The Madisonian. [volume], September 26, 1837, Image 2

About The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [i.e. Washington, D.C.]) 1837-1845

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SlIBSTANCK OF
THE REMARKS QF MR. RIVES
or vHUHim,
In Sk.vatk, Saturday, Sept. 23.
In Ml incidental debate, the bill providing
for the collection and custody of the puhlic
revenue* being under cooaideraUon:
Mr. Rives said he rose to protest against the
manner in which this question had been, and
continued to be treated by the Senator from
South Carolina. That gentleman argued as
if there were some proposition before the
Senate to re-establieh the Bank of the U. S. or
to confer upon the existing Pennsylvania
Bank of the U. S., some special and im
portant privilege. But, sir, is there any ques
tion of that sort reallv before the Senate T
The question presented by the proposition on
your table is, whether the notes of banks go
nerally, when they shall have resumed specie
payments, ought not, under certain limitations,
to be received in jpavnent of the public duca,
as they heretofore have been from the origin
of the government down to the present time,
or whether they shall be altogether excluded
in future and nothing be received in payment
of the public revenue but gold and silver?
The question then is one which involves alike
the whole eight hundred State Banks in the
Union, constituting that system of credit un
der which, whatever may have been its oc
casional excesses, the country has heretofore
attained an unparalleled height of prosperity,
and ha* no special reference whatever to the
Bank of the United States.
But the Honorable Senator in his remarks
yesterday, which the rising of another gentle
man to speak, before I could get the floor,
then prevented me from answering, said that
Mr. Biddle had bis eyes steadily fixed on re
covering the Government deposites, that all
his measures were shaped with that view,
and that if the proposition I had offered should
be adopted, he would unquestionably accom
plish bis object. Now, sir, my proposition
has not one solitary word or provision in it re
lating to the Government deposites. It relates
exclusively, and this far more for the conve
nience of the people than for the interest of
the banks to the receivability, under certain
limitations, of bank notes, when convertible
into specie, in payment of the public revenue.
This is a quesiion altogether distinct from
that of the Government deposites. It is com
paratively a small boon, and one already en
joyed by the banks under existing laws, when
ever they resume specie payments?by the
Pennsylvania Bank of the United States, as
well as by any other bank which shall redeem
its notes in specie. 1 have already stated to
the Senate, what seems to me conclusive
considerations to show that a large majority
of the State Banks are in a far better situation
to make an early resumption of specie pay
ments, than the Pennsylvania Bank of the
United States. In regard to the Government
deposites, on which the Honorable Senator
says Mr. Biddle has his eyes steadily fixed.
I repeat that my proposition, which that gen
tleman so earnestly opposes, has not a solita
ry word on the subject. It relates to another
matter wholly distinct, and leaves the ques
tion of the Government deposites where the
law now places it, which, the Senate well
knows, refers the selection of the bauks to be
charged with the public deposites, in the first
instance, to the judgment of the Executive.
Surely the Honorable Senator is not afraid
that either the President or the Secretary of
the treasury would select the Pennsylvania
Bank of the United States.?On that subject,
the gentleman may, I think, feel perfectly
secure, as the country most assuredly, has
every reason to do.
It does seem me, Mr. President, that thi3
perpetual and gratuitoas introduction of the
Bank of the United States into this debate,
with which it has no connection, as if to
alarm the imaginations of grave Senators, is
but a poor evidence of the intrinsic strength
of the gentleman's cause. Much has been
said of argument ad captandum in the- course
of this discussion. I have heard none that
can compare with this solemn stalking of the
ghost of the Bank of the United States
through this hall to " frighten Senators from
their propriety." I am as much opposed to
that institution as the gentleman or any one
else is or can be. I think I may say I have
given some proofs of it. The gentleman,
himself, acquits me of any design to favor
she interest of that institution, while he says
tuch is the necessary consequence of my pro
position. The suggestion is advanced for
effect, and then retracted in form. Whatever
be the new-born zeal of the Senator from
S. Carolina against the Bank of the United
States, I flatter myself that I stand in a posi
tion that places me, at least, as much al?ove
suspicion of an undue leaning in favor of that
institution as the honorable gentleman. If I
mistake not, it was the Senator from South
Carolina who introduced and supported the
bill for the charter of the United States Bank
in 1816?it was he, also, who brought in a
bill in 1034, to extend the charter of that in
stitution for a term of twelve years, and none
were more conspicuous than he, in the well
remembered scenes of that day, in urging
the restoration of the Government deposites
to this same institution. In every situation of
public trust, in which I have been placed, I
hive been the constant and unvarying oppo
nent of that institution ; and in this body in
1834, while the Senator from South Carolina,
with his accustomed ability, was urging the
restoration of the public depositos to it, (? tri
umph, indeed, over the government of the. coun
try, which the honorable Senator now so bit
terly deprecates). I stood up here and resist
ed that measure with exery faculty I pos
sessed, and sacrificed, as is well known, my
political existence to the force of my convic
tions on the subject?convictions which, 1 take
leave to say, have strengthened with every
day's observation ami reflection since. When
I recollect these things, it seems to me
"strange?passing strange," that the Senator
from South Carolina should now appear as
the especial and sworn adversary of the Bank
of the United States, while I am held tip in
the attitude of promoting the views and favor
ingtho interests of that institution.
While I am up, said Mr. R., I beg leave to
say a word in answer to an observation of the
Senator from Missouri, (Mr. Benton). That
gentleman said if I wished to understand the
true character of my proposition, I had only
to look over my right shoulder and see who
. were likely to support it. (Mr. Clny, Mr.
Webster, and other gentlemen of ihe opposi
tion sit in that direction from Mr. Rives). I
thank God, Mr. President, that I have a high
er rule of action on this floor than any con
sideration of who is, or who is not, to vote
with me. I look at the merits of the proposi
tion itself, and if it be for the pood of the coun
try, I go for it, whoever may vote with me
or againat me. If the JSlnator knd^a that
I am to derive support jftiny propodflm from
gentlemen over my riftt shoulder,?e kauws
more than I do. 1 have had no communica
tion with any of those gentlemen, which
authorises f|>? to expect their support. Many
pf them voted, during the last session, for the
?aue pnommiiiam?riwn uf
tke j ut ml* itf the admimntrot ton, and they
may do so again. I occupy the same position
niow that I did then?rif other gentlemeu have
seen cause to change their views, 1 have not.
On the contrary, the present condition of the
country furnishes in my estimation, new mo
tive* to hring forward the proposition, which
then received nearly the unanimous sanction of
both Houses of Congress. It is impossible
that the banking institutions of the country, on
whose speedy return to specie payments the
soundness of the enrrency, and every other
great interest of society now depend, cau rise
up from their prostrate condition, without
some measure of this sort. The people wish
to see an end of this paper money, (properly
so called when inconvertible into specie),
which the gentleman from Missouri so much
deprecated. No one has a stronger sense of
its evils and dangers than 1 have. But we
shall in vain attempt to get rid of it, in my
humble judgment, without some measure of
the character I have proposed. 1 am un
willing to go back to my constituents, with
out having first done something for the relief
of the people, as well as the government. I
am unwilling that the American people shall
witness any adjournment of this body, with
out the passage of some measure of a healing
and salutary character, in relation to the cur
rency of the country.
In regard to the personal appeal of the
gentleman from Missouri, if I stand in the
position he indicates, what, permit me to ask
him, is his own ? If 1 am to look over my
right shoulder for the supporters of my pro
position, may I not return the compliment by
asking him to look only in front of him for
his. file-leader. [Mr. Calhoun sits in front of
Col. Benton j This is, indeed, a singular
transposition. The Honorable Senator from
Missouri, who has so long taken the subject
of the currency under his particular charge,
is now content to furnish facts and make sug
gestions to anoiher party leader.
When the Sub-treasury scheme was intro
duced into the House of Representatives in
1834, out of the meagre number of 33 votes
it then received, there was but one friend of
the administration who voted in favor of it.
It was then denounced, under the auspices
and in the name of the administration, as re
volutionary, disorganizing, anti-republican,
and tending to enlarge Executive power and
place in its hands the means of corruption."
Believing how, as I did then, that such is
the true character and tendeucy of the mea
sure, I adhere to the ground taken by the
republican party in 1834; and I will use every
weapon which reason and argument can fur
nish in opposition to it. 1 for one will not be
afraid to act wiih any individual or any party
in resisting a scheme which, however it may
be viewed by others, 1 firmly believe to be
fraught with danger to the best interests of my
country; and in doing so, so far from aban
doning, I but maintain the more closely my
republican faith.
TWENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS,
EXTRA SESSION.
SENATE.
Saturday, Sept. 33.
Mr. CALHOUN presented a memorial from citizens
of Mobile, in favor of a National Bank.
Mr. SWIFT presented petitions from Vermont, re
monstrating against the annexation of Texas.
TREASURY SCHKME.
The Senate proceeded to consider the bill imposing
sdditional duties, as depositories in certain cases, on
officers of the United States.
Mr. KING, of Ga., addressed the Senate. He de
clared the experiment of the Deposite Banks to have
totally failed. He had predicted this failure, step by 1
step. He characterized this experiment as one of the
grossest systems of fraud and delusion thst had ever
been attempted to be practiced from the commencement
of the world. He believed that if the President bad uot
tormented and tantalized these Banks so much, they
would have done better; but they never could have
constituted an efficient agency. He considered that
throughout the whole of the Message, there was not a
single fact, in reference to the cause of the present dis
tress, was true. The administration seemed to think it
impossible that they could be the cause of the distress.
The Message was made up from stump speeches, quack
politicisns, and wraps of foreign writers. In reference
to the atatement ot the Message, that the expansion ot
paper issues in Great Britain had proceeded pari pottu
with the expansion in this country. He showed from
documents, that in Great Britain, from the 1st of Janua
ry, 1834, to the 1st of January, 1837, the increase in
Great Britain had been aboot 400,000 pounds, in the
United Statea it had been 100 millions in the same pe
riod. He went on to read from evidence given before
the British Parliament, extracts to refute the positions
taken by the President in his Message. He came to the
concluaion, from his calculations, that instead of thirty
milliona which the Message exhibited as our debt to
Great Britain, we actually owed Great Britain, at the
lime, one hundred and ten millions. It waa melancholy
to see our young and vigorous nation treated as a bank
rupt, and yet we are called from the dttitcmplation of
ruined fields and unproductive crops, and desired to think
of the glory of the Specie Circular. Glorv had depre
ciated as much as rag-money, and is found to rest on
no solid foundation.
Ho adverted to the policy of the specie circular, and
the pertinacity with which the measure was adhered to
against the wish of the people and against the decision
of Congress, forced upon the country aa a blessing,
while it benefitted only tho unprincipled speculator.
He maintained that a U. S. Bank was the least dange
rous and tnoat effectual agent. He expressed himself
shocked at the remark of Mr. Calhoun, that he would
not do any tiling to place the Pennsylvania Bank of the
U. S. in an attitude of triumph over the government,
and asked what government. The government of the
Hetinitage, or the government of the White House.
He was shocked to bear such sentiments There bed
come more gray hairs over the head of our young re
public within the last four years, than should have
grown upon it in a century. He disavowed any inten
tion to deceive the democratic republican party ; from
that party alone had he a right to expect any thing, but
he found it necessary to take hia stand against this Exe
cutive usurpation of the power of regulating the finances
of the country. Thd measure now submitted proposes
to contiuue the finances in the hands of the Executive.
He did not know what course to lake. He would move
to postpone the further consideration of the measure
until the regular session of Congress. He did not be
lieve that he ever could bring himself to vote for the
amendment of the Senator from South Carolina. He
denied that there had been a depreciation of the sound
currency of the country, but, on the contrary, that it h*d
appreciated, m consequence of the diminution of the
paper circulation ; and rcdiculed all the clamor and de
nunciation which had been raised against paper money.
With the depreciated paper of the banks, any one could
Crchaae provisions, clothing, property in lands or
uses, at a lower rste than he could before the suspen
sion of apecie payments. Did he wish to loan out mo
ney on good security he could lend this depreciated pa
per at a higher interest than he could have obtained for
a apecie loan before the suspension. He ssid that no
man waa ever inore beset by spirits of his own creation.
Whenever any plan of hia waa fruatrated, be immedi
ately thought thai all the world had conspired against
him. He concluded by moving to postpone the further
consideration of the bill until the first Monday in De
cember.
Mr. STRANGE made some explsnationa which he
thought culled for by the construction put on hia lan
guage by the Senator from Georgia.
Mr KING also explained.
Mr. N ILLS also made some explanations, in the course
jf which hai&m ??
?h>ch ti^.u ufe:J
j^ai te?i^rr?llhou^hll iwjpPc'? ? thought b^w
. ?ltho..uhW?w #*u C*HjKllt
mtiou oPihc biHhaJbeert saffiury.
Mr TIPTON then took ibe floor He agreed with
tlie Senator from South Carolina, that this wa? ? lune
of ureal diatreas, and tlial it *M tha duty of every man
lo .bow hi. hand. H? Utoughi tha first atop to???'*"
barrsaament of tha cdunlry waa the puttin|[ down of the
lai.il> >h. ?????! *
tendril to vol* ?' Umi amendment of the Senator
frotH Soutli Carolina, but he would vole for the bill pro
]K?ml by the gentleman from Virginia. He would vote
or tbe postponement of the bill.
Mr. CALHOUN exprea?ed hia regret that tbe motion
to postpone had been made. The couutry reqillftd tttiaj
and prompt action on the aubject. 'l'opoatpooe, would
be lo surrender the question
Mr RIVES made a few explanations and
The Senate adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Satobdav, Sept. S3, i
On motioo of Mr. HAYNLS, it waa
?Ordered, That, from and after Monday neat, the
daily hour of meeting for the Houae afaali be 10 o clock.
Hi riMiai wab, ?rc.
After the preaOBtation of numeroua neiitiona on the
aubjectof the annexation of Texaa, and the aboliUon of
alavery in tbe Diatrict of Columbia, (a lut of which will
be given hereafter.) . .
The Houae reaumed the unfimabed buaineee of yee
terdav morning, which waa the conaideration of Mr.
Wiaa'a resolution for a committee of inquiry on the
subject of the Florida War, when
Mr WISE aaid, When 1 came here, four yearaago
when I waa firat elected by the people of my district, I
waa the friend of power. I had not been here long be
fore I found that power needed no friends ; *"?? too
Strong already. I looked anxiouslyto tbe condition of
our institution., and narrowly at tbe enemies of those
inatitutiona, and I a<Hm discovered that their raateat
enemy waa the concentration of |?l power in the tx
Sirj I looked at the public domain?thexicheet inheri
tance with which any nation waa ever gifted?more veal
and more ferule, and a greater aource of revenue, than
that which any crowncd head of Europe ever lorded
over. I found thia extended territory, the eminent do
main itaelf of the government, at tbe absolute disposal
of the President; and, aa a necaaaary consequence of
thia control over the public domain, I aaw the new
Stite* of tlua Union, within the limits of which the pub
lic lands are aituated, entirely at his bidding.
I looked to other aourcea of power. I aurveyed si
the little nlla and all the great fountains of revenue, and
I found them all pouring in patronage to the Chief Ex
ecutive fiom a triple coaat on the lakes, tbe Atlantic,
and the Gulf of Mexico. I aaw more. I looked to the
public u/esa, and found thia, too, the pensioned, aubai
dixcd slave of Executive will. And, above all. I die
covered a greater power than all, becauae it camea all
power with it, wielded by tbe President in the appoint
ment and removal of all the officers of government. All,
all these po'wera, and more, I aaw concentrated in the
hands of one man. . . ,
Thus, there waa aomc reatraint, aomo check provided
by the Consitution, and placed in the handa of Coii
,7ress: tbia check, it waa eupposed, consisted m the
custody tod control of the public purse. Hut, between i
the period of my election and of my taking my aeat
here, thia check, too, had been seized by a popular Fre
aideut ; and indeed, had it remianed -where it was
placed by tbe Constitution, it would atill practically have
jeeu of no avail, becauae the Preaident could., and can,
at will, control Congreaa by the power of appointing or
removing ita members to or from office.
From all thia tremendous mass of power I aaw clear
ly that " offencca must come"?it must needs be so
it waa inevitable. There would be corruption, dicta
tion, oppression, and all the other train attendant upon
arrogant, absolute power. Nor waa thia mere theory ;
it was not conjecture or apprehension ; it was fact. I
found a party in power, miniatcring to a popular Preai
dent, whose maxim, whose practice was, " to the victor*
belong the spoilt f"
No sir, no; I had not been long here .before I was
entirely undeceived. I found myself in a wrong posi
tion ; I found that the country and it* in*titMtxon*woi
ed friends ; and thereupon. I at once declared myself
to be no longer the friend of power. Forthwith, sir, I
set myself to the work of diiainiahing the power of the
Executive in the best way possible?by exposing ita
monstrous extent, its enoruities, and its abuses. I
held this to be a sacred doty of patriotiam ; and tn my
own mind I took the Hannibal oath to discharge it, come
what would, at every personal risk and eacrince. Some
one had lo diacharge the duty to a suffering country,
and 1 could see no reason why 1 should avoid ita per
formsnce. I foresaw ita difficulties and it? dsngers ; 1
knew how fearful it was to beard the lion of power in hia
den ; but I took up the line of march. But what were
the meana 1 The task seemed hopeless, because so in
finite, and I so weak. With what panoply wis I to
cover myself in undertaking and performing ihiedeedol
danger ! Sir, I thought long, and counted Ihe coal
well; but my mind waa at last inspired with the convic
tion that
" Truth shall restore the light by Nature given, f
And, like Prometheus, bring tbe lire of Heavei, v
I resolved that my only weapon and my armorahould
be truth. But how was the truth to be laid beipre the
world ! What mode of proceeding waa to be Ulopted
aa ita agent T What department of the governmint was
to be looked to aa its friend ? It waa a solemi ques
tion ; and sir, I muat confess that my mind was enli
vened and aomewhat cheered when it turnec to this
Houae ; yea air, to this Houae of Representative! of the
People?the House of Commons?the grand incueal of
the nation ! Here, here were the meana of invtstigat
ing?of inquiring after truth?of ferreting out corrup
tion, and of exposing abuses ! I addressed rmbclf to
thia body with eH the zeal and fixed determinatioi which
the task demanded. I was confident of ita aid md ita
co-operation, and thu*, I thought, shall truth r?aiir
How aad waa my subsequent disappointment! But I
was not alone.in this great work. I had a companion
every way worthy of the enterprise?he ia ebaant?it
becomee me not to apeak in hia praiae, for, though no
blood of bia runa iu my veina, he ia dear to me aa a
brother; I found him more than a companion ; end if I
were permitted to spesk of him as my heart protapta, I
would say of him?powerful in intellect, eloquent, mag
nanimous, amiable, brave; stretch my faculties as I
would, press forward aa I would to keep by his side, I
found that auch was his energy, his zeal, his migtiiincss
of purpose and of soul in the onward march which ho
resolved with me to purauc, that I could not keep pace
with him, and he was ever still beyond my reach ! That
man waa Bait* Peyton, of Tenneaeee. We both " con
temned the sceptered hand" like " Ihe wild wave," and
foreseeing all difficulties and dangers, perils and respon
sibilities, to be met and encountered, grappled with our
task with hearts fixed that
" Prone lo the dust Oppression shall be hurl'd,
Her name, her nature, withcr'd from the world !"
We knew that the free forms of government were worse
than useless without a free and pure administration. We
knew that sccret corruption was a more dangerous, be
cause a more insidious, enemy to freedom than foreign
bayoneta; that enemies from within were worse than
enemies from without; and we were settled in the be
lief that if here, in this last asylum, the foundations of
' liberty were tapped, and she must fall, the ho|>cs of
mankind muat ceaae !
Our work waa begun, and with it, euro enough, be
gan our labora, our ncnla, and dangera. Our duty im
posed upon us both the haid, the dire and dangerous ne
ceaaity of throwing ourselves, constantly, on the very
spesrs of power and its parasites. We were brought
into constant conflicta with " the party." The trulha
which bad lo be told, muat be told boldly, fearlessly, un
flinchingly. We had not only to charge upon |?rlyl but
upon persons. Whenever we considered it our duty to
expose individuals of "the party," we always attacked
them openly, and aboveboard?we wore no masks?we
were not ambiguous?wit deall not in generalities, we
were not to be mistaken in our meaning. We were
charged in turn, politically and personally. When wo
have charged the party in power with bribery and cor
mption, our party in turn haa been denounced as "bank
hirelings." We never treated the epithets of party aa
personal to ourselves, and met party attacks ss beat be
came us. When personsi attacks were msde upon us,
we met them with adequate resentment. When insult
ed, we repelled the insult as it deserved ; and when we
offered insult, we were at all tnnra responsible. Wo of
fered none wantonly or unprovoked : none waa received
by ua with iminmity. When the pampered pet of the
pet bank* dared to insult my friend to his face, he pros
trated his insolence to themstsnt by resenting the insult
?tbe charge of calntnny and falsehood threat indirectly
into hia answer to an intorrogatory allowed to be put by
ihe committee?by a manly, high, and proper resent
ment on the spot Thia waa the only instance in which
either of us was personally insulted. It is true, there
were feints of attack, some mock ess suits npon ua in
this House and out of it, bet they roused no indignation,
heated no blood, excited no rcsentnieut?none, none?
not tlie least?tbey were to ua subjects of merriment,
more aomsing than otherwise, The minions who were
to be set upon us could not be brought up to the mark
?no, not with all the training of their grooms-Mo make
k HMMI attierflf W? Sir, tk?w
ua, in fact.Htlf i4 mmd "f w,w.1
rooms I"'""***
re,^ ? .. ?** ?i.lp?or^u7-.N?y/ P???f
?lid War?inv.led me to see two group* ? ngurea **
had modelled u deaigrn for ornament!"* lh? eaat por
u^o When I airt?rcd the room, " ' ?"*? ^ b#?
<? ia the frfure of Olrt??ub??"?i? ? ?x>M? h**'??
standing >n lh? commanding attitude of one proudly
JL 4 <r,nd,iir T l i l Jill J
,? bia hand ... emblem of th# New World, aurmounied
b- the close. tu token of the future influence of Lhn
uanitv ? he aava. ' 8m ! here it ia, I beve found it. Uy
bia aide?look the**, Mr. Wi^-ia ?W" -l??? ;
?\m stands in ft wondering attitude, as " pwpingw iw
glorious stranger; abe ia drawn wo near by curwnty\
but. if he ahall but turn bia head a;ound, aho wi!l l?? off
in one moment; that u from timidity .r Sir, I *?
often rouiinded of the liuU figure of the
Some of the attonpU reminded me of acenoeeffrighi in
(he haunted houee. A ghoet ia who ahall go and
arc what it ia 1 Will yea! will vou 1 o# you 1 No:
no no. At laat one poor trembltog wretch, by voh
lion or force, accident or half reaolve, is preaaed or ven
turea to toUer forward, with broomatick til hand-the
reat pressing him on from behii?d?when, lo . a Bound
acaitera tbem in backward flight, tumbling ?no over
another in fright! Ofttimea have they nerved them
aelvea to form an attack upon my friend and myself,
but, with all the courage they could " terew up, * or
au.nmon to their reaolution, by the utmost effort, tliey
never could go beyond ? certain poiot. They would
make very brave Mailt, and march fiercely up to a cer
tain line, but then they atopped. Sir, I never courted
these personal attache?I alwaya deaired U? avoid tliein
?they are abhorrent to my feelinga; but wTien personal
attacka are made either on myaelf or on my friend now
abaent?and if I did not defend hun aa well aa myaelf,
he being abaent, the Romans should bowaru of ine?
when personal attack* ar? made, they ahall be met by
He ia abaent; I have determined to pursue the
, line of duty, and I am not to be deterred from the
courae which I have marked out for myself by ?ny con
siderations of ? personsl nature. I ?hall, with a fixed,
firm determination, reaolulely march airtight onward
against the corrupt powera that be, with the aaiue hu
pulse of duty that governed me when I firat undertook
thia perilous career in public life. ?
Sir, I am induced to make theae remarka by a gene
ral, a very general, declaration made yeaterday bv the
gentleman from Misaisaippi, (Mr, Ciholbon ) I know
not whether thia declaration waa intended to cover a
perioral attack on my friend and myaelf or not. Certain
it ia, hia remark waa atricUy true. He aaid that " the
acenea which transpired in the rooma of the two investi
gating committees, laat winter, were disgraceful to
tioae committees, to the House, and to the n?tion.
Such was hia remark, though it ia not ao re|>orted in the
pa|iers, and I agree with the gentleman perfectly, that
the acenea enacted iu the committee rooms were dis
graceful to the committee and to thia House, but I wiU
not say lo the nation, for the nation, aa aoon as it could
act, prevented any of the disgrace from attaching to it?
conduct or charactcr. Such acenea never before oc
curred in thia Capitol, and I hope never will again. Sir,
they were all acenea of prostituted servility to Execu
live power, by members of this House, whore political
independence ia moat required, and waa once moat lobe
expected. I aaw scenes, qn both committees, where
every thing of honor and interest waa left perfectly
derelict to the all-absorbing influence of the Preaident?
scenes of lowlv bowing to Ins footstool?of covering all
abtisea?of ainothenng truth?of gagi(ing inquiry?of
refusal to ripoat abuses known without proof or with it
?of aanctioning abuses, by open, unblushing claims to
rightful authority to commit them?which were dis
graceful to the committees. And, sir, I saw ? scene
iere, in this House, which was disgraceful to some
members of the last House of Representative.!. 1 bo
very pimp who waa charged with plundering the Trea
aury, wasting the public money in corruptly bribing tlie
public mind, contumaciously refused to appear when
summoned as a witness before the Committee of Inves
tigation, and there were members of the House of
Representaiivea who toleratod and countenanced him
in auch conduct The House yielded ita powers and
laid down its privileges at the feet of ? tool of power
Sir, I do not mean to aay that all of the majority of the
House were involved in this disgraceful surrender of all
power and dignity?in justice to many members, iny
friends, on both aides of the House, and I had, aa 1 now
have, some valued personal friends opposed lo me in
politics here, I must aay they were governed by very
different motives in voting to discharge Whitney, and
never meant impliedly even to acquit nim. But there
were tome who even became the champions of Reuben
M. Whitney ! they commended hia course eveh before
investigation, and have ever aince bis discharge com
mended his conduct to tho nation! Sir, I am safe
enough in regard to that matter. !fou have been told
by the gentleman from Pennsylvania. (Mr. Mtfm.su
bkro.) thia week, that the Committee pf Investigation
unanimously voted me their thanks for tho mode iu
which I had dischsrged my duty as chairman ; and yet,
aa a pretext for hiding the eccrets of "the party," I waa
too unworthy for the main witneaa in the case to appear
before me ! Sir, I again aay that I do agree with the
gentleman that the scenes which took place in thoae
committee rooms were disgraceful to the committees
and to the House of Representatives, but not to the
minority of either of thoae committees, the minority of
the Houae, or to the uation. Why not to the nation 1
Two members of one of thoae committees have met the
fate which their conduct merited?they have fallen be
fore the judgment of the people ! Out of the tix in tho
majority of the committee of which I was chairman, only
two are now here?Maine and Rhode Island have ren
dered their verdicta.
Sir, I tako none of thia general remark of the gentle
man to myself, nor dooa it apply to my abaend friend in
Tennessee, (Mr. Peyton.) If it did, or if it were clearly
apparent that it was meant for u??if the charge was
that I and my friend were the authora of the disgrace of
those acenea?whenever any disgraceful conduct is im
puted to my friend or to myself, 1 would say to the man
who utters the imputation, " in his foul throat be lies !"
Mr. GHOLSON wished to be understood aa not
making any personal allusion in hia remarka to the gen
tleman from Tennceaee, (Mr. Peyton,) as it never waa
hia custom to make any remarks to apply to persons
who were not in ? position lo defend themselves.
Aa to the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Wiae.) he
might take the remarka he had made on thia eubject on
yeaterday as they were delivered, and make a ptrtonal
application of ihcm if he ekote; he waa not responsible
for the publication as it appeared in the Globe ol yester
day, not having seen the report of yesterday's remarka
before they went lo press ; the gentleman from Virgi
nia, (Mr. Wise,) might take the remarka he had made
just as they were made and make what use of them he
pleaaed. He repeated again, lhat scenes did take place
in the committee rooma which were disgraceful to Con
gress and the country ; but in making this remark, he
differed from the gentleman from Virginia, in believing
lhat the investigation threw any disgrace upon the late
Adminiatration. He had not been able, for ihe life of
him, to discover, after a close examination of the testi
mony adduced, that any disgrace could attach to the late
Administration. Although it had been repeated again
and again by the gentleman from Virginia, lhat corrup
tion did exist in the Administration, he (Mr. G ) had
not been able to discover it. The gentleman had said
that a diagraceful scene look place ill the House at the
time; the majority of the House sustained a witness
who refused to appear before one of the investigating
committees. Now Mr G. believed that the late Houae
sustained lhat wilnesa, because they believed that it
would be doing injustice to him to send him before a
committee, whose chairman had treated him in the
manner tho chairman of lhat committee had trealod the
witness.
A certain difficulty had taken place before another
committee, in which the chairman of that committee
took a part, and in consequence of this difficulty,
?s he (Mr. G.) understood, tho majority of the House
would not force the witness before his committee.
He considered that the circumstances of tho case
fully warranted the Houae in making this decision, and
he lustified their conduct on that occasion. 1'hen, was
thia a disgraceful scene ' Waa it a disgraceful scene
for the American Congress to protect an American citi
zen T If so, Mr. G. waa satiaficd to take Ins share of
tlio diagrace. The witneaa (Mr. Whitney) waa a free
man, and entitled lo all the righta and privilegea of an
American citizen ; and aa much entitled to protection
as the gentleman from Virginia, or any other gentle
man. He had before said that he knew nothing of
Whitney pcraonally, and what he knew of him from re
putation was rather calculated to make an unfavorable
than a favorable impression on hia mind in relation to
that individual; because he waa charged with being
in league with lh? banks in Miaaiasippi, which hanks,
and those that sustained them, were his (Mr. G's) po
litical enemies?the enemies of the |ieople, and sustain
ed by the party to which the gentleman from Virginia
belonged. Yet, notwithstanding theae banks were
owned and controlled by the Wing*, they were deno
minated here the pet banka " of the Government."
He repeated here that those banka in Mississippi
were opposed to the administration, and opposed to the
election of himself and his colleague (Mr. Claibornei)
This House waa to be looked upon, according to tho doe
tine of the gentleman from Virginia, aa enacting disgrace,
because u had sustained an American citizen in a stand
he had taken in not appearing beforo a committee whose
chairman bad made violent chargea against him. It waa
ej|| to mallg ehsaps, b(f to prove
MmB Ttiotf^mklKii from V Mania no tloulii believed
si&L cbaruff be (jp made sijBst llua individual, but
iMlUiinlMt lie h*U [iiutMlmni He knew Whit
ney a* lb* sgeul of otic of the bank* alluded 10, but fur
ther than this be knew turn not, nor did be care what his
character or eonduct had been ; ha viewed bun only aa
.ail American citisen, and aa such, be l|*d right* atcured
by the CoiMtitution that ihose m power bad no right to
kiM Mf *' " in nfiiitfri ?nry
individual until the charges broagbt ?|ai>wt bun be frov -
ed. Surely be did uot look upoti tina a* bowing at the
footstool of power to protect Una uidividu*) under ih?
circumstances of the caae. if it waa, h?w*vw, be was
read\ to take hia ahare ofjbe rtMuonsibibly. He cared
not wbal ehargea gentlemen might make againat ktm ;
be caiM there the representative of an independent and
! of a magnanimous people, who were not to be deterred
from the support of an adminiatration which they believ
ed acted in accordance with the republican principle*
contained in tb? Couatitutiou, bv the denunciations of
any eot of men, or any party, lie had not changed his
inn id aiuee ha caine to tiiM Hooae He bad not eoen the
corruptions of which the gentleman from Virginia bad
spoken. And be had not changed hi* political opinion*
atnee he came here. He bad not discovered thoaa cor
ruptions, and until be did discover thein, be saw no rea
son for changing his political opinion*. When he bad
the evidence of thein preseuted to bun, then it would be
time enough to change the opinions be entertained when
he entered thia House. When lliat occurred, he could
return and Udl his constituents the cause of kia change,
and if they went with him, be it ao ; but until I}* made
thi* discovery, he should continue to support the party
he had heretofore supported.
The gentleman from Virginia tell* us that he ha* dis
covered that the new Slates ware at the bidding of the
President. Now be (Mr. (jr.) represented one of those
new State*, and b* would lake the liberty of luforiniiig
that gentleman that it waa neithet at the bidding of the
President nor of the monarch of bauk rag*. Although
they sustained the late ftesident and hi* administration,
they did ao becauae they looked upon that administration
as scting in accordance with republican principles. This
was the reason th?y sustained that administration, and
net because they ware bought up. If they could be ?
bought up, they would be bought up by the bauks. It
was ttse banks that bought up men, and uot the adminis
tration. Wherever you find the influence of banlu ex
isting to any extent, there you wilt And the aristocracy
of wealth opposed to the democracy of numbera ; and
wherever you find'genlleinen who have worshipped the
golden calf, you will find that they have abandoned the
good old republican doctrinca, and cry out loud and long
against the parly in power, and those who sustain it.?
'Die only persons in the Stale he represented who were
violently opposed to the administration, were those who,
like the gentleman from Virginis, claim to possess all
the talent, all the dccency, and all the worth of the
country.
The gentleman from Virginia further charge* the de
mocratic p*rty with being sustained by a corrupt press.
Now, if the pres* had been corrupt, it had become uni
versally corrupt; and if the press in favor of the admin
istration was corrupted by tlie administration, the press
of the opposition was corrupted in the same ratio by the
op|K>mtion party, who had the command of nearly all the
wealth in the country. A large majority of the presaes
of the country, so far as his observation extended?and
in the Slate of Mississippi two to one?were opposed to
the administration, and this arose, in his opinion, from
the fact that the wealth of the country was to be found
in the ranks of the opposition The press, then, with all
its corruption, is against us, if it is corrupt. He denied
the charge, unconditionally, that the new States had
been bought up by the administration, and it wa* an in
sult to tho people of the new State* to make thi* charge.
If tho gentleman from Virginia represented a consti
tuency that would be bought up or bribed, he bad noth
ing to *ay to it; but for himaelf and his colleague, (Mr.
Claiborne,) he claimed to repreaent an intelligent, in
dependent people, who would not, and could not, bo
bought up either by Government or the bank*, and who
were not to be frightened by the cries of the gentleman
and his party from the even tenor of their ways.
Mr. LOOMlS, of New York, commenced some re
marks in defence of ihe majority of the Committee, snd
particularly his friend (Mr. Mann) from the chargcs
brought against thein by the gentleman from Virginia ;
but ho wa* interrupted by tho call for tho order of ihe
day.
Before going into committee,
Mr. CIJSHING, of Ma**achuaett* inquired of Mr.
Cambreleng whether it waa hi* purpose to endeavor to
close the action of the committee on the present bill this
afternoon 1
? Mr. CAMBRELENG replying in the affirmative,
Mr. CIJSHING further inquired whether it wa* the
expectation of that gentleman that the committee were
to be choked off from the discission ?
Mr. CAMBRELENG CerAinly not.
DISBURSBMKNT OF DEPOSITES.
On motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, the House then
went sgain into Committee of the Whole on the state
of the Union, (Mr. Hsynes, of Georgia in the chair,)
and resumed the consideration of the bill to postpone
the fourth instalment of deposite with the State*.
In answer to an inquiry made by Mr. GARLAND, of
Virginia,
Mr. CAMBRELENG, stated that the passage of the
bill through the SenAe, extending the time of payment
of merchant's bonds nine months, carrying the first pay
ment to February next, and that from merchants' bonds
not commencing to be paid till then, there wa* not only
no demand at this time for Treasury warrants and drafts,
but they had fallen four per ceut since the passage of
that bill by an almost unanimous vote of the Senate.
Tho bill extending the term of paying the balance
due from the banks to four, six, and nine months, hav
ing also passed the Senate by, he bolieved, a unanimous
vote, had had another effect on drafts on ihese corpo
rations, which would render even that portion of these
balances unavailable to the Treasury, upon which cal
culations hsd been made to pay current expenses. As
the credit commences from the day they refuse to pay
them, they have every inducement not to pay, and will
refuse to do ao in sll esses where tho bank desires to
use the public money for four, six, snd nine months.
The consequence of these two measures having pass
ed, the action of the merchants 'in purchasing these
drafts, and the action of the banks in consequenco of
the passage of that bill, the Treasury was actually de
prived at once of all the funds now in the banks through
out the United Statea, and deprived of all its reaouiccs
to meet the expenditure* of the present yosr. On this
ground, therefore, he sppealed to the committee to ssy
how long this government could be supported, depend
ing as it now did on tho trifling cash receipts for lands
and revenue.
Mr. C. added that he had boon informed they had
even been compelled to return thirty thousand dollars
from the Treasury to the Custom house at New Vork,
to pay debentures and current expeuses. Under these
circumstances, he thought he might confidently sppeal
to gentlemen on all sides of the House for their concur
rence in s more prompt action upon the various bills
before the House.
Mr SMITH, of Maine, who was entitled to the floor,
when the House sdjourned on Friday, proceeded to ad
dress the commiilce at length, in a speech, si the close
of which he declared that if the House should take the
bill as it came from the Senate, he must vole againat it;
but if it should be ao amended a* honestly to declare that
the fourth instalment was repealed (which would be the
effect of the bill) he should then vote in its favor.
Mr. THOMPSON, of South Carolina, and Mr.
HALSTEAD, of New Jersey, spoke in succession at I
large and earnestly in opposition to the bill before the
committee.
On motion of Mr. WILLIAMS, of Tennessee, the
commute then rose, by a vote of 90 to 73, and leportrd
progress.
Mr. GARLAND, of Virginia, rose sndststed that,
owing to domestic matters, over which he could not
dispense, he should be compelled to leave tho city on
Wedncsdsy next; snd in consequence of the peculiar
position he occupied before the House sod the country,
he wns very anxious to submit his views before he loft,
and he gsve notice thst, on Monday next, he should
throw himself upon the indulgence of the House for
leave) at that time, to introdnc* the bill of whict^he had
given notice some day* since.
On motion of Mr. EVERETT, tho House ad
jo orncd.
SENATE.
, Mo*d*y, Sept. 36.
Two memorials were presented by Mr. Clsy, from
citizens of Wheeling snd Baltimore, praying for a Na
tional Bank, and the latter praying in the alternative,
for the Bank chartered by the State of Pennsylvsnia,
ss a U. S. Bank.
Mr. DAVIS, presented meinorisls against the an
nexation of Texas, from Massachusetts snd Con
necticut.
Mr. BUCHANAN presented three remonstrance*
from the city snd couuty of Pbilsdelphis of a similar
chsractor.
Mr MILES, submitted a joint resolution that the two
Houses of Congress will adjourn on Monday, October
9th, which was read a first time.
Mr. WRIGHT, gsve notice that he should to-mor- ,
row, ask the Senate to tske up the report of the Com- I
mule* on Fhiane* on Mm petition# relative to a Bank
of the U tilled Slate*.
(I'B-TBIAII'CT btbtkii
The Senate pauceeded to cimmmIot the bill ini|>o?mg
additional duties, a* depoailoitea of public uiontv, un
certaiu office!*
Mr. CLAY then addressed the Senate tie said tbat
after tbe most calm and diape??iouate reflection ou tti>
condition of the country, and tbe measure. of relief
auggeeted, he bad came to tbe conclusion that tbe bill
under consideration would only be an aggravation of the
evil. When diatreaa was the result of tho uieaaurea of
tbe governnient, it was doubly imperative on the govern
ment to find a remedy. The universality of tbe feeling
of Buffering wbich prevailed throughout the Union, dis
linguiahed ua from any foriner |ieriod in which distress
and difficulty had arieen among ua. Thia universal Buf
fering ought to lead to united counaele and common
measures He hoped all party discords would be for
gotten. and that alt would fix their eyea on the condition
of tbe country, and unite in deviaing the beat means of
relief. U??took a view of the state of the currency be
fore the rtMoval of the depositee, which be considered
the great ^ttase of the present emergency He alluded
to the predfetiona which bad been made at tbe tune of
tbe removal of the depositee, and tbe fulfilment of those
predictions he regarded aa evidence that auch waa the
cauae. He <W wot consider the analogy drawn by
the President, between the situation of Great Britain
and of this country. In both countries, the question of
rechartering the National Banka waa aimuluneous. in
Great Britain tbe bank waa rechartered, and tbe credit
and currency of the country waa reatored ; while litre,
we refuted to recharter a U. S. Bank, and our credit
and currency are deal roved If the U. 8 Bank had
been rochartered, tbe currency would have been yet in a
good condition, and we ahould have been free from eul
barraeament. . .
Among tbe evita resulting from the refuaal to recbar
ter the Lulled S la lea Bank waa the eetabhahiiient of a
ayatem of local banka in the State of Kentucky 1 he
policy of the late administration, in reference to the com
promise act, should be ranked among the causes of the
distress The soutlieni gentlemen, particularly the
Senators from South Carolina, were entitled to great
respect for the efforta they made lo preserve the provi
?iona of that act; but the adminiatration had taken a
course the most injurious in ila character to the manu
facturer, becauae It convinced him tbat there could bo
no reliance on the policy of tbe Government, however
solemn the pledge which may be givon. If the Govern
ment had adhered to the pledge in the compromise act,
there would be no excess of importations, because our
manufacturer* would have kept up the atock of domes
tic irooda The Senator from South Carolina had ad
verted to tho tariff of 1888 That tariff waa the work
of the open enetniea of the protective ayatem, concoeud
with the secret enemies ol the policy ; but, unpopular
aa waa thia tariff, it would not have produced the evil
which waa apprehended by it, if the compromise had
not been carried into effect. The veto of the land bill
waa one of the cauaea of the present diatresa. Another
cause ia that for the laat aeveral yeara we havo not had
the benefit of a free government. We have had tlie
form indeed, but the apint waa not there. We have
been' under a dcspoliem. If the Jackaon party h?u
iioaaesaed more firmnesa they would not have governed
the country in. They had wisdom, but not firmne^
There waa a majority of that party againat the refusal
to recharter the United Statea Bank; against the re
moval of the depositee ; againat the continuance of the
upecic circular; but the deipotiam of an Mjdjvikiual over
powered the voice of that majority. While legislative
bodies had turned round, paasing reaoluiions at one
session againat a bank, and at another in favor of a
hank. He referred also to the inconatatency of Mr
Dallaa, who, after carrying through the Senate a bill to
recharter the United Statea Bank, Wkig a popular as
aembly in the stale houae yard of wladelphia, and
applauding the veto of that very act. That individual
is at thia moment filling a aplendid foreign mission lie
left the world to judge of the motives which influenced
such a courae of action. He expressed himaelf aa will
ing to embrace every member aa a brother who could
point out a mode of eacaping from the gloom around us.
?He ttai proceeded to examine, in detail, the various
measures brought forward and proposed to be eubiniited.
The Bankrupt law, aa recommended by the President,
he waa totally againat, aa unconatitotional in reference
to five States. But in particular, he denounced tbe bill
relative to the Banka of ihe Diatrictof Columbia, which
made it an indictable offence for any individual to take
the only currency he could get. He look a view of the
effect of the bill to poaipone the transfer of the fourth in
stalment of the surplus revenue. Suit waa to be com
menced againat Banks which did not meet the demands
of the Treaaury ; and thua the Bank# in the aoulh and
south-west?and he knew it would be ao in Kentucky
would be aubjected to an interest of 18 or 18 per'cent,
on the amount of their debta, from the time of the de
mand. Ih regard to the eatabliahmeni of a currency ol
the precious metala, he asked. in the firat place, if it waa
desirable. He laid it down Aat there la not a sufficient
amount of apecie in the world to carry on all the com
mercial buaineaa of the world ; nor in thia country was
there aufficient for all tho commercial buaineaa oMhe
country. The sum required for the city of New \ ork
alone would be two milliona a day. It would, there
fore, tend only to cripple ?nd embarraae our condition.
Banka expand moat when they have moat apecie, and
curtail when they have the leaat. He expressed his as
tonishment that a distinguished Senator ahould have de
clared himself favorable to any iaaue of paper which was
irredeemable. There may be caaea when a amall portion
of irredeemable paper wonld be beneficial; but there
waa great danger to be apprehended if tho Government
shall aet an example of thia character. He adverted to
the irredeemable laauea of the Commonwealth of Ken
tucky Bank. That paper depreciated rapidly?the de
preciation being in proportion to ita amoont; but as the
laauea were diacontinued the depreciation also became
leaa, and it haa now almoat got up to par.
But if desirable to establish a hard money currency,
ia it practicable! There waa no power in the General
Government to put down the local banks of the States.
What then doea it become ua to do T Does not wisdom
point out that we ahall moderate our legislation so as to
conform to a atatc of thinga which it ia not in our power
to change 1
The attempt to preaa the banka,would produie a pres
aure on the debtora of the banka. He conaidered that
the moat dangeroua experiments were then made on
the establiabed habita of a people, and predicted lhat an
effort to deatroy tho banka would be productive of a
civil revolution. He adverted to the inaecurity of the
ayatem proposed. In his own state, two or three trca
aurora in aucceasion became defaulter*, in conaequence
of londing ihe money of the public to their personal
friends. The Secretary of the Treaaury had thrown a
diacredit on the aystem, when he required that these
Sub-treasurers after having collected a certain specified
sum. should deposite it in the nearest bank. He con
sidered the system objectionable becauae it would add
to the patronage of the Executive. ^ hat had bccoinc
of tho 100,000 officer* who according lo a report made
two yeara ago, wore wielded by Executive will !?
Where ia the veto power! W here the atill more
alarming power of retaining bills, aa in the case of I ho
Land Bill, and tho currency bill! Where the expung
ing power?the power of creating and torning out otfi
cera?and the power of administering the laws ss ho
understands them? Haa the chief magistrate come
forward with any diaclaimer of these point# 1 Has he
not rather followed in the footatepa of hie predecessor
Did he not retain the Treaaury Circular against tho
seta of Congreaa and the people 1 He. hoped no one
would fall into tbe error of supposing lhat the opposi
tion to the late adminiatration, was of a personal cha
racter or oppoaition to the person of General Jackson.
The arms taken ([Otn ihe co-ordinate departments are
hung up aa tropbiea in ihe Executive maneimi, rcadv
lo be used again, whenever a favorable moment shall
arrive, against the libertiea of the people. There
ia no aafety for the people, in favor of the great expe
riment while the Executive continues to retain the power
he haa assumed. Paaa thia bill and that periloua union of
the puree and the eword which ao alarmed our British
ancestors will be complete, and we shall find no safety
but in the diacretion and mercy of the Executive
Government had not been asked to furnish exchange,
but it waa ita duty to furniah thai which is equal to ex
change.
He conaidered it tbe duty of the opposition, when
animadverting on the measures sucfiCBted, to recom
mend wh#t tney might think beat out he could de
vise none ; he had never seen such a dense and unpe
netrable gloom aa lhat winch now aurrounded ua. Mr
fell thai he had not the akill aa a physician lo recom
mend a remedy. The patient must ln
srlf. He believed that if the stste# were represented,
according to the lateat expression of public opinion, t
members would aland here about 34 for the administra
tion and 18 againat it He thought, therefore, rt w?dM
have lieen belter to auffer the meaaurea of the -J"'?
tration to commence on the other branch
think of no remedy in which the U. S Bank was n
conspicuous ingredient. He conaidered the1d?c1"*11^'
the Preside,m that he would veto any bil for ihe char
tering of a U S. Bank, aa oneonet.tution.1.
would be. resolution of the Senate,
would not aanciion any measure which he f,
commend. ,, t.
He went on to look at the srguments .gainst. ? -
ErtrVEir ???