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bers of the republican party, who are alone
identified with the glory and responsibility for the Bafety of Mr. Van Buren's administration These have become the antagonist powers thatoccupy the public mind, while their com mon enemy, delighted with the varied phases of men and measures which this contest ia likely to develop*, stand aloof and upon their broad protests that they are not in any wise ^sponsible for the consequences (whatever ?se may be) of the success of either aide. .iere and there some more excitable or am litious partisans of the opposition?some wea rvand restless spirit, whose xeal has beou dis tinguished above that of some others in days past, by the ferocity and insatiability of his abuse of General Jackson, or of General Jack sou's administration and its supporters, may be observed deserting the federal ranks? to join what may appear to be the side pre ferred by the national administration, in this family quarrel. But the conflict itself, not being one of abstract principle, and only one of expediency, the motive of the de serter, may be, perhaps, as visible in the workings of his long nursed hatred towards some leading personage, an apprehended rival in the opposite division of the democratic ranks, as in any of his loud professions of pa triotism, or seeming desire for the general welfare. Such acquisitions, to whatever sub division of the republican party they may be tfrarf<J,vfumish no persuasive proofs to the mind of the impartial observer, ibat the counter di vision is any less republican or less patriotic. But as we remarked in the outset, these di visions of the republican party upon merely collateral and comparatively immaterial points, if permitted to grow and strengthen, will en danger the supremacy of the party, and ought to be more studiously prevented from extend ing themselves. It is to this oreat issuk that all eyes should be turned ; and to this one issue, aJl the efforts of the friends of the national administration, steadily and unitedly combined, should be directed. This oreat issue is not, whether one local bank, or many, or none, or treasury agents, can be most judi ciously employed in the receipts and disburse ments of the public money. But it is whether the country shall again have a National Bank, or remain independent of such an institution. The issue is, Bank or no Bank, upon a na tional scale. And this issue, and this only, is the great test question of support, or of opposition to the national administration. This is the issue sought by the opposi tion party to be made with President Jack son's administration?upon this issue that ad ministration was sustained?upon it Mr. Van Buren was elected to the Presidency, and this is the issue again sought by the opposi tion, and again tendered by the administration, for the arbitration of the people. Under this state of the case, is it wise or politic, is it just to the great cause of the gen eral welfare, that those who are the common friends of that cause should be diverted from their contest with their common enemy, to destroy each other in the nursing and pur suit of differences upon |>oints not at all affect ing any abstract principle T Will men, from the opposition, who join either flank of the democratic party, as they shall divide upon these minor points, continue to act with either flank, on the great issue to which we have ad verted, after such minor differences shall have been adjusted by either compromise or con quest ? Will these new allies of either sub division come out of their minor contests any less reasonably disposed to a National Dank than when they inltsted in them ? No ;?let no man bo so credulous as to be lieve it of them. If, for instance, Mr. Cal houn should fail of getting a sub-treasury system established, and a divorce of the Go vernment from the local banks?points to which he is now represented as being wedded ?will he thereafter remain on the battle field as a compatriot with the republican friends of the administration against a national bank? Or will he turn upon his heel and return to his first love, and contribute his whole strength anew to the overthrow of the administration ? Who docs not perceive both the danger and folly of such a temporary alliance, to subserve an unimportant issue, with the known ene mies of the republican parly upon the great issue which is yet to be fought over ? We admonish the true friends of the great republican cause throughout the country, to weigh well the tendency of attaching so much importance to the new project of dis carding altogether the credit which the notes of local Banks may be made to merit in the transaction of government business, as to pre fer to place the administration of Mr Van Bi rex in a state of dependence upon the tein |K?rary and conditional alliances of opposition men, such an we have named, to an abandon ment of that project. We have heretofore de monstrated in our columns, by an appeal to (ien Jackson's own official language?to his message* to Congress?to the official reports of Mr Tankv, while Sec retary of the Trea *urv?to the reports of his successor in of fice, \|r Woodbirv?to the speeches of th? irconfidential and most accredited advisers the speeches of Senators Wright and Iai.i?aih<k, ?>t Mr. Senator Rives, to the addresses of Mr Van Buren's political friends in the state id New York?to the speeches of Mr Speaker Pol* and of Mr. Patton, of \ irfiiua?to Mr. Van Buren's own doctrines, il?o urged upon the Legislature of New York ??hile (toternor ot ihat great state, as well as In appeals to other sources of high authority m poiitM-al matters ; by appeals to all these, ?e say, we have heretofore' demonstrated, hat the presmt project of disp< naiug with all N*e ot bank notes in the fiscal operations of die federal government, is a new project, in unlit, with the administration, and one >?t did not constitute any part of the policy or m? asures of President Jac kson's adiniius tration. In the support of that administration, republicans throughout the country were taught to believe, that the use of local banks, through a gradual reform of their currency, and with proper restrictions, could enable the people to dispense entirely with an institution upou a national scale, from which influences dangerous to the liberties of the people would be forever inseparable. They were taught by this same administration to believe, that the very weaknesses of the local banks made them preferable to the mighty powers of a National Hank, und yet would nut impair their efficiency in supplying a sound currency to the nation under the fostering influences of the federal government. They were not led to suspect that these same weaknesses would, at the first favorable opportunity, be taken ad* vantage of by the very mouths that were com mending these institutions to the people, and be made by them, in turn, the victims of some new experiment, to answer any purpose of Executive power or party policy. And we are even still confident in the opinion, that Mr. Van Buren himself means not to be un derstood as attaching such an importance to the policy of dispensing entirely with both the agency of local banks, and the use of their notes, in the management of the Government's relations with its creditors and debtors, as to urge its adoption at a sacrifice of the unity and ascendancy of the recu hi.ic an party. In his message he frankly disclaims every thing like a wedded obstinacy to it. With the spi rit of forbearance and of compromise that be comes a sagacious and patriotic statesman, he acknowledges the great respect that is due to the diversity of opinions that prevail in com munity on this subject; and in a like spirit of fraukness he avows his own willingness to accede to whatever decision the wisdom of Congress?the constitutional umpire in all such matters?shall direct, if free from en croachment upon the high and sacred princi ples of constitutional duty, imposed upon him self by his office. Listen to him in his Message : . " With those views, I leave to Congress the measures necessary to regulate, in the present emergency, the ssfe-keeping and transfer of the public moneys, hi the performance of constitutional duty, I have stated to them, without reserve, the result of my own reflections. The subject is of great importance ; and one on which wn can scarcely expect to be as united in sentiment as we are in interest. It deserves a full and free discus sion, and cannot fail to be benefitted by a dispassionate comparison of opinions. Well aware, myself of the duty of reciprocal concession among the co-ordinate ? branches of the government, I can prortiise ? reasonable spirit of co-operation, so far as it can be indulged in without the surrender of constitutional objections, which I believe to be well fonnded. Any system that may be adopted should be subjected to the fullest legal provi sion, so as to leave nothing to the executive but what is necessary to the discharge of the duties imposed on hiin ; and whatever plan may be ultimately established my oicn part shall he so discharged as to giee to it a fair trial, and the best prospect of success.''' The issue, therefore, upon which Mr. Van Bur ex plants himself, and invites his friends to stand, is not to be found in these proposi tions relative to the mode of collccting, keep ing and transferring of the public money. But it is to be found in the great question of Bank or No Bank. Upon this he neither tenders, or invites compromise. He does not regard it as a subject admitting of compromise. It is not a question of expediency, but one of principle ; and principle, with an honest mind admits of no compromise. On this point, let us once more advert to his Message, which says? " We have seen for nearly half a century, that those who advocate a National Bank, by whatever motive they may be influenced, constitute a portion of our com munity too numerous to allow us to hope for an early abandonment of their favorite plan. On the other hand, they must indeed form an erroneous estimate of the in telligence and temper of the American people, who sup pose that they have continued, on slight or insufficient grounds, their persevering opposition to such an institu tion ; or that they can be induced by pecuniary pres sure, or hy any other combination of circumstances, to surrender principles they have so long and so inflexibly maintained. " My own views of the subject are unchanged. They have been repeatedly snd unreservedly announced to my fellow citizens, who with full knowledge of them, con ferred upon me the two highest offices of the Govern ment. On the last of these occasions, I felt it duo to the people to apprize them distinctly, that, in the event of election, I would not be able to co-operate in the re establishment of a National Bank To these sentiments, I have now only to add the expression of an increased conviction, that the re-establishment of such a bank, in any form, whilst it would not accomplish the beneticial purpose promised by its advocates, would impair the rightful supremacy of I he popular will; injure the cha racter and diminish the influence of our political system, and bring once more into existence a concentrated mo neyed power, hostile to the spirit, and threatening the permanency of our republican institutions." Thus has Mr. Van Bur en advised his friends what constitutes the great issue.? lie admonishes the people, that they need not hope to see the opposition abandon " thr.ir favorite plan" of a National Bank. Why then allow the friends of the administration to fritter away their ascendency and strength upon this great issue, by divisions among themselves upon false and unnatural issues, and by new, alliances of antagonist spirits with fragments of their party under cover of differences and dissensions growing out of our obstinate perseverence in new experi ments, and as if such new experiments were essential to cither the glory or salvation of the republican administration of Mr. Van Buren? We leave this question here, in sober earnest, to those who can stay the fatal error upon which the leading friends of Mr. Van Buren are precipitating our com mon party. We speak in no spirit but that of genuine regard for his welfare and renown, and for the success of the great principles for which he was elected. But we must forbear to say more until another day, when we will endeavor to fortify our position by an expres sion of our views in fuller detail. * THE THEATRE. ** 1 his fashionable resort was opened last week for the Extra Session, where we had the pleasure of seeing a brilliant audience of strangers and citizens,.and witness ing the performance of a Tragedy, written and perform ed by natives of our own country. ' Hianca Visconti, the new Tragedy, by Mr. Willis, wss (lerforined by Miss Clifton, [for whom it was written,] with great success, and deserved applause, doing equal credit to the actress and the author. Miss Clifton's Benefit took place last evening Soma, w? perceive, M repeating the imputations that hare been east upou the S3 friend* of the administra tion, who voted for the Editor of the Msdieonian for Public Printer. We have adverted to the charge of '? bargain and corruption" in reaped to our own con duct, aa unworthy of notice. But we feel bound to eay, in regard to the gallant band who atood by ua through that long and aevere contest, that they were actuated only by the moat lofty patriotism, and the moat conscientious devotion to principle. They hsd no affinity aa a party, to the opposition, and bad no art, part or lot in any intrigue, management, or bargain whatever Many of them acted independently, and with out any previoua consultation or conceit, not knowing even an individual who went with them in the ballot.? Had any one of them auspected that there was sny " hsrgsin snd corruption," they would have abandoned and denounced ua on the spot, aa we should hsve de served to hsve been ; and those with whom we have since become rcqusinted, have so expressed themselves With them the contest waa between the Globo andour aelf, and, aa under no circumstances they would have voted for the Intelligencer, so, under no circumstances, should the Intclligencer have derived any benefit from their Vote. In 1833, was not the majority in fsvorof the sdininis trstion far grester thsn it is now 1 And yet, the House clected the Intelligencer Pnnter ; and who then dared to charge corruption on the aupportera of the adminia tration ! Who shall dare to make such s charge now, when a friend of the administration is elected ! THE COALITION. A correspondent says, aa we predicted? "The Treasury-scheme men will he joined by the Nationsl Bank men, combined. The Stale Bank aystein ia to be prostrated by thein?the coinplainta of the peo ple will be loud and constant, against the requisitions 0f gjx'cie?the States, in the midst of these requisitions, being flooded with irredeemable psper?ss soon ss the complaints of the people have waxed loud and strong enough, a United Slates Bank will be sanctioned on the pleas of that arch enchanter, impaioui ntcentiy. I do not doubt the honesty of the Treasury-scheme, but such, I fear, is to be the end of this beginning of serious trou bles in the ranks of the republican party." The senior editor of the Richmond Whig, one of the atrongest oppoaition papers, liss come out hi support of the proposition to divorce the government from the banks?the nullitiers have also embraced it with great warmth. We can honestly give these politicians credit for consistency, a merit which csnnot certainly be allow ed to thoae friends of the administration who have gone over to opposition doctrines. We have repeatedly and abundantly shown, that the " divorce" acheine waa the darling project of the opposition in 1834, and we only wonder now, that the " whigs" do not unite with those who have gone to them, in solid phalanx. But as we have before atated, we fear that, the effect of the scheme will be to enforce a metallic currency, sufficiently exclusive, to exclude the State Banks from a practicable existence. Let the whole besring of this question be distinctly understood ; let the true tssue, namely, Banks or no Banks, be clearly presented, and then let u's see if the " whigs" snd nullifiers will support the "revolutionary and disorganizing" propoaition. That thia is the true issue, is not only to be inferred from an impartial examination of the caae, but, 11 is dis tinctly aeuwed by many of the supporters of the Sub Treasury scheme These avowals, and their authors, will soon receive publicity, if those who entertsin such" doctrines shall dare to proclaim them on the floor of Congresa. MAINE ELECTION/ It appcara from our alips of last evening, that all the towns in the State have been heard from but eight, and according to the returns we have, they stand thus : For Edward Kent, [Opp.] 34,008 For Gorham Parks, [Adm ] 32,971 Majority for Kent, 1,037 The eight towns to be heard from gave last year for Dunlap, 446?Kent, 169. .Thus while our defeat in Rhode Ialsnd is fresh in our minds, comes this astounding news from Maine, one of the strong holds hitherto, of the present snd lsto admi nistrations. If the administration is to be ssved, one would think that its attention had better be turned to the " divorce" of " loco focoism" from all connection with it, rather than the "divorce of Bank and State." RELIGION AND MORALS. On Sunday Mr. Slicer, the chaplain, preach cd at the capiiol. In the course of his sermon, speaking of the power of the gospel, he al luded to the striking illustration, furnished by the Choctaw Indians. In quietness and sub mission they left the land of their fathers graves, and proceeded to the place of their destination, because the gospel had taught them to suppress the feeling of revenge and to submit to the will of providence. On the other hand the Seminoles, to whom the gospel had not been carried by the preachers of the gospel, were inflamed with a spirit of revenge, and after a war, costing 11 millions, last year, were still unsubdued. In the afternoon Mr. Richards, who has been 15 years a missionary in the Sandwich Islands, preached in Mr. McLane s church, and described the wonderful effects, produced by the gospel in those islands,?human sacri fices, infanticide, idolatry abolished,?intem perance nearly extinct,?the sabbath rever enced,?and almost all able to read, llis own congregation, to which he had preached for 10 years, was much larger, than the one he was addressing in this city. The Is landers were becoming a civilized, virtuous, christian people. On Friday the 15th inst. the select com mittee on the rides and orders, reported the following rules to the House of Representa tives, which passed without debate or divi sion. " That no spirituous liquors shall be offered for sale, or exhibited within the Capitol, *r on the public grounds adjacent thereto CORRESPONDENCE. New York, Sept. IB, 1837. Dear Sir:? The Loco-foco's held their State Convention at Uti ca a day or two since, and astounding to declare, there were in all fourteen members present, regulsr, hono rary, self-constituted, and official?all told. If this is not a most egregious failuro of the " Equal Rights par ty, then am I unable to determine. The I/KO-foco members of the Young Men'a Gene ral Committee, h?ve autlioriscd a call of all those who approve of the President's Message, without distinction of party, to meet st Tsmmany Hall on Thursday even ing to echo the Sub-Treasury cry. Thia to bo sure was done in direct opposition to the usages of the party, which only ssnctions calls through the Old Men a Com mittee and then only to those who are attached to tho party, but the Junior Cicero's are wiser than the found ers of the party, and we shall seea coining conglomera tion of incongruous political materials?here a-flour rioter?there a supporter of Fsnny Wright?yonder a disciple of Job Haskell, snd by his side in blest com munion the reverend sschcms of the Junior Commit tee. Tho Old Men's Committee have nullified the acts of the rebelling juveniles, but the radicals are loo happy at the prospect of ? row to recede, so the meeting will be held by the same partica who have from the day* of f anny Wright, the high prieateaa of the urdur, down to the present ume regularly endeavored to make event* march backward, but whose success haa been ao amaz ingly disproportionate to their constancy and eiertiona. How unlucky, that old fashioned Democrats will obsti nately persist in urging on the country in its prosperous career, when so many patriots and philanthropista of tbe Jack < udc school, are laboring ui season, and out of season, to return to a natural state of aociety, I lie Maine election ia another evidence that the madness which verges on revolutionary measures at this fearful crisis, will be disastrous to the best interests of the Democratic party. How provoking to aee our large majorities destroyed aud our candidates defeated to please the ultra* Kent, the Whig candidate for Go vernor, ia undoubtedly olocted. In 278 towns hia ma jority is 2035, and the remaining 84 are small town* and cannot, I presume, change the vote in favor of Parke. When will our rulers learn wiadom t TWENTY-FIFTH CONURKMH, EXTKA SESSION. UNITED STATES SENATE. Saturday, September 16. Mr. LINN presented a memorial from citizens of Missouri, praying for the establishment of a National Bank. Referred to the Committee on Finance. A message from the House of Representatives trans mitting a new joint rule, which was laid on the tattle. The Senate resinned the consideration of the Bill to authorize issues of Treasuty notes. Mr. CALHOUN, said he had felt great difficulty in bringing bis mind to vote for any of theae measures, until the great question of the separation of the govern ment aha the banks. In either caae, this bill was objectionable. Hia opinion was made up, that there must be a separation or a United States Bank He wished to move an amendment by a test question. But he wished to postpone the bill till Monday. He thought it the duty of every one to come forward boldly and ex plicitly, and lie would be prejwred by Monday with his plan. Mr WRIGHT, was not willing to prevent the Sena tor from bringing forward his measure, and discussing it. But it was right to say that the Treasury could not satisfy the public creditor 20 or even 15 davs longer without some aid. He was therefore opposed to jiost jiouement. Mr. CALHOUN, said his request was not under stood. If the question was argued now, he should vote against the bill, however willing aud anxious he was to relieve the government. The country seems to be for gotten, in the desire to relieve the government. Mr. BENTON, said a few words, the teudency of which was not heard. Mr WRIGHT, expressed a hope that the wish of the Senator from South Carolina would lie. acceded to. Mr. KING, of Alabama, opposed the motion to post pone. Mr. CALHOUN, said if it was the wish of the gen tleman gradually to restore the connection between the government and the banks, a provisional loan was the proper mode. His request was reasonable, and it was the duty of every Senator to act boldly. Mr. NILES, expressed a hope that the time asked should lie given to the Senator from South Carolina. Mr. WRIGHT said, he did not desire to restore the connection, to which the Senator from South Carolina alluded. The question was then taken on the motion to post pone, and carried in the affirmative. Yeas 28, Nays 18 On motion of Mr. TALLMADGE, The Senate adjourned. Monday, Sept. 18. Mr. RIVES gave notice that he should to-morrow ask leave to introduce a bill to deaignate the. funds in which the revenue shall be received. Mr. WRIGHT presented a memorial from merchants of New York, praying an extension of duty bonds?also, a memorial from merchanta of New York, sufferers by the fire* praying a remission of duties. The prayer was laid on the table and ordered to be printed, and the Ict , tor was referred. Mr. WRIGHT also preaented a remonstrance from the inhabitants of Madrid, (N. Y.) against the annexa tion of Texas. Similar remonstrances were offered by Mr. M'Kean and Mr. Ruggles. Mr. WALKER offered a resolution relating to a port of entry at Vicksburg, Mississippi, which lies one day. The joint rcsolation transmitted from the House, pro hibiting the sale of spirituous liquors in the Capitol and grounds adjacent, was taken up and agreed to. Trkabuby Notes. The bill to authorize the issues of Treasury notes was taken up for consideration. Mr CALHOUN said it was clcar that the govern ment had separated, and every consideration was in op position to a reunion. The government and banks are separated by the operation of law, and cannot be re united while that law remains in force. Suppose that difficulty overcome, where would you find tbe advocate of reunion! not among the opposition who predicted the evils which have resulted from the union ; nor among thoie who relied on it. Reason and experience haa decided that if there must be such union, a U. S. Bank is iadis|>ensibln. Not only so, but if we treat bank notes as gold and silver, we are bound to create auch a bant. \V hatever we make money, will be mo ney, and w? are bound to make it uniform. There is no other alternative, but total disconnection, or the creation of a U. S. Bank. A difficulty exists against this last al ternative, it; the constitutional objections of a large party in thia country, entitled to respect, aud another in the number anil power of the rival institutions which have sprung up. There would be a necessity that such a bank should have a capital of eighty or a hundred mil lions, w ith a due proportion of metallic capital. The collection of this amount of spccie would prodticc an other revuision equal to that which we have just expe rienced. He adverted to the condition of the Bank in ?1816, which was very different from what its condition now is, we were then debtors to the bank. He gave a brief history of the financial difficulties and operations of that penod. A bankrupt law was then proposed. He was opposed to that measure then and now as harsh, but above all, as unconstitutional. He who would try a Bank of the U. S. now, would find the recoil overwhelm ing. He, as one of the States Rights party, was op posed to a U. S. Bank as unconstitutional, inexpedient, and tending to the concentration of power in the govern ment. His own course, in relation to the U. S. Bank he explained. He had submitted to a B-itik under a state of things which he considered irreversible in 1816. There was but one mode in which the government could reunite itself with the banks, but that was eminently ob jectionable?he meant by calling the Pennsylvania Bank of tho U. S. the fiscal agent of the government, this would compel a resumption of specie payments in a less disastrous manner than by the establishment of a new bank. But he would oppose this because he would not Sive his sanction to the creation of an agent wholly un er the control of the state; and again he would not aid to give that bank a triumph over tlto government, much as he believed the government in the wrong in the late contest between them. He objected to a re-uuion which would make the credit of the government identical with - the credit of a bank. He illustrated his argument by a reference to cases of a suppositious character in private life. As government operations contract or expand, so would the bank circulation. He traced the present disastrous condition of the country back to 1824, when the Tariff system was re-modelled In 1828, the evil was increased and fixed by a new Tariff act. One effect was the expansion of bank currency ; another was the increase of Custom House bonds. These causes swelled the ex pansion of the circulation of the Bank of the United States in 1831, aud it was not the fault of that institution, that its issues were thus expanded. The re-charter of the Hank of England in 1832, had its effect on the course o( things. It was at this time that the President of the I . S. not comprehending the leal state of things, struck his blow at the U. S. Bank, a blow which completed the catastrophe. It was remarkable that the three great suspensions of spccie payments here, in 1813, and in i England in 1797, resulted from the connection of the Banks and the Government. He wished to know on what principle we could lend tho credit of the Govern ment to a body of stockholders, in preference to any other of the citizens of the U. Slates. The effect was to give a preference to one body to the injury of all the rest of the community. The increase of Banks was I enormous, and is still increasing in an enormous degree, j 7 lie various remedies proposed would be ineffectual to producc relief, and only effectual to increase the evil.? J Ho touched ori the corrupt practices and corrupting in- I lluences connected with legislation on the subject of banks. He then commented on the course of General Jackson; who had prodOccd the intimate connection between the government knd the banks in 1834, which had ever since existed, and which would for a long'time commingle the national politics and the bauks. If then there could be no reunion with the banks, no IJ. States Bank, nothing remains but to reorganize the Treasnrv to meet the new condition of things. He had not looked into the present bill; but he would object to any mea sure which unnecessarily swells the patronage of the go vernment The resumption of specie payments, how ever, under the existing law, would renew t&e connec lion with th? bank* Ha would at ? proper Uiim aub- I ?" *n amendment providing that after the 1st day of January neat, threa-lourtha of tha debt, to the United Stat*. may be paid ui lti? notes of specie paying bauka, ?lid gradually to reduce the proportion oicb yeir until the total separation shall be effected He objected to the issue of Treaaury noiea bearing interest, because it looks like debt; but if iaaued without intereal, these notes will forui a new currency. He believed that if ? total separation with the banka should take place, this should enter into our permanent policy, credit being in dispensable, aa our business concerns have heroine too j extensive for gold and ailver to aatiafy. He laid it down as a principle that convertible paper la unsuitable for currency. Proiniaaory no tea are convenient between individuals ; but the measure of aafety between indivi duals is very different from ihe measure of aafety in cur rency. 1 liia position he enforced and illuatrated at aome length, giving the conclusion, to which he had ar rived, that a government currency waa the beat which could be reaorted to. In reference to revenue, the pa tient Ilea dangerously ill, afflicted with a burning thirst ; but fortunately young and vigorous, having more to fear from the doctors than the diseaae ; the disease is debt, and we muat find ineana to diacharge it. He looked to the capacity of the cotton and rice growing atatea to recompense their energiea aa abundant, But they re quired the aid of the government. We have reached a new era. The daya of surplus revenue are gone. He prided hunaelf and the amall party to which he belonged for the course they had pursued 111 strikiug the first blow at the root of the evil He atill rallied under the States Rights banner of 1798. Tattered and torn aa it was, it should never be lowered with hia consent. He con cluded with moving his amendment, although not at this time in order. After the amendment was read, Mr C. withdrew it, and it was laid on the table arid ordered to be printed. Mr. WEBSTER asked to what bill this amendment waa offered. Mr. BENTON aaid to the divorce bill?the bill which acparatea the government and the banks Mr. BENTON moved the bills which he offered three years ago, as amendments, and moved the print ing, which was agreed to. The bill was then re|>orted to the Senate. The amendments filling the blanks were agreed to, and the queation being on the engrossment of the bill, Mr. BENTON mado some remarks, in which he gave his view of the influence and increase of banka. He stated that the government would be able to turn these notes into hard money, before they went into circula tion, ao that they could not be regarded as paper cur rency. There waa four times as much specie in the country as there waa in 1816, and not one-tenth of the distress which then existed. He wished to vindicate the bill from the character of a paper money bill He was oppoaed to the issue of 'I reisury notes in a time of peace, anil he would not liave voted for it but that it partook of the character of a loan, and could bo reim bursed put of the means of the Treasury in a short time. ! Mr. IS ILES asked for the yeas and nayson the engrosa I ment ot the bill, and they were ordered accordingly. Mr. WALKER moved to atrike out all of the bill j which relates to Treasury notes. If they were to baar ' interest, they would be immediately substituted for the cotton of the South as a medium of remittances to for eign countries. Mr. W RIGHT hoped the motion would not prevail. He disclaimed any design to compel the public creditor to take the treasury notes as an equivalent for gold and ] silver. He believed that the country would not now bear an emiaaion of ten millions without intcreat, with out depressing the notes iu the market. He hoped the bill would be permitted to pass in its present shape, to 1 undergo a trial for a few months, when Congress would ] again be in aession, and could remedy any inconven- | ieuca. Mr. KING, of Georgia, referred to the fact that our protected Treasury drafta were equal to specie for gome purposes, but not for currency. So in reference to the Treaaury notes, every man will ask himself if they are worth specie. He did not fear that our paper kites > would fly any more to Europe. He opposed the idea that by the exportation of these notea, the interests of the cotton planter would be injured. He hoped the amend ment would not prevail. Mr. WALKER said the crop of cotton waa now about to be picked out and aent to Europe, and to put afloat at this moment any paper issues, which could lie substituted for cotton, would be to shut out the sta ple of the south as an export. He modified his motion ao as to reduce the interest to three per centum. Mr. WEBSTER said as the notea were redeemable a year hence, the addition of the interest would have j little or no influence. Mr. WALKER said interest waa added to the bonda issued by the Bank of the U. States, to give them cur rency in Europe. Mr. CALHOUN expressed a wish that a discretion should be left to the Secretary to make the notea bear interest or not. Mr. KING, of Georgia, doubted the practicability of getting these notes into circulation. Mr. BENTON asked for the yeas and nay a on the amendment, and they were ordered. '1 he question was then taken and the amendment was negatived. Yeas 5, nays 40. The question was then taken on the engrossment of the bill, and decided in the affirmative. Yeas 43, nays 5. The Senate then proceeded to consider the bill to, extend the time for the payment of duty bonds. - Mr. WEBSTER rose to propose an amendment to this bill. He did not think the time named (six months) would be sufficient. He moved to strike out " six" and insert " nine." Mr. WRIGHT said he had hastily consulted the members of the Committee. The memorial received to-day from New York pressed for an extension of twelve months. In consequence of the impoitationa being semi-annual, to fix 6 or 12 months would inter fere with the period when a great number of cash duties will accrue. To adopt nine months would be to take a middle period of more convenience. Ho therefore would agree to the amendment. Mr. SEVIER moved for the yeas and nays, which were ordered. The question was then taken on the amendment, which waa decided in the affirmative.. Yeas 44, nays 1. The bill as reported to the Senate, and the amend- | ment concurred in, the bill was ordered to be en grossed. Tho Senate proceeded to consider the hill to adjust the remaining claims on the Dcposite Banks. Mr. WALKER moved to amend the bill by striking out " two," " five," and " eight," aa the periods for the payment of the instalments, and inserting "four," "six" and "nine" months. Mr. WRIGHT was willing to take three, six, and ; nine months as the periods, and asked that the question ; be first taken on striking out " two" and inserting " four." After a few words from Mr. GRUNDY, Mr. Wright withdrew his opposition, and the amendment was agreed to. The hill was reforrcd to the Senate, and the amend ment l?emg agreed to, the bill was ordered to be en grossed. The Senate proceeded to consider the bill to author ize merchandize to be deposited in the public atores. I No amendment being offered, the bill was reported to I the Senate. Mr. BUCHANAN asked the yeas and nays which were ordered. i Mr. CLAY* asked if the bill was not intended to re peal all ciedits on importa. And if ao, if there ahould not be a repealing clause. Mr. WRIGHT aaid there was a repealing clause Mr. CLAY moved to strike out the exception in fa vor of fruits. Mr. WRIGHT said he would not resiat a motion to ; strike out, the same remark having been made by a j practical merchant in the other House. Mr. CALHOUN moved to postpone tho bill. Mr. WRIGHT left it to the Senato to determine.? j | He was ready to act at that time. | Mr BUCHANAN aaid he ahould vote against post- j [ pone ment j Mr. KING, of Ala. moved a postponement till Mon | day next. Mr. CALHOUN asaented to tho modification, and the motion waa agreed to. The Senate adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Monday, Sept, 18. After the presentation of petitions, Mr. CAMBRELENG, from the Committee on Fi nance, reported, without amendment, the Senate bill for adjusting the claims of the United States upon the late defiosite banka , also, a bill for the de|maite of mer chandize in the public stores; a'ao, a bill to revoke the charters of the district banks in certain cases; also, upon leavtB, a bill appropriating a further sum for the suppression of Indian hostilities in Florida?all which were twice read and committed. The following resolution, offered on Fridsy last, by Mr. ADAMS, was considered and agreed to. Rrtohrd, That the Clerk of this House do procure and cause to be printed for the use of the rncmbera of thia House, copies of all the acts of the several State I<egi*laturcs of this Union, enacted aince the 10th day of May last, authorizing or relating to the auspension of J ?pecie payment* bv lb# bauk*, or any of them chartered by (he said Suto Legislature* respectively The following resolution, offered on Friday laat, by Mr LOOM IS, ?u considered and agreed to : Ketulvcd, That the Secretary of the Treaaury pre pare and report to Una llouae, aa soon aa may be con venient, ? statement showing what methods have been adopted for the safe-keeping of the public funds, since the firat organization of the Government under the Constitution ; the length of time that each method haa been in uae, designating the aeveral changes, and when 4 made, and what losses under each method have been austained by the Treasury, lu consequence of defalca tion of agents or officers so entrusted with the funds for safe-keeping. The following resolution, offered on Friday laat, by Mr SNYDER, waa considered and agreed to : Rttulted, Thai the Secretary of the Treasury if form this House at what tune the Bank of the State of Mis souri was madu a deposite bank, and what amount of its own notes said bank had in circulation, and what amount of apecie it had in ita vaults when it was se lected. Also, what amount of money la now in the hands of the receiver* of public tnoneya in Illinois, and where the aaine ia now ordered to be deposited. Mr JAMES GARLAND offered the following bill as a substitute for the project proposed from the Com mittee of Finance, which was ordered to be printed for the information of the House. B< 11 marled, <fc That the Secretary of the Treaau ry be, and hereby ia, required to adopt auch measure# as he may deem necessary, to effect the collection of the public revenue of the United Siatea, whether aris ing from duties, taxes, debts, or sales ot land, in the manner and on llie principles herein provided ; that is, that no such duties, taxes, debts, or sums of money payable for lands, shall lie collected or received other wise than in the legal currency of the United States* or in notes of banks which are payable and paul on de mand in the said legal currency of the United States, under the following restrictions and conditions in regard to such notes, to wit: from and after the passage of this act, the notes of no bank which shall issue or circulate bills or notes of a less denomination than five dollars shall , be received on account of the public duet ; and from and after the day of the notes of po bank which shall I84UC or circulate bills or notes of a lrts denomi nation than ten dollars, shall be so receivable ; and from and after the day of the like prohibition shall be extended to the notes of all banks issuing or circulating bill* or no?,es of a less denomination than twenty dollars. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That no notes shall be received by the collectors or receivers of the public money, which the banks in which they are to be deposited, under the supervision and control of the Treasury Department, shall not agree to pass to the cre dit of the United States at cash : I'roruicd, That if any deposite bank shall refuse to receive and pass to the credit of the United States, as cash, any notes receiva ble under the provisions of this act, which said bank in the ordinary course of business receives on general de posite, the Secretary of the Treasury i? hereby author ized to withdraw the public depositee from said bank , nor shall the notes of any bank be received by the State governments in which it ia issued in payment of Us revenue. . Sec. 3 And be U further enacted, That it ahall be the duty of the Secretarv of the Treasury to select such State Banks as depositories of the public inor.ey, a* from their location, shall be moit convenient for the fiscal operations of the government, and the commercial intercourse of the countryr not exceeding in number. . .. . ? , Sec. 4. And be it further enacteiU, That it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury, in all cases, to require of the banks to be retained, or hereafter se lected as depositories of the public money, ample and approved collateral security, for the aafe keeping and faithful re-payment of all such sums Af the public money as are or shall be deposited with t'leiu, which security ahall be annually renewed Sec. 5. And be it further enarted, That the Secre tary may in his disc ret ion, whenever the circulation of any deposite bank shall exceed three times the amount of its actual specie capital, discontinue such bank as a depository of the public money, and the receipt of its notes in payment of tho public revenue. Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That if any of the hanks which have suspended specie payments, the notes of which, previous to said suspension, were received in payment of the public revenue, shall bona fide resume specie payments one month previous to the ?? day ot , then, and in that case, it shall be the duty of tho collectors and receivers of tho public money to receive the notes of auch bank or banks in payment of the pub lic revenue, under the restrictions herein before pre scribed. But the bills or notes of ary bank failing to redeem ita notes in specie as aforesaid, within the time limited, shall not be thereafter received in payment ot the public dues as aforesaid. Sec. 7. And be U further enacted, That it shall be lawful for the Secretary of the Treasury, if he shall deem it expedient, to continue as depositories of the public money any bank which has suspended specie payments as aforesaid, under such limitations and con ditions as he may prescribe. The House went into Committee of the W hole, livtr. Haynea in tho Chair,] upon the Senate bill for the post ponement of the 4th instalment directed by the 13th section of the deposite act, to be made with the States. Mr. DAWSON, of Ga , moved its postponement for the present, until further information could be procured. Mr CAMBRELENG earnestly opposed the post ponement, and went into a statement of the condition of the Treaaury, as it will he on the 1st of Oc tober, to show that the wholo amount of available and unavailable funds in the Treaaury, at that tune, will be less than two millions; under these circumstance* the Government could not make a deposite of nine mil lions with the Siatea. Mr. C. produced a written atate m'ent of the condition of the Treasury in support of hi* ^Mr. DAWSON, in his reply, contended that the funds deemed unavailable by the Government would be avail able to the States, and very acceptable to them, and therefore the instalment ought not to be withheld. Georgia, he said, would gladly take, for her share of tho depositcs. the notes of the pet banks in that atate. Mr. CAMBRELENG said, he would willingly do any thing to carry this loan into effect, except to create a loan for the purpose of depositing its amount with tho States. There was no other way than by a loan on thia 81 Mr. BELL asked, whether the new estimate of tho moneys in the Treasury, either on the 1st of October or at the end of the year, was founded in any error of the estimates presented in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. If that report waa correct, he would demon strate lo all the friends of the deposite law, that the loan would be carried into effect with perfect convenience to the State*; and that there was more money in tho deposite banks than was due to the States. Mr. CAMBRELENG replied, that the Secretapr of the Treasury had arrived at the result, that ten millions in Treasury notes would be required, while the Com mittee first came to the conclusion that it would be twelve millions, but had now agreed with the s<*rctary in his estimate. There was now no diacrepency between their view* and those of the Secretary. A part of the funds which the gentleman from Tennessee supposed to be in the deposite banks, consisted of four and a ha 1 millions of protested drafts, drawn on the third instal ment of the deposites. . Mr BELL said, wc should probably tfain time deferring the consideration of the bill until the estimate, now presented, should be printed. Mr. RHET1' made come comments upon the state ment* of the Secretary, which he ?aid were obacure to '"'Mr. SERGEANT *aid. he wa* opposed to the bill, for reasons which he would give hereafter. Mr THOMPSON, of S C., said, he would a* soon vote for a 'tariff at once as for increased ?l,ProPn"t,?""' by which a high tariff would be apeedilv foHowed l urged the propriety of paying thu money to the State* if they were w illing to receive paper of their re*|>ec banks" "Ch Carolina, he said!Xild willingly recetr. her portion in the notes of her banks, ^'ch sh? k"? lie good ; and he aim, declared bun-Ho b nnwill ng to trust this administration with the colli c millions from the deposite banks, well verity with which the power After some remarks from Mr HAMER, M, CAMBRFXENO sources were adenuate to our expenditure*, and that the sources w r S. nole, required to be issued was ? subject which would come up more properly when the bill for U* "?>"> of Treaaory note* wa* considered^ Mr DAWSON made some further remark* ; and, on motion of Mr Bell, the Committee roae. Mr CAMBRELENG presented a financial atate ment. which was ordered to be printed. The House then adjourned. Mr. Hale, a *on of Mrs. Sarah J. Hale, editor of tho lily's Book, ia appointed phi lologist to the Exploring Expedition. I his young gentleman is a recent graduate of Har vard, and if philology is essential in ??eh an enterprise, will we dare say, do honor to h?* appointment.