondent of tha Cincinnati Gaaette has pre
pared the following list of the principal officers of the
General Government, from ila commencement under
the constitution until the present time, as one likely to
be interesting to many, Ad generally useful as a matter
of reference :
? Presidents.
1789, George Washington, of Virginia.
1797, John Adams, of Maaaachuaetta.
1801, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia.
1809, James Madison, of Virginia.
1817, James Monroe, of Virginia
1825, John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts.
1829, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee.
1837, Martin Van Buren, of Netl York.
Vice President*.
1789, John Adams, of Massachusetts.
1797, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia.
1801, Aaron Burr, of New York.
1805, George Clinton, of New York.
1813, Elbridge Gerry, of Msssachusetta.
1817, Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York.
1825, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina.
1833, Martin Van Buren. of New York.
1837, Richard M. Johnson, of Krntucky.
Secretaries of Sidle.
1789, Thomas Jeffersou, of Virginia.
1794, Edmund Randolph, of Virginia.
1795, Timothy Pickering, of Pennsylvania.
1800, John Marshall, o! Virginia.
1801, James Madison, of Virginia.
1809, Robert Smith, of Maryland.
1811, James Monroe, of Virginia.'
1817, John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts.
1835, Henry Clay, of Kunturky.
1829, Martin Van Buren, of New York.
1831, Edward Livingston, of IjOuisiana.
1833, l.oms M'Lane, of Delaware.
1835, John Forsyth, of Georgia.
Sccreiurie$ of the Treasury.
1789, Alexander Hamilton, of New York.
1795, Samuel Detter, of Massschusetta.
1901, Oliver Wolcott, of Connecticut.
1803, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania.
1814, George W. Campbell, of Tennessee.
1814, Alexander J. Dallas, of Pennsylvania.
1817, William H. Crawford, of Georgia.
1825, Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania.
lS'W, Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania.
1831, Ixwis M'Lane, uf Delaware.
1833, Wilham J. Duaue, of Pennsylvania.
1833, Roger B Taney, of Maryland.
1834, Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire.
Secretaries of War.
1789, Henry Knox, of Massachusetts.
1795, Timothy Pickering, of Pennsylvania.
1796, James McHenry, of Maryland.
1800, Samuel Dexter, of Massachusetts.
1801, Roger Griswold, of Connecticut.
1801, Henry Dearborn, of Massachusetts.
1809, William Eustice, of Massachusetts.
1813, John Armstrong, of New York.
1815, William H. Crawford, of Georgia.
1817, Isaac Shelby, of Kentucky, (did not accept the
1817, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina.
1825, James Barbour, of Virginia.
1828, Peter B. Porter, of New York.
1829, John H. Ealon, of Tennessee.
1831, I^ewis Pass, of Ohio.
1837, Joel R. Poinsett, of South Carolina.
Secretaries of the Navy.
1789, George Cabot, of Massachusetts.
1798, Benjamin Stoddard of Maryland.
1802, Robert Smith, of Maryland.
1805, 'Jacob Crowninshield, of Massachusetts.
1809, Paul Hamilton, of South Carolina.
1812, William Jones, of Pennsylvania.
1814, Benjamin W. Crowninshield, of Msssachu
1818, Smith Thompson, of New York.
1823, Samuel L. Southard, of New Jersey.
1829, John Branch, of North Carolina.
1831, I,evi Woodbury, of New Hampshire.
1834, Mahlon Dickcrson, of Nuw Jersey.
Postmasters General.
1789, Samuel Osgood, of Massachusetts.
1791, Timothy Pickering, of Pennsylvania.
1795, Joseph Habersham, of Georgia.
1802, Gideon Granger, of New York.
1814, Return J. Meigs, Jr. ofOhio.
1823, Johp Mcl?ean, of Ohio.
1839, William T. Barry, of Kentucky.
1835, Amos Kendall, of Kentucky.
Chief Justices of the Supreme Court.
1789, John Jay, of New'York.
179ft, William Cusliing, of Massachusetts.
1796, Oliver Elaworth, of Connecticut.
1800, John Jay, of New York.
1801, John Marshall, of Virginia.
1836, Roger B. Taney, of Maryland.
['There is an error in tho above list. It was originally
compiled for the National Register, ami has been repub
lished from time to time in all the newspapers.?
Jacob Crowninshield stands recorded as Secretary of the
Nsvy during a period of four years, via. from 1805 to
'809. It is true he was commissioned by Mr. Jefferson,
but declined the acceptance of the post, and died in 1806
or 7, while attending (us duties as memlier of Congress.?
Mr. Smith, the incumbent, in conseipience of Mr. Crowm
inshield's declension, continued to act in the navy de
partment till his appointment as Secretary of State, in
1809, by Mr. Madison. The name of Benjamin W.
Crowninshield, brother to Jacob, stands right in the list.]
?A'. 1". Gax.
Attorneys Gtnerml
1789, Edmund Randolph, of Virginia.
1794, William Bradford, of Ponnaylvania,
1795, Charles !<??, of Virginia.
1801, Ijcvi l^ncoln, Massachusetts.
IHOA, Robert Smith, of Maryland.
1806, John Breckenridg*, Kentucky
1807, Caaar A. Rodney, of Delaware.
1811, William Pinckney, of Maryland.
1814, Richard Rush, of Pennaylvaiua.
1817, William Wirt, of Virginia.
18211, John McPheraon lierrtun, of Georgia.
18111, Roger B. Taney, of Maryland
1834, Benjamin P. Butler, of New Vork.
or maaianm.
/it tKe Hmtte of RepretenUltvet, Sept 6, 1837-?on the
proposition to vote for public printer trtea voce.
Mr. GH0LS0N aaid that he himself, like ih$ gentle
man from Virginia, (Mr. Wise,) who laat addressed the
chair, waa in favor of the rip a voce mode of voting, not
only in that body, but in all others?not only for public
printer, but for every other ap(>oiutnient by the agenta
of the people Being in favor of it, alao, like the gen
tlemau, he waa indisposed to screeu hunaelf from thia
reaolution, or to akulk from the responsibility of the
o|H>ii vote propoaed by it, for he had never given a vote
which he feared to have exposed to hia conatitueuta
and to the world.
Sir, continued Mr G. we are here told?we the re
presentative citizens of a free people, we the American
Congress of the United Slatea, arc gravely told?that
thia House la not free, and that we aare not carry out
our own principlea ! That we, the representatives of a
free people, are not independent, and dare not express
our own will! It may be that gentlemen have come
here with such feelings, but for inyaelf, air, I unhesitat
ingly and unqualifiedly deny the charge. I came here
sir, the representative of the freemen of Mississippi,
and atend prepared to carry out their will fearlessly,
boldly, and independently ; and such I honestly believe to
be the aituation and the determination of every democrat
in thia House. There may be individuals here, there may
be politicians here, acting on principles at variance with
those they entertained when they fir at entered thia hall,
and who no longer poaaeaa that spirit of independence,
and that adherence to principle, winch should character
ize the representatives of a free people. We are told
that this reaolution is to affect that party voting for the
individual aa public printer who has the smallest num
ber of votes, (Thoinaa Allen,) and the gentleman from
Virginia inquires of my friend from Indiana (Mr. Boon)
whether any illegal combination, any extraordinary com
bining of the two political parliea has been discovered,
rendering it necessary to be exposed to the American
people. Let me aak, sir, doea that gentleman, for him
self and his friends, dread expoaure to hia constituents
by the votes they have here given? If not, why the in
quiry 1 I will tell the gentleman that, from what I
know of aome of thnae who have voted for that candi
date, they do not dread the responsibility of voting viva
voce. Why then this attempt to terrify theru! Why
tell them their doom ia sealed 1 Whence the neceaaity
of all thia ? Sir, I have regretted to see the spirit of
the speeches we have lieard delivered to-day by the two
gentlemen from Virginia and South Carolina, (Mr. Wiae
and Mr. Pickena,) for they were too much character
ized by the party spirit ol the day. I had hoped that,
on such an occasion aa this, we should have met in a
spirit of harmony and compromise, especially after the
declaration of the gentleman from Virginia himself, that
thia was to be termed " the diatresa session." Sir, I
have the honor to be sent "here by a people whose patu
otism extends further than their pockets; and though
we have suffered ertibarraasinenta as severe aud as
heavv as those that have afflicted any other portion of
thia (Jnion, they are still prepared to suffer much more
for the good of the country. We. air, of Mississippi,
do not rely alone upon?nay, we do not ex|iect?the
aid of thia nor any other legislative body. Though the
message of the President haa been already denounced,
and characterized aa a loco foco document, I will say
that if that doctrine prevailed inore generally than it
docs, the influence of bank rasa would be lessened, the
community less afflicted, and more political honeaty
found among us than I fear is now the caae.
The gentleman from Virginia tells us, that it was his
province to investigate into the abuses of this govern
ment, and that one of the great evils was, that we had a
partisan preas engaged in executing the public printing,
and that hence that preas was bought up by the Go
vernment. A strange conclusion this, air! Let ine
ask the gentleman if, in the course of his inquiries
about the corruption of the press, he discovered any
thing about the payment of a certain $52,000, by a great
moneyed corporation, to buy up a certain press ! That
corporation had been put down, I hope effectually and
forever, mainly through the exerliona of the partisan
press alluded to by the gentleman, (the Globe ) I won
der, sir, if the gentleman's Jubors discovered any trace
of $62,000, or any other sum, paid by the late Execu
tive and his.administration, or by the present. If the
American press haa become corrupted, the cause of it
inay be found in the tranaaction I have referred to.
Mr. S|?eaker, why then is it necessary for us to
skringe, or to crouch, or to pretend to do either, before
Executive influence ! Do we dread that influence !?
Have we any cauac to do so 1 Are we not responsible
to our constituent*, and to them alone 1 and if we fear
to show our votes, is it not because we rather dread the
responsibility we should be under to them, and the ac
count they might call ua to ! Why, air, the gentleman
from Virginia is the very last man who would be brought
to say he dreaded Executive influence, and yet he cau
tions those who are called conservatives to be on their
guard, for that they will be marked ! Why, air, does
the gentleman suppose that there are any here possess
ed of so little independence as to dread the influence of
the Executive! Does he pretend to say that it has
come to this, that tlie members of this body, who do
not go in accordance with the will of the President, are
i to be hunted down t Does he think the President is
not otherwise employed than in hunting down, or striv
ing to hunt down those who may differ with him T?
| Have we coin* here to legislate for the president, or to
make a successor to him ? That war I thought, sir,
had been over, the people having performed that duty,
fortunately without our intervention. It really does
appear to me, therefore, Mr. Speaker, that, if we com
mence this way, the sooner we leave here, and return
to our constituents the authority by which we came
here, the more credit we shall be entitled to, and the
| more honor we shall merit.
I reiterate the hope, sir, that this resolution will be'
adopted, so that wo may be enabled to give an assur
ance to the American people, that we are willing to
take the resjionsihility of voting for whom we please,
and especially that we have no dread of being hunted
down by Executive influence. I wish also to show the
American people ujioii whom this delay is accountable.
I wish iny constituents to be satisfied that upon me rests
j not the responsibility of this delay of the public time ?
1 What a picture does this proceeding present! We
were convened upon an extraordinary emergency, and
: here have we been for two days engaged in what is
called the pitiful election of a public printer. First we
have been told that a partisan editor, or the printers of
a political paper, ought not to be voted for; and yet the
| ve'y genilemen who say so are themselves engaged in
| voting for one of that character,, though of their own po
I litical sentiments. Then gentlemen nrecautioned not to
| show how they vote for fear of being huuted down by Ex
ecutive influence, and every thing im urged calculated
to keep up thia delay I do think, however, that the
circumstances under which we now arc, the number of
ineffectual balloting* we have already had, and the con
sequent delay that has been already produced, render it
incumbent upon us, and we owe it to our constituents,
i to our honor, and our sense of justice, that wo should
I assume the responsibility of showing to the world who
| are the causes of keeping up this delay. To do this re
| quires the passage of this resolution ; and again, air, do
| I entreat the House to adopt it.
Fmm the Belfatt (Me.) Intelligencer.
THE CURRENCY-?onci Moac.
We are not a little surprised that the free and tem
1 perate discussion of this subject should have brought
upon us aevcro political censure, and rendered ob
| noxious to the charge of federalism. If we have de
1 scrtcd our ranks and gone over to' the whigs, we have
j gone in company with nearly all the leading administra
tion men of New York, Virginia, Rhode Island, and a
host of other eminent statesmen in all parta of the
Union ; and when we see opponents to the hard money
project increasing thus rapidly, we have no fears of
falling into the minority. But to accuse ua of changing
our politic* and tnmmg whigs, because we differ from a
portion of our political friends in a particular policy of
the administration, is aa unreaaonable aa it ia uncharita
I ble. I* a press to be kept iu silence, when it honestly
?s igc
fo^ra'wtTfret^le hut" live under a dominion
support (torn the adai.ni.tmwe m it. general Uadu g
uulsures Tlvu paper ha. uniformly opjMiwd a Nation
al Dank, and maintained the principle. and u.age. of
ti.? Democratic party Nor have we any P?rt?% t0
Suu- Bank., any farther than they are rc^ ,U^'"
vieiit to the prosperity of the country. Could these
Ei?-b.' .jj- ?!*??'
neoi.ie we would hold up both handa to abolish them at
Ebl we object .? ll?t poliejr ?Wb
their lona .tending, the.e in?tituti"?t are entwined wiin
eveiv branch of bu.ine*. in the community, not only for
Uting medium of M?u*. "J we " ^
Li ?uh (?,.??..t. .,a, ft?
M?aaa< huaelU. Again, .uppose all the banka 01
Emrlaiid abould tl.oli.hed next winter property of
3 dL jtio,i. a. well a. Uie price of U .or. would be
reduced to T.pecie aUndard. which would P^bably be
,o one-fourth or one-fifth of it. preawt mlnr TW
who ahould happen to be in debt.?? ??? ?
auch would be crusted to rum in the event, u
require S20.000 to pay *5000, and lh? '^Sl .e
made hia. fir.' three pay.nj-intefor bn land.?ouUJ ^
oblttzed to nunrender his whole fWrw to
instalment. Inatead of a general diffusion of W*?y>
which we now witnea. ?U around u. in a permanent
.late of llw?a. the whole property in the c?n^"?uld
be ^cuS in the hand, of creditor,' {"?
or el? a revelation and reei.tance of ihts towt ??*>
the immediate euinequence Should lhe lal cr.^
event who would Undertake to ?et bound, to the fury
of an'excited community 1 It ia a very pretty thing to
ulk about an exclu.ive metallic currency, firing[the
imagination with gold and .liver com, and g0^*!? ??
thX. informed to keep up their aa.aulu upon bank.,
when a moment*. reflection mu.t convince any man of
the utter impo-ibilUy of .ttiking out of circulation at
once all paper money without the moat diaaatrou. con
T.'T.r no. fo, d..,rTni d? -J
tem We are for dtminuhing rather than incrtatxng
the number of bank, and paper i.?ue.. Every projjer
exertion, co.i.iatent with the *???"?<* lhf
ahould be uaed to bring into circulation a greater quan
K M ?IS.u.?, dMi?w. .0 *????
tirelv with bank.. When properly regulated, they are
of incalculable importance in the tranaaction of bu.i
ne3d". The preaent ia an unpropitiou. time to ln"0**lc
to anv irreat extent upon the currency of the country.
The water, are too much troubled to reap any beneficial
? iuitaf^n experiment, of thi. kind, haatily pu t m prac
tice Tliey tend to protract the di.trea?c. of the com
mercial world, and retard the reatoration of buaine..,
where., it ahould be the object of Government to mitt
irate the pressure of the time., instead of forcing un
tried experiment., burdensome and irritating to the peo
plo, anTZbtful, to aay the least of them, in their
,M4th The improvement in the currency sought for
must be the work of time. It can be brought about
in prosperous .eason. of the country, and even then
the extreme, and will, in our opinion, loon be cx
1,11Uor a free expreaaion of these views, we are to be
accuaed of changing our political creed so. bjktt.
know it is the practice now-a-days for men and papcra
no o^hcr than the most friendly feeling towards the na
k-r? Kirs* Si
PNoT??tfe^-? r -h..... torn ... =
be considered aa hostile to the administration. A time
iSSS of a measure .o injudicious, and fraught
with so much evil, may induce its author. l"a^du^
before it .hall have occasioned the loss of Uieir o
political balance. On this subject (for it is In vain to
Smguiae the fact,) public attention is aroused from one
JXf the Union to the other There .. not the eas
fear that Congreas. at its approaching session, will favor
if but every reason to hope that the administration
themselves will abandon it ; and that the project here
after will lie classed in the future hartorr of our cou^n?r
with Mr Jefferson's Gun Boatt and Mr Adams Pa
Zma Jfution?n error, if we please, of a very wise
From the Pen Ya* Democrat.
The violence of Agrarian and I?co Foco pnnciple.
and their favor in ceruin quariera, have given them a
degree of importance to which otherwi.e they could not
hafc the least claun. The fact that auch principles
have a great tendency to spread with the ignorant and
fho vicfous, demands, by the conservative doctrines of
the great ^publican party, that they be at once put
dT?m much mistaken if Yates county doe._ not free
herself from theae noxious heresies, if indeed they havt.
found any root amongst ua. This Sute generally, and ?
its western and farming sections in particular, will un
doubtedly prove it. firm adherence
in defiance of the attack and mroada of anarchy and
revolution. ^ deBerves the support of the
people It has done its utmost to disgrace our mercan
tile character in the eye. of foreign couutneathat
character which ahould be .acred to every man who has
a drop of American blood in his veins. ? ? ?
While some of the leading presses of Great Bma n
have been teeming with the grossest charges of disho
nesW agalnat our blanks and merchants^and a de .be
rate intention of defrauding England out of thejdebtwe
ltiHtlv owe her. our own Government paper has m"re
than functioned the char get!- they have attempted to
prove on all occasions, and by kalse statistii-s, thai
the hanki and the American people in then commercial
rtlaTion* arc guilty of the di.hone.ty charged upon
th'The semi-official character of the paper give it. .tate
incuts a tenfold influence in tho eye. of foreigners.
They will not believe that our Government paper can
falsely asperse our own character?and they naturally
Ul"rhe Globe" no longer represents what we bollev?to
be the view, of the democratic party, on.aubjects th
have lately become vital to our prosperity and peace.
ha violence against all our banking institution*, its
charges of corruption against the New York city banks
with a full knowledge of their falsity ; Us clamor for a
.....tallic currency, (lately modified to .uit the times,) it
KfflXKji the credit system ; it. ultra,sin and
I Its advocating a aeparation of the Government
forfeited .11 cU?. U.
g Thc\^? projea of . .cprttion of the governmei.l
from the banks, receiving nothing but specie in payment
of the revenue., is full of danger. -hould
It is difficult to perceive why the government should
h.!i one kind of'cutrency, and the
Government is but the agency of the |? op < ' ,
lar |)ur(fOscs?and if the people have by law tbought
proper to autborue a paper currency, mixed ^ !J
' I ...c ,. m all their business transactions as a matter
of choice, why should a different system prevail among
their own ruler, in the collection of their own in y
But a great and positive evil of such a project would
he to\d>sorb and Sr utterly uselesa to the c.;mt^
several million* of its .pecie, ^h.ch would otherwise be
? baaia in the bank, for an active circulation. i
\ .till greater evil would be the danger of accumula
Ji and L use by those power a. an metrum n' ?
cripple the bank, with, under the plea of iemulating
<A"n "season of great prosperity the revenue would in-"
creaw much faster than the expense, of Kovemme rt,
and a .urplu. inevitably accrue. Sup^.e Uut surplus
should amount to twenty?-thirty, or ) office,
dollars, and thi. were locked up in the ire"u^
.pecie i who doe. not we the ruinou. effect upon the
currency of the country 1 Would' ?? contraction of
bank currency be avoided by this withdrawal of the
basis of commercial operation ?
And if a National Bank haa any dangerous powers,
would not the placing of all banka (aa it ia admitted,)1
under the control of the Executive officers, be much
mure dangerous and ruiuoua ?
But Congress will paaa no auch law. They will
rather take a step more congenial wuh the necessities
of the times They will not only continue to make the
banka the depoaitoriea of the public funda, but they will
authorize the receipt of the bills of all the banka in good
credit. The will wiacly do what all the people patiently
do?nor attempt to bo above their maatcra. In thia way
our banka will aoouer be able to reaume apecie pay
menta, fur apecie will be in leaa demand.
The ravinga of the Globe cannot pre vent thia. That
paper muat conform to the geniua of the timea, and to
the regular and moderate viewa of the Republican party,
or it* fate is "sealed.
We turn with pleaaure to the Maiiuciian, a paper
which thua far dt'ct present theao viewa iu a firm and
temperate manner. It wiacly recognizes the necessity
of preiervtug our existing institutions, which have
grown with our growth, and become identified with
every interest It doea not aim to reform abnaea by
insulting and degrading the misfortunea and characters
of our merchanta?men who have been aa much distin
guiahed for their enterpriae, which haa whitened the
ocean with American shipping, aa for their uniform in
tegrity and honor in all their dealings with government.
It doea not attempt to overturn and deatroy what simply
requirea regulating.
? The Globe gave the following atatcmcnt from returna
made of the New York city banka.
Condition of the eighteen City Bank*.
Louna and Dis't. Circulation. Specie.
May 4, 1837, 35,931,000 4,683,000 2,5(Hi,0<)0
June 1, " 38,434.213 S,383,050 1,711,40!)
July f 37,724,63*3 5,574,808 1,709,653
Adding that in two montha their specie was reduced a
million, and their circulation was increased half a million
?and making it to appear that their discounts had in
creased to 1st July, over two miUtunt. Whereas, the fact
ia. and it waa distinctly pointed out to the Gkiiie?thia
statement embraced 18 bauka in May?and twenty-one
bunks in June and July?adding, of course, the additional
discounts and circulation of the other three banks. In
stead of thia increase of two millions, they actually de
creased oyer 0700,000. And instead of the circulation
being increased according to the Globe, 9613,808, the in
crease was only $269,443, and this was occasioned by the |
law requiring the city banks to receive the bills of country
hanks?and which bills are set down by the Ulolte aa part j
of their circulation ! Yet the lilobe re{>eats its falsehoods
From the Washington Globe.
Political courage i* but the highest form of moral
courage, which is as far above* mere animal intrepidity
aa the soul ia more elevated than tho body?the hero
than the gladiator?the man than the beaat. It is iin
|>osible to conceive of a more noble .spectacle than the
statesman, who, regardless of the strifes of parties, and
the fluctuations of popular opinion, pursues tho calm and
even tenor of his way, to the consummation of some
great end, which he sees in the future as clearly
though it were present.
Whose high endeavors are an inward light,
That makes the path before him always bright.
No man was ever truly great?no man ever accom-1
plished great things:?who did not possess that tran
quil, steadfast, immoveable courage. When oncc an
opinion ia formed on good grounds?when once, after I
due reflection, a determination is taken?it should be [
persisted in at every hazard of personal consequences
It is better to fall than to bend?to be broken than to I
yield. This secures the respect and admiration of en
emies if not their approbation and concurrence. The
opposite course is aa impolitic.aa it is weak. Defeat
then becomes diagrace ; misfortune carries with it de
gradation. The wounds of the proatrate combatant are
all in the back ; his very acara arc not those of honor,
but of ahaine. " To be weak is miserable." Discom
fiture is more certain, and is Bullied and aggravated by
contempt. Nothirig was ever gained bv cowardice;
nothing ever achieved by concession. This but ren
ders a triumphing foe more haughty, inaolent and relent- j
less. The best way to avoid danger, as the Irishman
said, is to meet it. Caesar mourned that he had not the
opportunity of treating Cato with magnanimity. Let
man in power once waver, and ho is gone; let him 1
avert a trembling eye from the face of danger, and he is |
lost. His business, his glory, is to direct, to lead, and
to enlighten ; nor to truckle, to trim, to compromise. It I
is his sacred duty to assume all proper responsibility : it is ]
also his interest. The talents, the services, (he reputa
tion, which have given him place and power and autho
rity, entitle, nay, compel him to stand in, or rather be- |
yond the front rank ; to point and lead the way to that vic
tory which is the almost inevitable recompense of skill,
valor and fortitude. The high resolve, indomitable firm
ness, the far-aeeing sagacity, of one great mind, have '
sometimes saved a nation, and laid the foundations of its
strength, happiness and glory for ages. What must not |
be the lofty bearing of a man who, raised by merit to high
eminence, feels himself aroused by gratitude,by honor, by
a thirst for true fame, and the consciousness that the
eye of God ia upon him, to hazard peace, ami ease, and
power itaelf, for the accomplishment of some great na
tional benefit Such a man rises sbovc the rage of ene
mies, the intrigues of party, the desertion of false
friends, and even the temporary delusion of tho popu
lar mind.
He nobly stirs himself
And battles for the right.
Then is the time to make or mar a name. Then
the moment to sccure an imperishable niche in the
temple of fame. To a really elevated mind, opposition
is but s stimulus to greater exertion?an incentive to |
more strenuous efforts. What merit is there in a vic
tory easily achieved ? What glory is it to triumph over j
obstaclea which are slight?to overpower an enemy
who is weak ! Danger is the element of true greatness
?the atmosphere in which it lives, and moves, and haa
its being. Resistance but kindles the resolution of ex
alted courage. Obloquy, misrepresentation, prejudice,
ignorance, envy, paasion?these hideous shapes are
mere phantoms, which vaniah before the glance of de
termination, and ate at once exorciaed and laid by a
voice of power and intrepidity.
A wise and frugal Government, which shall refrain I
men from injuring one another?shall leave them other
wise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and
improvements, and shall not take from the mouth of la
bor the bread it has earned.
f]qual and exact justice to all men.
The support of the State governments in all their
rights, as tho most competent administrations for our |
domestic concerns, and the surest bulwsrks sgainst an- |
ti-rcpublican tendencies.
The Preservation of the General Government in its |
whole constitutional vigor.
A jealous care of the right of election by the people,
a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are lopped
by the sword of revolution, where peaceful remedies arc |
Absolute acquiescence in the decision of the majori
ty, the vital principle of republics, from which there is I
no appeal hut to force?the vital principle and imme
diate parent of despotism.
Economy in the public expense, that labor may be
lightly burdened.
The honest payment of our debts, and sacred preser
vation of tho public faith
Encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its
handmaid :
The diffusion of information, and arraignment of |
abuses .at the bar of public reason :
Freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and free
dom of person, under the protection of the habeas cor
pus ; and trials by juries impartially selected.
Thtnc prmriptc* form the bright constellation which I
has gone before us, and guided our steps through an
age of sages, and the blood of our heroes have been de
voted to their attainment; they should lie the creed of
our political faith?the text of civil instruction?the
touchstone by which to try the services of those we
trust; and should we wsndcr from them in moments of
error or of slarm. let us hasten to retract our steps snd
to regain the road which leads to pcace, liberty and safe
ty.?Jeffer$on't Inaugural Addrrtt.
We lay this document before our readera this morn
ing : we have only'time to remark that Mr. Yan Buren
endeavors to show that the State Banks have utterly
failed to answer any valuable purpose to the Govern
ment as depositories of the public funds?that the inhe
rent objections to the Stste bank system sre so great
that it can never succeed?that, therefore, the connec
MUM*.*, and totally (Wisod, ,?d ihat a. ? m.u.r
iseActa3 SBErs-r
mends thw U* puWw ntwm -Wdk coa ted ..
gold and silver only, or if b*afc Mtos ere u> he received
?I ad, thev should be converted almost immediately into
specie We do not concur with the President m the
views he has uken oo this subject: w. have heretofore
expressed our decided opposition to the Sub-Tr*asury
scheme ; and we liavo teen nothing io the Meaaage to
produce a change in our sentiments. We doubt the
practicability of that system under any circumsUnces,
even in the moat favorable ; but believe it to be wholly
impracticable at this particular juncture. -Jefcr toman
It ia a striking fact, ami one that should be cartfalty
remembered by every old faahioned Democrat in the
country, that the Loco-focoa or radical*?a faction that
has been known in our country hot a year or two?in
repeated instances have coalesced with the ojipo
aition in order to defeat the regular democratic party.
Indeed, ao often haa thin been done, notwithstanding
the loud professions srd reiterated claim* of thia faction
to purer and better democracy than the preat mam of
the party, that it haa become proverbial that Ix>eo-foeo
iam ia but a new fangied ally of old federalism, which,
like ita former union with anti-masonry and nullification,
will soon run its short and ignoblo career. It ia un
doubtedly the policy of the old federal party," since
they ceased to have any distinctive principles of action
beyond that of hostility to the republican party," to em
brace not only every fragment which haa broken otf, but
every straggler that haa wandered from our ranks, and
although as yet, " there la very little of this riuhrat sptnt
in the country, there may nevertlieless be found indivi
dual* in almoat every country who hang toosely u|mxi
the skirts of the democratic jwrty ; men who, if not
already enliated in the aervice of the enemy, can easily
be made instruments to do his wil." Such men, while
they exhibit an immoderate zeal for the welfare of the
people, and inanifeat a hypocritical horror of aK "partial
and exclusive legislation," are constantly dissatisfied
with the movements of the democracy, and ever ready
to calumniate ita truest and beat friends, and always on
the alert to magnify and increase actually and esiating
evils. "They will, not improbably," be very loud in
their denunciations of a national bank, and every species
of"rajfanotiev," whiles! the aame time they are advo
cating meaaures hsving a direct tendency permanently
to estsblish both.
A few facts upon this point, briefly stated*, may not
be amias. During the Iste session of th? legislature
of Naw York, it was well known and generally conced
ed that the Loco-focos were constantly engaged in ono
form or another, in connection with the whigs, in en
deavoring to embarraas and "nut down the national
and state administrations. A reference I* the polilicsl
movements of thst session will abundantly prove this.
A concert of action between the radicsla of ih? ctfy
of New York?the head quarters of these new tig/U*,
whose organ, the New Haven Register says, " is the
vilost old federal psper in the Union." although it clanna
to be " ao much more democratic than old democrats,
that few sre anti-bank radical enough fur its society"?
slid the Whig party, sganist the old Tammany or regu
lar.democratic party, during the last year, " havo-de
stroyed the democratic majority of five thousand in
that city, and thrown it temporarily into the hands of
the partisans of a national bank."
In our own state, the same course has been pursued
by the Loco-focos, snd the same result been produced.
In New London county, where radicalism and faction
have obtained a temporary fool-bold, the old fashioned
democratic party has been divided, distracted, and well
nigh overthrown?a result that could never have been
accomplished by the opponents of the administration,
single-handed. The town of Naw l<ondion, uniformly
democratic by an overwhelming majority, has, in cenac
quence, been for two yesrs unrepresented in our legis
lsture, and at s recent town election all its municipal
offices psssed into the hands of the old enemy, the fed
eralists, through an avowed union between. them and
their new allies, the Loco-focos.
But shall the democracy suffer themselves to. be tak
en in the snare which has been taid for their destruc
tion ? They have never followed the example of the
enemy by resorting to new-fangled notions or devices
to acquire or support their power, and all past experi
ence admonishes them thst they hsve nothing to gain
but every thing to lose, by giving anv degree of counte
nance to radicalism sud faction. let our democratic
friends?the ancient guardians of the party?keep an
eye on such mock patriots a* described above, snd sco
that they are not allowed to stir up strife. They will
then accomplish no more mischief in our ranks than
they would in the appropriate station of open enemies.
?Hartford 1'at nut and Democrat.
This Exhibition of American Productions will beheld
at Niblo's Garden, in the City of New York, October
16, 1837.
Gold and Silver Medals, Diplomas, and other rewards,
will be bestowed on the same liberal principles as on
former occasions. Exhibitors are rsquested to deliver
their articles at the garden on Friday, the 13th of Oc
tober. Such as are intended for competition, must be
brought on the 13th or 14th, that they may be arranged
and examined before tha opening for the admission of
visiters, which will be on Monday, tha 16lh of Octobcr,
at 12 o'clock.
The managers are gratified to be able to state, that
notwithstanding the lamsntable contrast between this
snd Isst year in the business affairs of our country, the
applications from those intending to exhibit sre ss nu
merous as ever, evincing thst the spirit of emulation has
not yielded, but remains in full vigour, and promises,
from the abundant resources of skiil and invehtion, a
display as ample and variegated as in seasons the most
prosperous. The desolating revulsions of commerce
hsve powerfully impressed our fellow-citizens with the
necessity of clinging more closely t? our own don.estie
resources, and of producing, by tha aid of nativa ge
nius and industry, those necessaries and conveniences
requisite to competenca, comfort and' independence.
These considerations seem to have imparted fresh
stimulus to ingenuity, and opened a brighter prospect
of future improvement and display than ever. And
why should not a reasoning, calculating, self-confiding
people srrive st such conclusions! The elements
of wealth remain unharmed by the revulsions of
trade. Abundant harvests bear testimony that the laws
of vegetation aro beyond the influences of an unsound
currency. The muscular, as well as tbe menial ener
gies of a great and increasing nation of freemeu, are
unbroken. Dormant industry, refreshed by a shprt re
pose, will start again, with accelerated matioo ami accu
mulated power. There are every where manifestations
conclusive thst we msy safely rely on oor own ample
snd independent resources. Our country, though in
its infsncy, presents a population sufficient for aa em
pire more ingenius snd more industrious than sny other
that has ever existed. With such a people, and with a
fertile territory embracing all climates, we csnnot fail,
with suitsble incitements, to rivsl any and all other
countries in the great work of improvement and civili
Welt conducted public Fairs signally contribute to
these results. Impressed with these views, the public,
for nine successive years, have countenanced, cherished
sud supported the Exhibitions of the American Insti
tute as their favourite institution, and we trust they will
continue with their accustomed zeal to cherish and sus
tain it.
The farmer is invited to exhibit his useful implements,
and the rare, curious and extraordinary productions of
his culture. To the manufacturer and artist, we look
for specimens of the choice productions of the fsctory
and the workshop; and the innumerable varietica of
taste and genius, mingled, as usual, with the ornamen
tal and delicate workmanship of female hands. Appro
priate places will be provided for all the varieties from
every department of industry, whether minute or bulky,
natural or artificial. Suitable preparations will also be
msde for enlivening the scene with the animating in
fluences of moving machinery.
The friends of National Improvement throughout the
country, are respectfully invited to join in this anniver
sary celebration of Industry and the Arts.
T. B. Wakeman,
Adoniram Chandler,
Martin E. Thompson,
John Mason,
Edward T. Backhouse,
James Hamilton,
E. D. Plimpton, s
W P. Disosway,
Timothy Dewey,
George Bacon,
Dudley Marvin,
John Sampson,
William Halsey,
Jamca M i ller, \Of Newark, Ncic Jtrity.
Stephen Dod, J
Jeremiah Johnson, of Brooklyn, Long island.
ID* Editors of newspapers will confer a favor on the
American Institute, msny of their readers, and the pub
lic, by giving the foregoing circular one or more in
K Of Sew York.

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