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THE REMARKS QF MR. RIVES or vHUHim, In Sk.vatk, Saturday, Sept. 23. In Ml incidental debate, the bill providing for the collection and custody of the puhlic revenue* being under cooaideraUon: Mr. Rives said he rose to protest against the manner in which this question had been, and continued to be treated by the Senator from South Carolina. That gentleman argued as if there were some proposition before the Senate to re-establieh the Bank of the U. S. or to confer upon the existing Pennsylvania Bank of the U. S., some special and im portant privilege. But, sir, is there any ques tion of that sort reallv before the Senate T The question presented by the proposition on your table is, whether the notes of banks go nerally, when they shall have resumed specie payments, ought not, under certain limitations, to be received in jpavnent of the public duca, as they heretofore have been from the origin of the government down to the present time, or whether they shall be altogether excluded in future and nothing be received in payment of the public revenue but gold and silver? The question then is one which involves alike the whole eight hundred State Banks in the Union, constituting that system of credit un der which, whatever may have been its oc casional excesses, the country has heretofore attained an unparalleled height of prosperity, and ha* no special reference whatever to the Bank of the United States. But the Honorable Senator in his remarks yesterday, which the rising of another gentle man to speak, before I could get the floor, then prevented me from answering, said that Mr. Biddle had bis eyes steadily fixed on re covering the Government deposites, that all his measures were shaped with that view, and that if the proposition I had offered should be adopted, he would unquestionably accom plish bis object. Now, sir, my proposition has not one solitary word or provision in it re lating to the Government deposites. It relates exclusively, and this far more for the conve nience of the people than for the interest of the banks to the receivability, under certain limitations, of bank notes, when convertible into specie, in payment of the public revenue. This is a quesiion altogether distinct from that of the Government deposites. It is com paratively a small boon, and one already en joyed by the banks under existing laws, when ever they resume specie payments?by the Pennsylvania Bank of the United States, as well as by any other bank which shall redeem its notes in specie. 1 have already stated to the Senate, what seems to me conclusive considerations to show that a large majority of the State Banks are in a far better situation to make an early resumption of specie pay ments, than the Pennsylvania Bank of the United States. In regard to the Government deposites, on which the Honorable Senator says Mr. Biddle has his eyes steadily fixed. I repeat that my proposition, which that gen tleman so earnestly opposes, has not a solita ry word on the subject. It relates to another matter wholly distinct, and leaves the ques tion of the Government deposites where the law now places it, which, the Senate well knows, refers the selection of the bauks to be charged with the public deposites, in the first instance, to the judgment of the Executive. Surely the Honorable Senator is not afraid that either the President or the Secretary of the treasury would select the Pennsylvania Bank of the United States.?On that subject, the gentleman may, I think, feel perfectly secure, as the country most assuredly, has every reason to do. It does seem me, Mr. President, that thi3 perpetual and gratuitoas introduction of the Bank of the United States into this debate, with which it has no connection, as if to alarm the imaginations of grave Senators, is but a poor evidence of the intrinsic strength of the gentleman's cause. Much has been said of argument ad captandum in the- course of this discussion. I have heard none that can compare with this solemn stalking of the ghost of the Bank of the United States through this hall to " frighten Senators from their propriety." I am as much opposed to that institution as the gentleman or any one else is or can be. I think I may say I have given some proofs of it. The gentleman, himself, acquits me of any design to favor she interest of that institution, while he says tuch is the necessary consequence of my pro position. The suggestion is advanced for effect, and then retracted in form. Whatever be the new-born zeal of the Senator from S. Carolina against the Bank of the United States, I flatter myself that I stand in a posi tion that places me, at least, as much al?ove suspicion of an undue leaning in favor of that institution as the honorable gentleman. If I mistake not, it was the Senator from South Carolina who introduced and supported the bill for the charter of the United States Bank in 1816?it was he, also, who brought in a bill in 1034, to extend the charter of that in stitution for a term of twelve years, and none were more conspicuous than he, in the well remembered scenes of that day, in urging the restoration of the Government deposites to this same institution. In every situation of public trust, in which I have been placed, I hive been the constant and unvarying oppo nent of that institution ; and in this body in 1834, while the Senator from South Carolina, with his accustomed ability, was urging the restoration of the public depositos to it, (? tri umph, indeed, over the government of the. coun try, which the honorable Senator now so bit terly deprecates). I stood up here and resist ed that measure with exery faculty I pos sessed, and sacrificed, as is well known, my political existence to the force of my convic tions on the subject?convictions which, 1 take leave to say, have strengthened with every day's observation ami reflection since. When I recollect these things, it seems to me "strange?passing strange," that the Senator from South Carolina should now appear as the especial and sworn adversary of the Bank of the United States, while I am held tip in the attitude of promoting the views and favor ingtho interests of that institution. While I am up, said Mr. R., I beg leave to say a word in answer to an observation of the Senator from Missouri, (Mr. Benton). That gentleman said if I wished to understand the true character of my proposition, I had only to look over my right shoulder and see who . were likely to support it. (Mr. Clny, Mr. Webster, and other gentlemen of ihe opposi tion sit in that direction from Mr. Rives). I thank God, Mr. President, that I have a high er rule of action on this floor than any con sideration of who is, or who is not, to vote with me. I look at the merits of the proposi tion itself, and if it be for the pood of the coun try, I go for it, whoever may vote with me or againat me. If the JSlnator knd^a that I am to derive support jftiny propodflm from gentlemen over my riftt shoulder,?e kauws more than I do. 1 have had no communica tion with any of those gentlemen, which authorises f|>? to expect their support. Many pf them voted, during the last session, for the ?aue pnommiiiam?riwn uf tke j ut ml* itf the admimntrot ton, and they may do so again. I occupy the same position niow that I did then?rif other gentlemeu have seen cause to change their views, 1 have not. On the contrary, the present condition of the country furnishes in my estimation, new mo tive* to hring forward the proposition, which then received nearly the unanimous sanction of both Houses of Congress. It is impossible that the banking institutions of the country, on whose speedy return to specie payments the soundness of the enrrency, and every other great interest of society now depend, cau rise up from their prostrate condition, without some measure of this sort. The people wish to see an end of this paper money, (properly so called when inconvertible into specie), which the gentleman from Missouri so much deprecated. No one has a stronger sense of its evils and dangers than 1 have. But we shall in vain attempt to get rid of it, in my humble judgment, without some measure of the character I have proposed. 1 am un willing to go back to my constituents, with out having first done something for the relief of the people, as well as the government. I am unwilling that the American people shall witness any adjournment of this body, with out the passage of some measure of a healing and salutary character, in relation to the cur rency of the country. In regard to the personal appeal of the gentleman from Missouri, if I stand in the position he indicates, what, permit me to ask him, is his own ? If 1 am to look over my right shoulder for the supporters of my pro position, may I not return the compliment by asking him to look only in front of him for his. file-leader. [Mr. Calhoun sits in front of Col. Benton j This is, indeed, a singular transposition. The Honorable Senator from Missouri, who has so long taken the subject of the currency under his particular charge, is now content to furnish facts and make sug gestions to anoiher party leader. When the Sub-treasury scheme was intro duced into the House of Representatives in 1834, out of the meagre number of 33 votes it then received, there was but one friend of the administration who voted in favor of it. It was then denounced, under the auspices and in the name of the administration, as re volutionary, disorganizing, anti-republican, and tending to enlarge Executive power and place in its hands the means of corruption." Believing how, as I did then, that such is the true character and tendeucy of the mea sure, I adhere to the ground taken by the republican party in 1834; and I will use every weapon which reason and argument can fur nish in opposition to it. 1 for one will not be afraid to act wiih any individual or any party in resisting a scheme which, however it may be viewed by others, 1 firmly believe to be fraught with danger to the best interests of my country; and in doing so, so far from aban doning, I but maintain the more closely my republican faith. TWENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS, EXTRA SESSION. SENATE. Saturday, Sept. 33. Mr. CALHOUN presented a memorial from citizens of Mobile, in favor of a National Bank. Mr. SWIFT presented petitions from Vermont, re monstrating against the annexation of Texas. TREASURY SCHKME. The Senate proceeded to consider the bill imposing sdditional duties, as depositories in certain cases, on officers of the United States. Mr. KING, of Ga., addressed the Senate. He de clared the experiment of the Deposite Banks to have totally failed. He had predicted this failure, step by 1 step. He characterized this experiment as one of the grossest systems of fraud and delusion thst had ever been attempted to be practiced from the commencement of the world. He believed that if the President bad uot tormented and tantalized these Banks so much, they would have done better; but they never could have constituted an efficient agency. He considered that throughout the whole of the Message, there was not a single fact, in reference to the cause of the present dis tress, was true. The administration seemed to think it impossible that they could be the cause of the distress. The Message was made up from stump speeches, quack politicisns, and wraps of foreign writers. In reference to the atatement ot the Message, that the expansion ot paper issues in Great Britain had proceeded pari pottu with the expansion in this country. He showed from documents, that in Great Britain, from the 1st of Janua ry, 1834, to the 1st of January, 1837, the increase in Great Britain had been aboot 400,000 pounds, in the United Statea it had been 100 millions in the same pe riod. He went on to read from evidence given before the British Parliament, extracts to refute the positions taken by the President in his Message. He came to the concluaion, from his calculations, that instead of thirty milliona which the Message exhibited as our debt to Great Britain, we actually owed Great Britain, at the lime, one hundred and ten millions. It waa melancholy to see our young and vigorous nation treated as a bank rupt, and yet we are called from the dttitcmplation of ruined fields and unproductive crops, and desired to think of the glory of the Specie Circular. Glorv had depre ciated as much as rag-money, and is found to rest on no solid foundation. Ho adverted to the policy of the specie circular, and the pertinacity with which the measure was adhered to against the wish of the people and against the decision of Congress, forced upon the country aa a blessing, while it benefitted only tho unprincipled speculator. He maintained that a U. S. Bank was the least dange rous and tnoat effectual agent. He expressed himself shocked at the remark of Mr. Calhoun, that he would not do any tiling to place the Pennsylvania Bank of the U. S. in an attitude of triumph over the government, and asked what government. The government of the Hetinitage, or the government of the White House. He was shocked to bear such sentiments There bed come more gray hairs over the head of our young re public within the last four years, than should have grown upon it in a century. He disavowed any inten tion to deceive the democratic republican party ; from that party alone had he a right to expect any thing, but he found it necessary to take hia stand against this Exe cutive usurpation of the power of regulating the finances of the country. Thd measure now submitted proposes to contiuue the finances in the hands of the Executive. He did not know what course to lake. He would move to postpone the further consideration of the measure until the regular session of Congress. He did not be lieve that he ever could bring himself to vote for the amendment of the Senator from South Carolina. He denied that there had been a depreciation of the sound currency of the country, but, on the contrary, that it h*d appreciated, m consequence of the diminution of the paper circulation ; and rcdiculed all the clamor and de nunciation which had been raised against paper money. With the depreciated paper of the banks, any one could Crchaae provisions, clothing, property in lands or uses, at a lower rste than he could before the suspen sion of apecie payments. Did he wish to loan out mo ney on good security he could lend this depreciated pa per at a higher interest than he could have obtained for a apecie loan before the suspension. He ssid that no man waa ever inore beset by spirits of his own creation. Whenever any plan of hia waa fruatrated, be immedi ately thought thai all the world had conspired against him. He concluded by moving to postpone the further consideration of the bill until the first Monday in De cember. Mr. STRANGE made some explsnationa which he thought culled for by the construction put on hia lan guage by the Senator from Georgia. Mr KING also explained. Mr. N ILLS also made some explanations, in the course jf which hai&m ?? ?h>ch ti^.u ufe:J j^ai te?i^rr?llhou^hll iwjpPc'? ? thought b^w . ?ltho..uhW?w #*u C*HjKllt mtiou oPihc biHhaJbeert saffiury. Mr TIPTON then took ibe floor He agreed with tlie Senator from South Carolina, that this wa? ? lune of ureal diatreas, and tlial it *M tha duty of every man lo .bow hi. hand. H? Utoughi tha first atop to???'*" barrsaament of tha cdunlry waa the puttin|[ down of the lai.il> >h. ?????! * tendril to vol* ?' Umi amendment of the Senator frotH Soutli Carolina, but he would vole for the bill pro ]K?ml by the gentleman from Virginia. He would vote or tbe postponement of the bill. Mr. CALHOUN exprea?ed hia regret that tbe motion to postpone had been made. The couutry reqillftd tttiaj and prompt action on the aubject. 'l'opoatpooe, would be lo surrender the question Mr RIVES made a few explanations and The Senate adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Satobdav, Sept. S3, i On motioo of Mr. HAYNLS, it waa ?Ordered, That, from and after Monday neat, the daily hour of meeting for the Houae afaali be 10 o clock. Hi riMiai wab, ?rc. After the preaOBtation of numeroua neiitiona on the aubjectof the annexation of Texaa, and the aboliUon of alavery in tbe Diatrict of Columbia, (a lut of which will be given hereafter.) . . The Houae reaumed the unfimabed buaineee of yee terdav morning, which waa the conaideration of Mr. Wiaa'a resolution for a committee of inquiry on the subject of the Florida War, when Mr WISE aaid, When 1 came here, four yearaago when I waa firat elected by the people of my district, I waa the friend of power. I had not been here long be fore I found that power needed no friends ; *"?? too Strong already. I looked anxiouslyto tbe condition of our institution., and narrowly at tbe enemies of those inatitutiona, and I a<Hm discovered that their raateat enemy waa the concentration of |?l power in the tx Sirj I looked at the public domain?thexicheet inheri tance with which any nation waa ever gifted?more veal and more ferule, and a greater aource of revenue, than that which any crowncd head of Europe ever lorded over. I found thia extended territory, the eminent do main itaelf of the government, at tbe absolute disposal of the President; and, aa a necaaaary consequence of thia control over the public domain, I aaw the new Stite* of tlua Union, within the limits of which the pub lic lands are aituated, entirely at his bidding. I looked to other aourcea of power. I aurveyed si the little nlla and all the great fountains of revenue, and I found them all pouring in patronage to the Chief Ex ecutive fiom a triple coaat on the lakes, tbe Atlantic, and the Gulf of Mexico. I aaw more. I looked to the public u/esa, and found thia, too, the pensioned, aubai dixcd slave of Executive will. And, above all. I die covered a greater power than all, becauae it camea all power with it, wielded by tbe President in the appoint ment and removal of all the officers of government. All, all these po'wera, and more, I aaw concentrated in the hands of one man. . . , Thus, there waa aomc reatraint, aomo check provided by the Consitution, and placed in the handa of Coii ,7ress: tbia check, it waa eupposed, consisted m the custody tod control of the public purse. Hut, between i the period of my election and of my taking my aeat here, thia check, too, had been seized by a popular Fre aideut ; and indeed, had it remianed -where it was placed by tbe Constitution, it would atill practically have jeeu of no avail, becauae the Preaident could., and can, at will, control Congreaa by the power of appointing or removing ita members to or from office. From all thia tremendous mass of power I aaw clear ly that " offencca must come"?it must needs be so it waa inevitable. There would be corruption, dicta tion, oppression, and all the other train attendant upon arrogant, absolute power. Nor waa thia mere theory ; it was not conjecture or apprehension ; it was fact. I found a party in power, miniatcring to a popular Preai dent, whose maxim, whose practice was, " to the victor* belong the spoilt f" No sir, no; I had not been long here .before I was entirely undeceived. I found myself in a wrong posi tion ; I found that the country and it* in*titMtxon*woi ed friends ; and thereupon. I at once declared myself to be no longer the friend of power. Forthwith, sir, I set myself to the work of diiainiahing the power of the Executive in the best way possible?by exposing ita monstrous extent, its enoruities, and its abuses. I held this to be a sacred doty of patriotiam ; and tn my own mind I took the Hannibal oath to discharge it, come what would, at every personal risk and eacrince. Some one had lo diacharge the duty to a suffering country, and 1 could see no reason why 1 should avoid ita per formsnce. I foresaw ita difficulties and it? dsngers ; 1 knew how fearful it was to beard the lion of power in hia den ; but I took up the line of march. But what were the meana 1 The task seemed hopeless, because so in finite, and I so weak. With what panoply wis I to cover myself in undertaking and performing ihiedeedol danger ! Sir, I thought long, and counted Ihe coal well; but my mind waa at last inspired with the convic tion that " Truth shall restore the light by Nature given, f And, like Prometheus, bring tbe lire of Heavei, v I resolved that my only weapon and my armorahould be truth. But how was the truth to be laid beipre the world ! What mode of proceeding waa to be Ulopted aa ita agent T What department of the governmint was to be looked to aa its friend ? It waa a solemi ques tion ; and sir, I muat confess that my mind was enli vened and aomewhat cheered when it turnec to this Houae ; yea air, to this Houae of Representative! of the People?the House of Commons?the grand incueal of the nation ! Here, here were the meana of invtstigat ing?of inquiring after truth?of ferreting out corrup tion, and of exposing abuses ! I addressed rmbclf to thia body with eH the zeal and fixed determinatioi which the task demanded. I was confident of ita aid md ita co-operation, and thu*, I thought, shall truth r?aiir How aad waa my subsequent disappointment! But I was not alone.in this great work. I had a companion every way worthy of the enterprise?he ia ebaant?it becomee me not to apeak in hia praiae, for, though no blood of bia runa iu my veina, he ia dear to me aa a brother; I found him more than a companion ; end if I were permitted to spesk of him as my heart protapta, I would say of him?powerful in intellect, eloquent, mag nanimous, amiable, brave; stretch my faculties as I would, press forward aa I would to keep by his side, I found that auch was his energy, his zeal, his migtiiincss of purpose and of soul in the onward march which ho resolved with me to purauc, that I could not keep pace with him, and he was ever still beyond my reach ! That man waa Bait* Peyton, of Tenneaeee. We both " con temned the sceptered hand" like " Ihe wild wave," and foreseeing all difficulties and dangers, perils and respon sibilities, to be met and encountered, grappled with our task with hearts fixed that " Prone lo the dust Oppression shall be hurl'd, Her name, her nature, withcr'd from the world !" We knew that the free forms of government were worse than useless without a free and pure administration. We knew that sccret corruption was a more dangerous, be cause a more insidious, enemy to freedom than foreign bayoneta; that enemies from within were worse than enemies from without; and we were settled in the be lief that if here, in this last asylum, the foundations of ' liberty were tapped, and she must fall, the ho|>cs of mankind muat ceaae ! Our work waa begun, and with it, euro enough, be gan our labora, our ncnla, and dangera. Our duty im posed upon us both the haid, the dire and dangerous ne ceaaity of throwing ourselves, constantly, on the very spesrs of power and its parasites. We were brought into constant conflicta with " the party." The trulha which bad lo be told, muat be told boldly, fearlessly, un flinchingly. We had not only to charge upon |?rlyl but upon persons. Whenever we considered it our duty to expose individuals of "the party," we always attacked them openly, and aboveboard?we wore no masks?we were not ambiguous?wit deall not in generalities, we were not to be mistaken in our meaning. We were charged in turn, politically and personally. When wo have charged the party in power with bribery and cor mption, our party in turn haa been denounced as "bank hirelings." We never treated the epithets of party aa personal to ourselves, and met party attacks ss beat be came us. When personsi attacks were msde upon us, we met them with adequate resentment. When insult ed, we repelled the insult as it deserved ; and when we offered insult, we were at all tnnra responsible. Wo of fered none wantonly or unprovoked : none waa received by ua with iminmity. When the pampered pet of the pet bank* dared to insult my friend to his face, he pros trated his insolence to themstsnt by resenting the insult ?tbe charge of calntnny and falsehood threat indirectly into hia answer to an intorrogatory allowed to be put by ihe committee?by a manly, high, and proper resent ment on the spot Thia waa the only instance in which either of us was personally insulted. It is true, there were feints of attack, some mock ess suits npon ua in this House and out of it, bet they roused no indignation, heated no blood, excited no rcsentnieut?none, none? not tlie least?tbey were to ua subjects of merriment, more aomsing than otherwise, The minions who were to be set upon us could not be brought up to the mark ?no, not with all the training of their grooms-Mo make k HMMI attierflf W? Sir, tk?w ua, in fact.Htlf i4 mmd "f w,w.1 rooms I"'""*** re,^ ? .. ?** ?i.lp?or^u7-.N?y/ P???f ?lid War?inv.led me to see two group* ? ngurea ** had modelled u deaigrn for ornament!"* lh? eaat por u^o When I airt?rcd the room, " ' ?"*? ^ b#? <? ia the frfure of Olrt??ub??"?i? ? ?x>M? h**'?? standing >n lh? commanding attitude of one proudly JL 4 <r,nd,iir T l i l Jill J ,? bia hand ... emblem of th# New World, aurmounied b- the close. tu token of the future influence of Lhn uanitv ? he aava. ' 8m ! here it ia, I beve found it. Uy bia aide?look the**, Mr. Wi^-ia ?W" -l??? ; ?\m stands in ft wondering attitude, as " pwpingw iw glorious stranger; abe ia drawn wo near by curwnty\ but. if he ahall but turn bia head a;ound, aho wi!l l?? off in one moment; that u from timidity .r Sir, I *? often rouiinded of the liuU figure of the Some of the attonpU reminded me of acenoeeffrighi in (he haunted houee. A ghoet ia who ahall go and arc what it ia 1 Will yea! will vou 1 o# you 1 No: no no. At laat one poor trembltog wretch, by voh lion or force, accident or half reaolve, is preaaed or ven turea to toUer forward, with broomatick til hand-the reat pressing him on from behii?d?when, lo . a Bound acaitera tbem in backward flight, tumbling ?no over another in fright! Ofttimea have they nerved them aelvea to form an attack upon my friend and myself, but, with all the courage they could " terew up, * or au.nmon to their reaolution, by the utmost effort, tliey never could go beyond ? certain poiot. They would make very brave Mailt, and march fiercely up to a cer tain line, but then they atopped. Sir, I never courted these personal attache?I alwaya deaired U? avoid tliein ?they are abhorrent to my feelinga; but wTien personal attacka are made either on myaelf or on my friend now abaent?and if I did not defend hun aa well aa myaelf, he being abaent, the Romans should bowaru of ine? when personal attack* ar? made, they ahall be met by He ia abaent; I have determined to pursue the , line of duty, and I am not to be deterred from the courae which I have marked out for myself by ?ny con siderations of ? personsl nature. I ?hall, with a fixed, firm determination, reaolulely march airtight onward against the corrupt powera that be, with the aaiue hu pulse of duty that governed me when I firat undertook thia perilous career in public life. ? Sir, I am induced to make theae remarka by a gene ral, a very general, declaration made yeaterday bv the gentleman from Misaisaippi, (Mr, Ciholbon ) I know not whether thia declaration waa intended to cover a perioral attack on my friend and myaelf or not. Certain it ia, hia remark waa atricUy true. He aaid that " the acenea which transpired in the rooma of the two investi gating committees, laat winter, were disgraceful to tioae committees, to the House, and to the n?tion. Such was hia remark, though it ia not ao re|>orted in the pa|iers, and I agree with the gentleman perfectly, that the acenea enacted iu the committee rooms were dis graceful to the committee and to thia House, but I wiU not say lo the nation, for the nation, aa aoon as it could act, prevented any of the disgrace from attaching to it? conduct or charactcr. Such acenea never before oc curred in thia Capitol, and I hope never will again. Sir, they were all acenea of prostituted servility to Execu live power, by members of this House, whore political independence ia moat required, and waa once moat lobe expected. I aaw scenes, qn both committees, where every thing of honor and interest waa left perfectly derelict to the all-absorbing influence of the Preaident? scenes of lowlv bowing to Ins footstool?of covering all abtisea?of ainothenng truth?of gagi(ing inquiry?of refusal to ripoat abuses known without proof or with it ?of aanctioning abuses, by open, unblushing claims to rightful authority to commit them?which were dis graceful to the committees. And, sir, I saw ? scene iere, in this House, which was disgraceful to some members of the last House of Representative.!. 1 bo very pimp who waa charged with plundering the Trea aury, wasting the public money in corruptly bribing tlie public mind, contumaciously refused to appear when summoned as a witness before the Committee of Inves tigation, and there were members of the House of Representaiivea who toleratod and countenanced him in auch conduct The House yielded ita powers and laid down its privileges at the feet of ? tool of power Sir, I do not mean to aay that all of the majority of the House were involved in this disgraceful surrender of all power and dignity?in justice to many members, iny friends, on both aides of the House, and I had, aa 1 now have, some valued personal friends opposed lo me in politics here, I must aay they were governed by very different motives in voting to discharge Whitney, and never meant impliedly even to acquit nim. But there were tome who even became the champions of Reuben M. Whitney ! they commended hia course eveh before investigation, and have ever aince bis discharge com mended his conduct to tho nation! Sir, I am safe enough in regard to that matter. !fou have been told by the gentleman from Pennsylvania. (Mr. Mtfm.su bkro.) thia week, that the Committee pf Investigation unanimously voted me their thanks for tho mode iu which I had dischsrged my duty as chairman ; and yet, aa a pretext for hiding the eccrets of "the party," I waa too unworthy for the main witneaa in the case to appear before me ! Sir, I again aay that I do agree with the gentleman that the scenes which took place in thoae committee rooms were disgraceful to the committees and to the House of Representatives, but not to the minority of either of thoae committees, the minority of the Houae, or to the uation. Why not to the nation 1 Two members of one of thoae committees have met the fate which their conduct merited?they have fallen be fore the judgment of the people ! Out of the tix in tho majority of the committee of which I was chairman, only two are now here?Maine and Rhode Island have ren dered their verdicta. Sir, I tako none of thia general remark of the gentle man to myself, nor dooa it apply to my abaend friend in Tennessee, (Mr. Peyton.) If it did, or if it were clearly apparent that it was meant for u??if the charge was that I and my friend were the authora of the disgrace of those acenea?whenever any disgraceful conduct is im puted to my friend or to myself, 1 would say to the man who utters the imputation, " in his foul throat be lies !" Mr. GHOLSON wished to be understood aa not making any personal allusion in hia remarka to the gen tleman from Tennceaee, (Mr. Peyton,) as it never waa hia custom to make any remarks to apply to persons who were not in ? position lo defend themselves. Aa to the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Wiae.) he might take the remarka he had made on thia eubject on yeaterday as they were delivered, and make a ptrtonal application of ihcm if he ekote; he waa not responsible for the publication as it appeared in the Globe ol yester day, not having seen the report of yesterday's remarka before they went lo press ; the gentleman from Virgi nia, (Mr. Wise,) might take the remarka he had made just as they were made and make what use of them he pleaaed. He repeated again, lhat scenes did take place in the committee rooma which were disgraceful to Con gress and the country ; but in making this remark, he differed from the gentleman from Virginia, in believing lhat the investigation threw any disgrace upon the late Adminiatration. He had not been able, for ihe life of him, to discover, after a close examination of the testi mony adduced, that any disgrace could attach to the late Administration. Although it had been repeated again and again by the gentleman from Virginia, lhat corrup tion did exist in the Administration, he (Mr. G ) had not been able to discover it. The gentleman had said that a diagraceful scene look place ill the House at the time; the majority of the House sustained a witness who refused to appear before one of the investigating committees. Now Mr G. believed that the late Houae sustained lhat wilnesa, because they believed that it would be doing injustice to him to send him before a committee, whose chairman had treated him in the manner tho chairman of lhat committee had trealod the witness. A certain difficulty had taken place before another committee, in which the chairman of that committee took a part, and in consequence of this difficulty, ?s he (Mr. G.) understood, tho majority of the House would not force the witness before his committee. He considered that the circumstances of tho case fully warranted the Houae in making this decision, and he lustified their conduct on that occasion. 1'hen, was thia a disgraceful scene ' Waa it a disgraceful scene for the American Congress to protect an American citi zen T If so, Mr. G. waa satiaficd to take Ins share of tlio diagrace. The witneaa (Mr. Whitney) waa a free man, and entitled lo all the righta and privilegea of an American citizen ; and aa much entitled to protection as the gentleman from Virginia, or any other gentle man. He had before said that he knew nothing of Whitney pcraonally, and what he knew of him from re putation was rather calculated to make an unfavorable than a favorable impression on hia mind in relation to that individual; because he waa charged with being in league with lh? banks in Miaaiasippi, which hanks, and those that sustained them, were his (Mr. G's) po litical enemies?the enemies of the |ieople, and sustain ed by the party to which the gentleman from Virginia belonged. Yet, notwithstanding theae banks were owned and controlled by the Wing*, they were deno minated here the pet banka " of the Government." He repeated here that those banka in Mississippi were opposed to the administration, and opposed to the election of himself and his colleague (Mr. Claibornei) This House waa to be looked upon, according to tho doe tine of the gentleman from Virginia, aa enacting disgrace, because u had sustained an American citizen in a stand he had taken in not appearing beforo a committee whose chairman bad made violent chargea against him. It waa ej|| to mallg ehsaps, b(f to prove MmB Ttiotf^mklKii from V Mania no tloulii believed si&L cbaruff be (jp made sijBst llua individual, but iMlUiinlMt lie h*U [iiutMlmni He knew Whit ney a* lb* sgeul of otic of the bank* alluded 10, but fur ther than this be knew turn not, nor did be care what his character or eonduct had been ; ha viewed bun only aa .ail American citisen, and aa such, be l|*d right* atcured by the CoiMtitution that ihose m power bad no right to kiM Mf *' " in nfiiitfri ?nry individual until the charges broagbt ?|ai>wt bun be frov - ed. Surely be did uot look upoti tina a* bowing at the footstool of power to protect Una uidividu*) under ih? circumstances of the caae. if it waa, h?w*vw, be was read\ to take hia ahare ofjbe rtMuonsibibly. He cared not wbal ehargea gentlemen might make againat ktm ; be caiM there the representative of an independent and ! of a magnanimous people, who were not to be deterred from the support of an adminiatration which they believ ed acted in accordance with the republican principle* contained in tb? Couatitutiou, bv the denunciations of any eot of men, or any party, lie had not changed his inn id aiuee ha caine to tiiM Hooae He bad not eoen the corruptions of which the gentleman from Virginia bad spoken. And be had not changed hi* political opinion* atnee he came here. He bad not discovered thoaa cor ruptions, and until be did discover thein, be saw no rea son for changing his political opinion*. When he bad the evidence of thein preseuted to bun, then it would be time enough to change the opinions be entertained when he entered thia House. When lliat occurred, he could return and Udl his constituents the cause of kia change, and if they went with him, be it ao ; but until I}* made thi* discovery, he should continue to support the party he had heretofore supported. The gentleman from Virginia tell* us that he ha* dis covered that the new Slates ware at the bidding of the President. Now be (Mr. (jr.) represented one of those new State*, and b* would lake the liberty of luforiniiig that gentleman that it waa neithet at the bidding of the President nor of the monarch of bauk rag*. Although they sustained the late ftesident and hi* administration, they did ao becauae they looked upon that administration as scting in accordance with republican principles. This was the reason th?y sustained that administration, and net because they ware bought up. If they could be ? bought up, they would be bought up by the bauks. It was ttse banks that bought up men, and uot the adminis tration. Wherever you find the influence of banlu ex isting to any extent, there you wilt And the aristocracy of wealth opposed to the democracy of numbera ; and wherever you find'genlleinen who have worshipped the golden calf, you will find that they have abandoned the good old republican doctrinca, and cry out loud and long against the parly in power, and those who sustain it.? 'Die only persons in the Stale he represented who were violently opposed to the administration, were those who, like the gentleman from Virginis, claim to possess all the talent, all the dccency, and all the worth of the country. The gentleman from Virginia further charge* the de mocratic p*rty with being sustained by a corrupt press. Now, if the pres* had been corrupt, it had become uni versally corrupt; and if the press in favor of the admin istration was corrupted by tlie administration, the press of the opposition was corrupted in the same ratio by the op|K>mtion party, who had the command of nearly all the wealth in the country. A large majority of the presaes of the country, so far as his observation extended?and in the Slate of Mississippi two to one?were opposed to the administration, and this arose, in his opinion, from the fact that the wealth of the country was to be found in the ranks of the opposition The press, then, with all its corruption, is against us, if it is corrupt. He denied the charge, unconditionally, that the new States had been bought up by the administration, and it wa* an in sult to tho people of the new State* to make thi* charge. If tho gentleman from Virginia represented a consti tuency that would be bought up or bribed, he bad noth ing to *ay to it; but for himaelf and his colleague, (Mr. Claiborne,) he claimed to repreaent an intelligent, in dependent people, who would not, and could not, bo bought up either by Government or the bank*, and who were not to be frightened by the cries of the gentleman and his party from the even tenor of their ways. Mr. LOOMlS, of New York, commenced some re marks in defence of ihe majority of the Committee, snd particularly his friend (Mr. Mann) from the chargcs brought against thein by the gentleman from Virginia ; but ho wa* interrupted by tho call for tho order of ihe day. Before going into committee, Mr. CIJSHING, of Ma**achuaett* inquired of Mr. Cambreleng whether it waa hi* purpose to endeavor to close the action of the committee on the present bill this afternoon 1 ? Mr. CAMBRELENG replying in the affirmative, Mr. CIJSHING further inquired whether it wa* the expectation of that gentleman that the committee were to be choked off from the discission ? Mr. CAMBRELENG CerAinly not. DISBURSBMKNT OF DEPOSITES. On motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, the House then went sgain into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. Hsynes, of Georgia in the chair,) and resumed the consideration of the bill to postpone the fourth instalment of deposite with the State*. In answer to an inquiry made by Mr. GARLAND, of Virginia, Mr. CAMBRELENG, stated that the passage of the bill through the SenAe, extending the time of payment of merchant's bonds nine months, carrying the first pay ment to February next, and that from merchants' bonds not commencing to be paid till then, there wa* not only no demand at this time for Treasury warrants and drafts, but they had fallen four per ceut since the passage of that bill by an almost unanimous vote of the Senate. Tho bill extending the term of paying the balance due from the banks to four, six, and nine months, hav ing also passed the Senate by, he bolieved, a unanimous vote, had had another effect on drafts on ihese corpo rations, which would render even that portion of these balances unavailable to the Treasury, upon which cal culations hsd been made to pay current expenses. As the credit commences from the day they refuse to pay them, they have every inducement not to pay, and will refuse to do ao in sll esses where tho bank desires to use the public money for four, six, snd nine months. The consequence of these two measures having pass ed, the action of the merchants 'in purchasing these drafts, and the action of the banks in consequenco of the passage of that bill, the Treasury was actually de prived at once of all the funds now in the banks through out the United Statea, and deprived of all its reaouiccs to meet the expenditure* of the present yosr. On this ground, therefore, he sppealed to the committee to ssy how long this government could be supported, depend ing as it now did on tho trifling cash receipts for lands and revenue. Mr. C. added that he had boon informed they had even been compelled to return thirty thousand dollars from the Treasury to the Custom house at New Vork, to pay debentures and current expeuses. Under these circumstances, he thought he might confidently sppeal to gentlemen on all sides of the House for their concur rence in s more prompt action upon the various bills before the House. Mr SMITH, of Maine, who was entitled to the floor, when the House sdjourned on Friday, proceeded to ad dress the commiilce at length, in a speech, si the close of which he declared that if the House should take the bill as it came from the Senate, he must vole againat it; but if it should be ao amended a* honestly to declare that the fourth instalment was repealed (which would be the effect of the bill) he should then vote in its favor. Mr. THOMPSON, of South Carolina, and Mr. HALSTEAD, of New Jersey, spoke in succession at I large and earnestly in opposition to the bill before the committee. On motion of Mr. WILLIAMS, of Tennessee, the commute then rose, by a vote of 90 to 73, and leportrd progress. Mr. GARLAND, of Virginia, rose sndststed that, owing to domestic matters, over which he could not dispense, he should be compelled to leave tho city on Wedncsdsy next; snd in consequence of the peculiar position he occupied before the House sod the country, he wns very anxious to submit his views before he loft, and he gsve notice thst, on Monday next, he should throw himself upon the indulgence of the House for leave) at that time, to introdnc* the bill of whict^he had given notice some day* since. On motion of Mr. EVERETT, tho House ad jo orncd. SENATE. , Mo*d*y, Sept. 36. Two memorials were presented by Mr. Clsy, from citizens of Wheeling snd Baltimore, praying for a Na tional Bank, and the latter praying in the alternative, for the Bank chartered by the State of Pennsylvsnia, ss a U. S. Bank. Mr. DAVIS, presented meinorisls against the an nexation of Texas, from Massachusetts snd Con necticut. Mr. BUCHANAN presented three remonstrance* from the city snd couuty of Pbilsdelphis of a similar chsractor. Mr MILES, submitted a joint resolution that the two Houses of Congress will adjourn on Monday, October 9th, which was read a first time. Mr. WRIGHT, gsve notice that he should to-mor- , row, ask the Senate to tske up the report of the Com- I mule* on Fhiane* on Mm petition# relative to a Bank of the U tilled Slate*. (I'B-TBIAII'CT btbtkii The Senate pauceeded to cimmmIot the bill ini|>o?mg additional duties, a* depoailoitea of public uiontv, un certaiu office!* Mr. CLAY then addressed the Senate tie said tbat after tbe most calm and diape??iouate reflection ou tti> condition of the country, and tbe measure. of relief auggeeted, he bad came to tbe conclusion that tbe bill under consideration would only be an aggravation of the evil. When diatreaa was the result of tho uieaaurea of tbe governnient, it was doubly imperative on the govern ment to find a remedy. The universality of tbe feeling of Buffering wbich prevailed throughout the Union, dis linguiahed ua from any foriner |ieriod in which distress and difficulty had arieen among ua. Thia universal Buf fering ought to lead to united counaele and common measures He hoped all party discords would be for gotten. and that alt would fix their eyea on the condition of tbe country, and unite in deviaing the beat means of relief. U??took a view of the state of the currency be fore the rtMoval of the depositee, which be considered the great ^ttase of the present emergency He alluded to the predfetiona which bad been made at tbe tune of tbe removal of the depositee, and tbe fulfilment of those predictions he regarded aa evidence that auch waa the cauae. He <W wot consider the analogy drawn by the President, between the situation of Great Britain and of this country. In both countries, the question of rechartering the National Banka waa aimuluneous. in Great Britain tbe bank waa rechartered, and tbe credit and currency of the country waa reatored ; while litre, we refuted to recharter a U. S. Bank, and our credit and currency are deal roved If the U. 8 Bank had been rochartered, tbe currency would have been yet in a good condition, and we ahould have been free from eul barraeament. . . Among tbe evita resulting from the refuaal to recbar ter the Lulled S la lea Bank waa the eetabhahiiient of a ayatem of local banka in the State of Kentucky 1 he policy of the late administration, in reference to the com promise act, should be ranked among the causes of the distress The soutlieni gentlemen, particularly the Senators from South Carolina, were entitled to great respect for the efforta they made lo preserve the provi ?iona of that act; but the adminiatration had taken a course the most injurious in ila character to the manu facturer, becauae It convinced him tbat there could bo no reliance on the policy of tbe Government, however solemn the pledge which may be givon. If the Govern ment had adhered to the pledge in the compromise act, there would be no excess of importations, because our manufacturer* would have kept up the atock of domes tic irooda The Senator from South Carolina had ad verted to tho tariff of 1888 That tariff waa the work of the open enetniea of the protective ayatem, concoeud with the secret enemies ol the policy ; but, unpopular aa waa thia tariff, it would not have produced the evil which waa apprehended by it, if the compromise had not been carried into effect. The veto of the land bill waa one of the cauaea of the present diatresa. Another cause ia that for the laat aeveral yeara we havo not had the benefit of a free government. We have had tlie form indeed, but the apint waa not there. We have been' under a dcspoliem. If the Jackaon party h?u iioaaesaed more firmnesa they would not have governed the country in. They had wisdom, but not firmne^ There waa a majority of that party againat the refusal to recharter the United Statea Bank; against the re moval of the depositee ; againat the continuance of the upecic circular; but the deipotiam of an Mjdjvikiual over powered the voice of that majority. While legislative bodies had turned round, paasing reaoluiions at one session againat a bank, and at another in favor of a hank. He referred also to the inconatatency of Mr Dallaa, who, after carrying through the Senate a bill to recharter the United Statea Bank, Wkig a popular as aembly in the stale houae yard of wladelphia, and applauding the veto of that very act. That individual is at thia moment filling a aplendid foreign mission lie left the world to judge of the motives which influenced such a courae of action. He expressed himaelf aa will ing to embrace every member aa a brother who could point out a mode of eacaping from the gloom around us. ?He ttai proceeded to examine, in detail, the various measures brought forward and proposed to be eubiniited. The Bankrupt law, aa recommended by the President, he waa totally againat, aa unconatitotional in reference to five States. But in particular, he denounced tbe bill relative to the Banka of ihe Diatrictof Columbia, which made it an indictable offence for any individual to take the only currency he could get. He look a view of the effect of the bill to poaipone the transfer of the fourth in stalment of the surplus revenue. Suit waa to be com menced againat Banks which did not meet the demands of the Treaaury ; and thua the Bank# in the aoulh and south-west?and he knew it would be ao in Kentucky would be aubjected to an interest of 18 or 18 per'cent, on the amount of their debta, from the time of the de mand. Ih regard to the eatabliahmeni of a currency ol the precious metala, he asked. in the firat place, if it waa desirable. He laid it down Aat there la not a sufficient amount of apecie in the world to carry on all the com mercial buaineaa of the world ; nor in thia country was there aufficient for all tho commercial buaineaa oMhe country. The sum required for the city of New \ ork alone would be two milliona a day. It would, there fore, tend only to cripple ?nd embarraae our condition. Banka expand moat when they have moat apecie, and curtail when they have the leaat. He expressed his as tonishment that a distinguished Senator ahould have de clared himself favorable to any iaaue of paper which was irredeemable. There may be caaea when a amall portion of irredeemable paper wonld be beneficial; but there waa great danger to be apprehended if tho Government shall aet an example of thia character. He adverted to the irredeemable laauea of the Commonwealth of Ken tucky Bank. That paper depreciated rapidly?the de preciation being in proportion to ita amoont; but as the laauea were diacontinued the depreciation also became leaa, and it haa now almoat got up to par. But if desirable to establish a hard money currency, ia it practicable! There waa no power in the General Government to put down the local banks of the States. What then doea it become ua to do T Does not wisdom point out that we ahall moderate our legislation so as to conform to a atatc of thinga which it ia not in our power to change 1 The attempt to preaa the banka,would produie a pres aure on the debtora of the banka. He conaidered that the moat dangeroua experiments were then made on the establiabed habita of a people, and predicted lhat an effort to deatroy tho banka would be productive of a civil revolution. He adverted to the inaecurity of the ayatem proposed. In his own state, two or three trca aurora in aucceasion became defaulter*, in conaequence of londing ihe money of the public to their personal friends. The Secretary of the Treaaury had thrown a diacredit on the aystem, when he required that these Sub-treasurers after having collected a certain specified sum. should deposite it in the nearest bank. He con sidered the system objectionable becauae it would add to the patronage of the Executive. ^ hat had bccoinc of tho 100,000 officer* who according lo a report made two yeara ago, wore wielded by Executive will !? Where ia the veto power! W here the atill more alarming power of retaining bills, aa in the case of I ho Land Bill, and tho currency bill! Where the expung ing power?the power of creating and torning out otfi cera?and the power of administering the laws ss ho understands them? Haa the chief magistrate come forward with any diaclaimer of these point# 1 Has he not rather followed in the footatepa of hie predecessor Did he not retain the Treaaury Circular against tho seta of Congreaa and the people 1 He. hoped no one would fall into tbe error of supposing lhat the opposi tion to the late adminiatration, was of a personal cha racter or oppoaition to the person of General Jackson. The arms taken ([Otn ihe co-ordinate departments are hung up aa tropbiea in ihe Executive maneimi, rcadv lo be used again, whenever a favorable moment shall arrive, against the libertiea of the people. There ia no aafety for the people, in favor of the great expe riment while the Executive continues to retain the power he haa assumed. Paaa thia bill and that periloua union of the puree and the eword which ao alarmed our British ancestors will be complete, and we shall find no safety but in the diacretion and mercy of the Executive Government had not been asked to furnish exchange, but it waa ita duty to furniah thai which is equal to ex change. He conaidered it tbe duty of the opposition, when animadverting on the measures sucfiCBted, to recom mend wh#t tney might think beat out he could de vise none ; he had never seen such a dense and unpe netrable gloom aa lhat winch now aurrounded ua. Mr fell thai he had not the akill aa a physician lo recom mend a remedy. The patient must ln srlf. He believed that if the stste# were represented, according to the lateat expression of public opinion, t members would aland here about 34 for the administra tion and 18 againat it He thought, therefore, rt w?dM have lieen belter to auffer the meaaurea of the -J"'? tration to commence on the other branch think of no remedy in which the U. S Bank was n conspicuous ingredient. He conaidered the1d?c1"*11^' the Preside,m that he would veto any bil for ihe char tering of a U S. Bank, aa oneonet.tution.1. would be. resolution of the Senate, would not aanciion any measure which he f, commend. ,, t. He went on to look at the srguments .gainst. ? - ErtrVEir ???