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introduce! by Mr lUw, ahowin| h? to but decUnug u-i between Uwi and th? 3?J?-1 ?""" ?*.??. b*\t?old vote for thai of Mr K.ves. He would ?Uo vol* ui Uil ?( "*>*** * *Hf ^Km. i ho tMll wifer eom?i*n*~, ? would pester that U bad baao ? ??1fannjafiwM postponement. He hoped Co.*?- ~"?W go ????? and consult their masters, and come back instructed aa to their course . , . Mr BENTON called for iba yoaa and naya on the |umUo? to poatpoiia the bdl nil U? first Monday w The que at ion waa than teken on the motion to (Mat none. and decided in the negative a* Mlowa t - PyEA??Meaara. Bayard. Black, Clay, of Kv , Clay ton, Crittenden, Kent, King, of Qa., Kinght, M'Kean, Nicholas, Preuuaa, Robbuia. Ruggles, Smith, of Ind., Silence, Tipum. Webater, White, Williatna?19. NAYS?Messrs A lieu, Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Calhoun, Clay, of Ala., Fulton, Grundy, Hubbard, King, of Ala., Linn, Lyon, Morris, Nilaa, Norvell, P.erce, Preaton, Rivea, Roane, Kobinaon, Smith, of Conn., Strange, Tallinadgo, Walker, Wall, Wright, Young?87. 'Hi? bill wu iben informally passed over. On inotwn of Mr. WRIGHT, the Seuate considered A bill to reiuil duliea on certain tuerchaudiae, de stroyed by the recant tire in New York. A bill making additional appropriation for carrying on the war in Florida, which were ordered to a third reading. The Senate, on motion of Mr. GRUNDY, oroceeded to the consideration of Executive buatneaa ; after which, The Senate adjourned. * HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Mommy, Sept 16. After the presentation of meaaoriala on th? subject of the currency and the annexation of Texaa. Mr Buchanan, from the committee on elections, re ported upon the aubject of the Mississippi election. The report ia very long, and ite concluatou la that Meaara. litiolaon and Claiborne are members for the whole term of the 26th Congreaa or not members at all, and that the restriction by the governor of their term to the extra session waa illegal ; and, therefoie, that the election be ing in other reapecta, regular, Meaara. Gholaou and Claiborne, are entitled to their aeata in thia llousr, aa ineinbera of the 26th Congreaa. ' Mr. Maury, on behalf of the minority of the commit tee, stated Uiat they abould, when the aubject came up, oder a counter resolution aa an amendinent to the re port of the majority. The comint'tee were divided four ( to live. The report waa, after aoine conversation, post poned for the preaeut. Mr. Hxaaisov moved a call of the Houae, it being very thin, and the call waa ordered, and proceeded on ' till a quorum was obtained. national bane. Mr. Ciximiiio, from the committee on waya and means, reported the following resolution . "Resulted, That U is mex|iedient to charter a national bank." Mr. C. said, He did not offer thia resolution for dis cussion. but for decision. The unanimity of the report showed, he said, that a dark cloud hung over the pros pects of the fnends of a national bank. He asked the yeas and naya Upon it. Mr. Everett, aaid no opponent of the administration, and no friend to a national bank, would, think it expe dient to propoae a national bank until we should have a Congreaa /tus-Mird* of which ahould be in favor of such an institution. Mr. Merckx moved to lay the resolution on the ta ble,?Lost, yeaa 89, naya 122. On motion of Mr. Cambseleng, the House took up the order of the day. POSTPONEMENT Of DKPOMTES. The House resolved itself into committee of the whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. Havnes in the chair,) and resujued the consideration of the bill for the postponement of llie 4th inalalineut. Mr. GAKLAND, of Va., rose and addieaaed the committee upon the aubject of the condition and pros per ix of the country, and the mode of obtuiiiing relief iroin the present embarrassments?directing Ins re marks particularly againat the Sub-Treasury scheme, and contrasting it with the project he had rcccutly brought to the nonce of the House. In the course of his exordium, he stated that the scheme which was pre aeuted to ua by the President of the United States was introduced here by his immediate predecessor, (Mr. Gordon,)aud it was almost universally repudiated by his constituents, and by the Republican party in this House. He was opposed to that measure ; and he was also one of those who had voted for Mr. Allen as printer?a vote of which he had no occaaion to repent. For these rea sons, he had been dignified by some of the newspapers, as the head of a party?a station to which he did not aspire, and wliich he had never dreamed nf holding. He had never changed his position ; and he held the same views now, that he did when he first took his aeat here. If he was oneu of those who were fo be " shot as de serters"?the question would be what he had deserted. He stood faat on the spot where bis constituents origi nally planted him, and others had deserted him. , We forbear giving a sketch of tlua very able and in teresting speech, as we shall, in a few days, be able to present it in full to our readers. t Messrs. RARIDEN, WILLIAMS, of Tennessee, and CUSHING followed, and Mr. C. waa on the floor when we went to press. A well informed friend, recently from Waahington says: "The course of Preaident Van Bureu towards his old and consistent _ friends who differ from him i n relation to the expediency of the Sub-treasury system, is that which might be expocted from a knowledge of his character. No alieoation or eatrangement ia obscrv able in his aentimenta to hia dissenting political friends, but every mark of cordiality and kindness that ever characterized hia intercourse with them, ia still fully ex hibited. In this dignified course he is, we regret to say, not imitated by all his followers ; for ccrtain syco phantic pretenders to exclusive democracy at Washing ton, swelling with importance, arc endeavoring to decry those conservatives who act with the great unaas of the party and faithfully reflect their aentimenta. lo all our turn friends who act with us, we say that these self-constituted dictators have no countenance from heael quarters, but, fortunately for the prospects of | the party, are as powerless as malignant. The whole democracy of numbers are abjuring the loco-foco doc trines, and those who expect to retain the confidenc e of the people and the people's President, must, if the y persist in error, at least treat those who go with the peo- | pie with courtesy and respect. " The signs of the tunes" are portentious, and cannot bo mistaken, and we advise the radical friends in our ranks to no longer bring the good cause into disrepute by their ill-judged zeal without knowledge.?iV. Y. Times. We commence to-day the President'e Message. It will doubtleea attract general attention. It is a per spicuous, bold, and powerful document. Of its doc trines we shall say little, as they will speak for them selves. We will, however, say that the public liberty of the country is not to be endangered, during this ad ministration, by being placed in the reach of the talons of a National Bank. The President is against'such sn institution, ill every form, on constitutional grounds. Whatever our friends may ihmk in regard to the collec tion, Mfekeeping, and disbursement of the revenue, we are, nevertheless, sure that all will say the inesssgc is eminently creditable to ita distinguished author on ac count of the elegance of its style, and its republican, patriotic, and independent apirit. Our differences, if any should exist, in regard to the employment of Slate banks, or sub-treasuries, will arise upon a mere point of expediency. Collision and diacussion, among friends, arc but tlie trial of reasons and conclueioin. United in principle we never can l>e |>ermanenily separated, or ( estranged from one another, by shades of mere expe diency, whilst we have to guard against the insidious assaults of a party seeking lo infuse into the measures of the Government, the odious principles of Hamdton.? Wai renton Jcfersoman. GOLD COINS. In Senate, September 19, 1837 Mr. Benton auh mitted the following statements, showing the coinage ami imports and exporta of specie during the year 1837, which were ordered to be printed Gold coinage at Ike Mint of the Untied States in 1837 January ..... None. February ..... $36,500 March 108,380 April 181,000 . May ..... 208,000 June 4ft,260 July 101,190 August ..... 110,205 />., $863,825 Statement of imports and exports of specie *ince 30th September, 1836, as per returns received at the Treasury Department to the 19/* September, 1837, inclusive. Iin|iorts .... $10,288,876 Exports ..... 6,164,882 McClixtoCK Yocno. Treasury Department, Sept. 19, 1837. THE MADISONIAN. WASHINGTON CITY. TUESDAY. SEPTEMBER M, 1M7. or Pica a ii?ht, >rrw?n ninth and tenth. 1m tmmb thumb which m uunut, in timi ? k UNITY IN koil-imintuli, LIBERTY, AND IN ALL THI.nus CHARITY. AugUttin. mm ~ i ^ .. THE DIVORCE OF BANK AND STATE, AND THE EMPLOYMENT OF PERSONAL AGENTS " In TBI regulations WHICH congbbbb MAT pie SCBIBE bbspecting THB CUSTODY or THK PUBLIC MO NEY, IT ii desibablb THAT AS LITTLE discbetion A* MAT be DttBMJD CONHISTBNT WITH THBIB BAPB bbbp inu, SHOULD BB GIVEN TO exbcutivb auekts No one can be more deeply impressed than 1 ain with the souiidneaa of the doctrine, which restrains and limits, bjf specific provisions, Executive discretion, as far as it can b? dono consistently with the preservation of its constitutional character. In respcct to the control over the public money, this doctrine it peculiarly applicable." ?lien. Jackson's Message, Due 1835. " Individual agents will probably be found less bb SPONSIBLE, aAPB. CONVENIENT, AND ECONOMICAL," flhan bank* ]?mr. Woodbury's Iteuort, Dpc. 1834. "TifB pboposition (Ike ?' Divorce") la disoboanib ixo AND bbvolutionaby, subvbbsive op the punda MBNTAL PBINCIPLBS OP OUR GOVBBNMBNT, AND OP ITS bntibb pbacticb, pbom 1789 down to tmib day." " It It at palpable n the tun, (bat tkt egret of the teheme would be to bring the public treasure MUCH NEARER Ike actual' euttody and control cf the Pre sident,' than it it now, and bzposb it to bb plcndbbed bt a hundred hands, where one cannot now reach it." ?Globe, Nov. 20, 1834 " Had such a suggestion comb pbom obn. Jacb son, it wouhl hart been rung through the Old Dominion with the reiterated falsehoods about the proclamation and the protest, as conclusive proof of all the aspira tions which have been charged to the Hero of Orleans! "Seb, (they would say,) hbbb mb wishes to tot thb PUBLIC MONBV DIRECTLY INTO THB PALMS op Hia pbiends AND pabtizana, LNSTB.il) OP IBBPINO IT ON DEPOSIT* IN BANKS, WHENCE IT CANNOT BB DBAWN POB OTHBB THAN PUHLIU PURPOSES, WITHOUT CBBTAIN DE TECTION." in such a case, we should feel that the peo ple had just cause for alabm, and ought to give their mott watchful attention to tueh an effort to bnlabob or corruption. And are these the principles upon which Mr. Leigh expects to return to the Senate from the land of Jefferton " Mr. Leigh knows that the President himbelp is opposed to the project which he ascribe* to hit tup portert, and that hit fritndt in Washington, wketker of the Cabinet or not, heartily concur with him in the course of policy it it expedient to pursue "?Globe. " The country will sustain tho Executive arm of the government in the experiment now making to aubstitute the State Institutions for tho Bank of the United States."?mr. Wright, Jan. 1834. " The State Banks are found fully adequate to the Eirforinsncc of all services which were required by the ank of the United States, nuite as promptly and with the tame r.heapnett."?Gen. Jackson's Message of 1834 " By the use of the State Bankt, which do not do rive their chsrters from the general government, and are not controlled by its authority, it it atcertamed that the moneys of the United Stalet can be collected and dit burned without lots or mcontenience, and that all the wants of the community, in relation to exchange and curreucy, are aupplied aa well as they ever have been before."?Message of Dec. 1836. " It should be constantly recollected that the ownera and managers of banks, when properly regulated by legislative provisions in their charters, are, like, other in dividuala, interested to transact business securely ; are desirous of making and not losing money; and that these circumstances, with the preference in caa? of failure belonging to depositors and itoklers of their bills over the stockholders, united with the security, if not priority, given to the government, render them, in point of safety, generally much bopebiob to individual agents or tiie United States."?Mr. Woodbury's Report, 1834. " It is gratifying to reflect, that the credit given by the government, whether to bsijk paper or bank agents, hss !>een accompanied bv smaller losses in the experi ence under the system of state hanks in this country at their worst period, and under their tetercsl calami'tiet, than any other kind of credit the government has ever given in relation to its pecuniary transactions."?rib. In the same report, it ia stated, that the loss by one merchant had been greater in amount thin all that had been lost by the bsnks. it is proven in Mr. Crawford's Report, thst the losses to the government by the employment of corporationa as fiscal agents, have been but 45-100th* of one per cent, in collecting three hundred and fifty milliona of general revenue. "Banks cannot be dispensed with, except at THE SACRIFICE op ALL JUSTICE IN BBGABD TO THB CON TBAOTS MADE UNDER A NIXED ct'BBENCY.NOR WITHOUT A VIOLATION OP THB PAITH PLEDGED IN TUB LEGISLA TION (WHERE honestly OBTAINED) BY WHICH THBY WERE ESTABLISHED. THB SUBJECT MOST BB LBPT TO GBADUAL bepobm, TO WIIICH THB PEOPLE op THB KB sfective states abb pully adequate."?Globe. " The deposit** of the public money will enable you to afford increased facilities to commerce and extend your accomodations to individnala. And as the du ties WHICH ABE PAYABLE TO THB GoVEBNMENT ABISE PBOM THE BUSINESS AND BNTEBPBISB OP THB MEB CHANTS BNOAOBD IN POBBION TBADB, IT IS BUT BE A sonablb that thbt should be pbbrsbbbd in the ad ditional accommodation, which the public deposites will enable your institution to give ; wherever it can without injustice to the claims of oilier classes of the commu nity. Mr. Taney's letter to the Girard Bank, Sept. 26, 1833. The poor ghost of the defunct Bank of the United States, again disturbs the visions of the Globe, and, " Walka unrevenged amongst us." Nurses sometimes subdue the murmurings of children, by alarming their imaginations with bugaboos ; when a senator presumes to assume the attitude of an independent legis lator, the fancies of his colleagues and com patriots are directed to the tomb-stone of the Bank of the United States. We had been taught that Congress was a co-ordinate, inde pendent, branch of the government; but it seems an independent opinion cannot be ex pressed therein, without producing a bank resurrection, and a threat of ostracism. Un less one abuses the memory of the Bank, in every paragraph, he is harboring the enemy ; and if ho contravenes the verba magistri, he is an heretic. Mr. Rives, believing that nothing had been presented to the consideration of the Senate, calculated to meet those expectations which must have been excited in the minds of the people by the convocation of Congress, offered a bill having at least a tendency of that sort, and which he very reasonably hoped might j have been favorably received, from the fact, that it passed both Houses of Congress at the last session, by a vote sufficient to make it a law, even if the President had withheld from it his constitutional sanction. It is believed that nine tenths of the American people ap proved the bill. It is again presented, with a modification, whit h is intended to address itself to the true interests of the Banks, and is calculated more than any other measure to effect a restoration of confidence, and that grc.it and universal desideratum, a resump tion of specie payment. is there the slightest tendency to relief in the counter proposition, which proposes to grnsp all the specie in the country and lock it up in the vaults of the Sub-treasuries ? On the contrary, it is a withdrawal of confidence, * withdrawal of specie, and calculated to ef fect greater calamities than already afflict us. It ie calculated to postpone forever, the re sumption of apecie payment by the banks, end therefore involve thoee institutions in de atruction. Is it fair tor the administration to pursue such a policy towards thoee institn tious ? By whose policy is it claimed, that thirty millions of apecie were introduced into this country during the last four years T Did not every dollar of that form the basis of is sues of from three to five of paper, to one of specie ? Were not the banks that issued them created for the most part by legislatures of states, friendly to the administration ? Is it fair then, for the administration suddenly to abandon to summary destruction, institutions created by a policy which it is pledged to carry out ? The Sub-treasury scheme in ef fect, aims to abstract the apecie from thoee in stitutions, and to debase and discredit the notes they had issued upon its basis. Mr. Rives' bill proposes to receive the notes of banks which shall resume payment in specie by a given dsy in discharge of the public dues. The notes of those banks which shall not resume by that day, shall be exclud ed. The objection urged agaiust the bill was, that it would operate as a compact, by which the government would be compelled to give preference to those which should be able to resume by the day stated?that the strongest banks would be favored, and the weaker crushed by it There is no force in the ob jection, because every bank in the country worth preserving would be able to resume specie payments, by almost any given day in 1838. In this belief we are supported by the Corresponding Committee of the New York banks. The New York papers state that several banks in that city are ready to | resume at this moment. The better opinion is that the resumption of specie payment will be effected by a concerted and simultaneous movement throughout the country. The bill addresses itself to the whole baukiug inte rests of the country, and we believe that an early resumption of specie payment would be the consequence of its becoming a law. " The issue attained in the debate," there fore, is a fictitious issue, and was the result of a digression from the main direction of the discussion, to drag in by the " head and shoulders" the Pennsylvania Bank of the United States, for the purpose of frightening Senators with a bug-bear. That bank has no more to do with the issuo than any other state bank; it is not a party in the bill; it did not enter the mind of its author, and would bo no more likely to profit by the passage of the bill, than any other State bank. It has no more power by reason of its relation to England, its extended issues, and various investments, to control other banks, than the banks of Boston and New York possess to con trol it. It might be inferred from the answer of the Philadelphia banks to the proposition for a convention, that they were either des ponding, or less prepared to resume specie payments than most other banks in the coun try. The Deposite Bonks of Georgia, we believe, have never stopped specie payment, and there are many banks in various parts of the country, that hail stopped and have re sumed. We can view the issue, therefore, thus attempted to be made between " Mr. Biddle and the Government" as entirely ficti tious, disconnected from the subject, and in volving an insinuation in regard to " Mr. Biddle s bank" as it is called, destitute of any foundation in truth. Mr. Calhoun condemned the bill, as an attempt, on the part of Mr. Biddle, to recap ture the Depositee. That honorable Senator, in 1815, was one of the warmest advocates of the United States Bank. In 1834 he brought forward a bill to recharter that institution, and most zealously engaged his energies to restore to its vaults the government depositee. All this time Mr. Rtvss was a firm and unflinch ing opponent of that Bank, and justified the removal of the Deposites, because he believed it io have acted faithlessly. Now, Mr. Cal houn seems to occupy a different ground, and from his lofty position charges Mr. Rives with aiding and abetting Mr. Biddle in an effort to recapture the Deposites ! And the Globe quotes its hitherto bitter opponent, to sustain tho unjust insinuation against one of the friends of the administration ! If the Pennsylvania Bank was excluded from the common benefits of the bill, we have no doubt, with the Globe, that the Opposition would vote against it, but for a different rea son ; such a discrimination would be uncalled for, and ought to defeat the bill. Tho whole argument about this Bank is ad captandum. The selection of bank depositories is left to the discretion of the Secretary of the Trea sury. [The above is intended as a commentary upon the article from the Globe, headed " Tho main issue attain ed in the dmcuaaion," which, by inadvertence, ia placcd on the first page.] It is but a short time since we were told that nobody was in favor of an exclusive me tallic currency, and such a scheme was de clared by thoee to whom it was imputed, im practicable and impossible. We were satis fied. How is it now ? A mixed currency wliich for fifty years has answered all the purposes of government, and the business and commerce of the country, is denounced as absurd as the South Sea Bubble, and we are again told that nothing should be tolerated in the community in the shape of currency, but gold and silver, or paper issued by the go vernment itself. Instead of receiving and paying back the notes of the people which answer all their purposes, the servants of the people, propose to supersede the popular cur rency, and issue promissory notes of their own, and force their masters to take them.? And why T For the pwpoae of fe ducing the currency to a metallic standard, and forcing the people to pay their Mmni* in gold and silver or jt? equivalent. All Ail ia for the benefit of the government. I* auy encouragement held out to the people to em ulate thia laudable project, in bringing tk*r currency to the apecie atandard ? 1* there any prospect presented that the currency ol the people ia ever to come up to the staadsWj of that of the government ? Ia there any in ducement held out to the banka to resume apecie paymenta T No. The government exact the better currency for themselves, and leave tho people to get along aa well aa they can with the baaer currency. The Sub-trea surers would seek to absorb all the apecie in the country, to be " aalted down" and locked up in their vaulta, and the government would send its promissory notes among the people aa an equivalent. Take thiaga aa they have existed. Seventy milliona of apecie in the country, fifty required by the revenue offi cera, and twenty-five necesaary to the wanta of the government. Twenty milliona of ape cie and ten or twelve milliona of Treaaury notes are to conatitute the currency of fifteen millions of people, trading, manufacturing and agricultural. Fifty milliona are to be " di vorced" from the people, lest they should con taminate and corrupt themaelvea by its dan gerous use, twenty-five to be shared among the aervants of the people, and the reaidue to be buried without interest, lost to the uses and profits of the country, until Congress shall direct the disposition of the idle and corrupt ing maas, unless perchance Sub-treasury de faulters, or thieves, should have beforehand ran away with the whole. Already have Mr. Rivta of tha Senate, and Mr. Gas land of the Houae, from Virginia, abandoned the inten tion of requiring the Government to receive the notea of non-apecie paying banka for public duea?Glob' oj tht till. Messrs. Rives and Garland have never entertained " the intention of requiring the Government to receive the notes of the non specie paying banks for public dues, and therefore have not " abandoned" it. They have not abandoned it; they will abandon nothing, either of expediency or principle, essential to the great interests of the country. They occupy the ground, upon which they have always stood?that occupied by the ad ministration of General Jackson and they have abandoned no position, no polity, no principle. MR. KING, Of Georgia, addressed the Senate on Sa ! turday, about three hours, in opposition to the ! Sub-Treasury scheme, and the collecting and disbursing the public funds in gold and silver. Although there may be differences of opiuion in regard to some of the topics of his dis course, yet we listened to it with great interest, and felt highly instructed by his views upon the subject pf exchanges particularly. Upon the subject of the currency generally, he was | clear, sensible, and practical?and his effort is unsurpassed in ability or effect. Mr. Garland, of Virginia, addressed the House yeiterday threo hours, in support of the proposition heretofore submitted by him, and agaiiut the Sub-Treasury scheme. We had not tie pleasure of hearing it, but under stand it was marked with the usual clearness and ability of that gentleman. The speech will be published in our next paper, and also issued in pamphlets. TREASURY NOTES, By admitting the article of Pobltus, on this subject, to our columns, we do not wish to be understood as indorsing his opinions, especially the one denying the constitution , aijty of Treasury notes. If they are not constitutional, they have been so long habitual, that habit fcas become a sccond nature which we hold amounts to constitutionality. For our part, we should be in favor of increasing the amouit named in the bill, believing that the measure will very much facilitate the re sumption of specie payment. City or New York against Sub-Trea suries.?A meeting in the city of New York, called by jive hundred and ninety of the leadiug Republicans, headed by the honerable Gideon Lee, was to have assembled last evening at TAMMANY HALL. The follow ing notice for this purpose appeared in the New York Times of the 23d instant, to which was appended the five hundred and ninety names we have alluded to: "The DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN ELECTORS of the city and county of New York, who disapprove of the Sub-I reasury system, ore requested to meet at Lammany Hall, on Monday evening the 25th instant, at 6 o'clock, to tako such measures as may be deemed expedient at the present crisis . We wish we had space to introduce the long list of signers to the call for this meeting, that the true friends of the Administration abroaid, might know how vast a proportion of the staunchcst friends of the President, in his own native State, oppose the "Expedient" of the Sub-Treasury System. PUBLIC CREDIT. A? a very important tcmrce oj strength and leewnty, c?,an ruauc ?^ 17,lW. The General Government, like an individual allien, n?kiV ? i. M ? t.k, Sons are urging the ? untried expedientthe Alba ny (N. Y.) Democratic Republican General Committee h,ve decided by a vote of 19 to #, that it ia inexpedient to call a public meeting to auatain the Sub-'l reaaury scheme. PHRENOLOGY. Next to an acquaintance with the human heart, ia a knowledge of the human head. But how far Phrenolo gy ia able to aid ua in thia inquiry, ?uat ba laft to < >c unhiaaed judgmenta of tho~ who arc experimented Upon. In ? new aeience, where ao much more must eb left to laith, than to dornonatrmlion, wa aha 11 hardly Ihj expected i* givs the mnm ig, w ?*ch JaKfc we might have Iu tfe ^ ?hail simply oil the attention of our reader, to the ad vertisement of Mi Bastlbtt, (on thia subject) in an other column, and recommend them to auburn them aelvee u> hia " inantpulauona." Wo ahall bo dirip painted if they are dlaappomted. . ^ THE PRAGUE COMPANY. v/* On Saturday night we attended the first instrument*! Concert given by thia celebrated and acieutific company of foreign musicians, consisting of nino profeseors of maek. We can truly aay that the execution and effect exceeded oar moot aanguine expectations. The nniaon of their performances ia harmonious in the extreme, and ia evidence of the perfection which tbey have .turned by their united exertiona. The execution of the brilliant vuriationa on the violin by Mr. I. Opel was aurpnaing and gratifying in the higheat degree ; nor waa the per formance of Mr. Sobock, on the Clarionet, leaa so I?. deed, the tout ctuemble waa highly effective, and evident ly imparted great delight to a largo and (aahionable au dience. Among the iittiHguts preaent waa the President of the United Statea, accompanied by th? Secretary of Stato. It waa a truly gratifying acene to witness the Chief Magiatralo of the Union mixing on thia occasion with hia follow eitisena, to enjoy " melody'e aaauaaive eounda." No diacordaut notes?each aa Joo often grate upon hia ear?were to be heard. Here " every eating care" waa lulled by mnaic'a witchery ; every aoond tended to soothe at id soften the aaperitiea. of political feeling, and verify Armatrong'a linea? u Music exalts each joy, allaya each grief, Expels diaeaaea, softens every pain." We wish thia musical company all au<eeaa, ?nd are aatiafied they will moot with the patronage tbey so richly deserve. Such a galaxy of talent haa never before pre sented itself in our city. H. Flour waa selling at Cincinnati en the 20lh mat. for $6 56 to Sfi 76. Miaprinta in tho IV No. of " Puhliua"?In the third paragraph the word right ia twice printed in the place of the word weight. FOB THE MADIS0KUK. TREASURY NOTES. NO. V. Can the friends of the fate administration, who warred "to the knife" against a United States Bank, give their sanction to the crea tion of paper money in any shape or under any name ??Treasury notes, as low as twen ty dollars, intended for circulation, payable to bearer?transferable by delivery only ! Pa per?promises to pay? created, by Congress, to constitute a circulating medium! Confess edly, without a specie fund to redeem them with I Will it be contended this may be done by those who deny the power to the General Government to create a corporation clothed -with authority to do substantially the same thing ? That the government may do by itself, what it cannot do by another^ If this be the sum and substance of their scruples about a U. States Bank, on the score of its constitution ality, it is only necessary, in order to over come and quiet those scruples, to select the officers of a United States Bank from among the officers of the United States Government, permitting them, at the same time, to continue to hold their offices in the government!! Congress pass a law, and the executive carry it into effect, authorizing the issue of such Treasury notes ; and yet the govern ment denied the power to create a corpora tion to issue bank notes intended for circula tion! Where will the advocates of the new expedient, denying the old one, find a war rant for the new one ? What cluusc of the constitution confers it on (hem T Let us see if they can find it in the 1st clause of the 8th section of the 1st article of the federal con stitution. It is as follows: " The Congress shall have power to lay and col lee t taxea, Ac., to pay the debts and provide for the com mon defence and general welfare of the United Statea." Does the bill of the Committee on Finance, to authorize an issue of Treasury notes, fall, within the scope of that power conferred by the constitution, on the Congress ? Most clearly it does not. It lays no tax to pay the debts of the government, or to provide for the general welfare of the country. It lays no tax whatever. It is altogether foreign to the subjcct. No argument can be drawn from the terms " common defence and general welfare." The power, aa to these general purposes, is limited to acts laying taxes for them; and the general purposes themselves are limited and explain ed by the particular enumerations subjoined. Tho power "to issue Treasury notes" is not to be found among the particular enumerations of power contained in the constitution. If then, it exist at all, it must be classed among the incidental powers " necessary and proper for carrying into execution" some one or more of the particularly enumerated powers. And can the advocates of the bill, to authorize an issue of Treasury notes, find a warrant for the passage of the bill in the 17th clause 8th section 1 st article of the federal constitution ? It is as follows: " The Congress shall have power to make all laws which shall be necesaary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by thia constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof." Is an issue of Treasury notes necessary " to raise and support armies or " to provide and maintain a navy;" or " to establish post offices and post-roads ?" To execute these and all other expressly granted powers of a similar character, the Congress is clothed with the particularly enumerated powers " to coin money" and " to pay the debts" incurred in executing them. Having the powers " to coin money," and " to pay the debts of the United States," if the revenue be not abund ant, or he not available, to pay the debts in curred in executing the enumerated powcre, tho Congress has the expressly granted pow ers "to lay and to collect taxes" wherewith " to pay the debts." Being clothed with the power to create and to levy a specified means, and to regulate its current value, with which to pay the debts of tho United States, can the exertion of a power to issue Treasury notes, thereby creating another, besides the speci fied means to pay the debts with, be fairly taken, under the constitution, to be necessary in executing the enumerated powers ? Clear ly not. If the specified means be not suffi cient in executing the enumerated powers, the power to create and use other means must be first conferred. The essential character istic of the government, as composed of li mited and enumerated powers, would be de stroyed, if, instead of rpecified means, any means could be uaed, which, (aa in the case of Treasury notes,) might be considered con ducive to the successful conducting of the finances, or might be conceived to tend to give facility to the obtaining of loans or the paying of debts. Do the advocates of the bill to authorize an issue of Treasury notes, find their warrant in the 2d clause of the 8th section of the 1st article of the federal constitution ? It ii u follow*: " The Congroa* ?hall have power to borrow money on the credit of tbo United State*." Is this ? hill to borrow money ? It does not propose to borrow a cent Is these any fair construction by which this bill to authorize an issue of Treasury notes, can be deemed an exercise of the power to borrow money ? The obvioos meaning of the power to borrow money, ? that of accepting it from, and stipu lating payment to, thooa who are able and willing to lend. To say that the power to borrow involves the power of creating the ability, where there may be the willingness to lend, is as forced a construction of the power to borrow, as to say that it involves the power of compelling the will, where there may be tbe ability to lend. " If," in the lsnguamof Mr. Madison, from whom I have borrowed the foregoing thoughts, regarding them as strictly applicable to Trea sury notes, as they are to bank notes, created by the direction and under tbe aanction of the general government?borrowed from the great ability of his Speech in 1791, although his after-act may be held to impair his wil lingness to lend?" if, by virtue of the power to borrow, Congress can create the moans of lending, and in pnrsusnco of these means, can incorporate a bank, they may do any thing whatever creative of Me means."?They may even authorise an urw of Treasury notes. But if the power to borrow does not comprise the power to create the ability to lend, it is evi dent that the advocates of an issue of Trea sury notes, can find no warrant in the granted power u to borrow money on the credit of the United States." If die advocates of an issue of ten millions of paper promises to pay, denominating them Treasury notes, csn find no authority, for do ing so, in the power " to lay and collect taxes to pay the debts of the United Stat as," nor in that of borrowing money, nor can truly class it amoug the direct incidental powers " necessary and proper for carrying into exe cution" the expressly granted powers! I ask in the name of the constitution, and of the States, and of the people, where do they find the authority ? I pause for a reply, premis ing, however, that tbe artfeh-emhanter, neces sity, which acknowledges no allegiance to the constitution and laws, should not be appealed to ; for in that, they mar as ftitrfy find aud for tify a disposition and determination to incor porate a National Bank, authorized to is?ue bank notes intended to constitute a circulating medium. PuBtrus. From Ik* Ck*rUUuvilU ( Va.) Jtfrrtontam Rtyuhlu an The Petersburg Constellation of the 9th iust. denounces that portion of the Republi can party in Congress, who supported Tho mas Allen for public printer, as the " faithless 22." If by faithless the Constellation meant that they are faithless to the ultra-radicalism and Loco-focotsm which have of late charac terized the Constellation and some other of the "par-excellence conservative" hard money men, we admit the truth of the charge ; but if it is meant to charge them with beiug " faith less" to the republican party and the true inte rests of the country, then we hesitate not to assert that the charge has .no foundation in fact. The Constellation may rest assured that the " Conservative squad" as they are ehgantly termed, will be faithful to themselves, to their constituents and to their country, by fighting against the errors of Radicalism and Loco focoism, wherever found, on the one hand; and United States Bankism on the other?and whether they are to be driven from the sup port of the administration or not, depends en tirely upon the administration and the bulk of its supporters. The Constellation seems to be laboring to produce that result, and if the "22" arc to be continually abused and denounced, merely because of their adherence to the old established principles of the Demo cratic party, then tho Constellation and its fellow laborers may shortly congratulate them selves upon the consummation of all their ex ertions in the overthrow of the party. We have never admitted that because a man supports, generally, an administration, he is therefore bouud to support every act of that administration, right or wrong; nor can we recognize either the justice or the propriety of denouncing any man, or set of men, as " faithless" merely because they will not sur render their own deliberate convictions of duty to the dictum of an editor. A man who could thus act would deserve, and would re ceive, the execrations of an enlightened com munity. We contend that every man is bound to canvass, fully, freely and fearlessly, every proposition submitted for his action, let it em anate from what source it may; and if it ia right, approve and sustain it, regardless of consequences. The interests of the country are dearer to the heart of the patriot than the interests of party; and when they come in contact the latter should be but as dust in the balance. A man who acts upon such princi ples as these, must of necessity act right, and may confidently anticipate the plaudit, 44 well done," from his constituents and the country at large. The Constellation thinks that the loss of the 44 faithless" will be more than made up by the acquisition of Mr. Calhoun and the Nnlh ficrs ; it may also congratulate itself upon ano ther acquisition, in the person of the senior edi tor of the Whig. Now the fact is, that neither Mr. Calhonn or Mr. Pleasants has come over to the doctrines of the Republican party, but some of the latter hava taken up the doctrines of the former. Let the Constellation and other administration presses engaged in lauding the Sub-Treasury scheme look to it, for there is a sting in its tail, depend upon it, and they will find it so before many months, if it should pass Congress*. SAMUEL HEINECKE inform, hi* friends and the public, that he ha* take* a root? feiir ilooie north of Doctor Gunton's apothccary atore, on ninth rtreW, where he will carry on his business. He feels confident, from hia Ion* ttprrirniw in cutting all kind* of garment!, that rrarrmf satisfaction will be gi*cn to auch a* may favor him with their ciietom. 83 3taw3w PHRENOLOOY.?The suliscribcr has taken an office for a few day*, is ElKot\ building*. near tbe Native American Hotel, where he will make examination* and give instruction* in the Scfcnce of Phrenology All who may wish to put thi* ncienee, which teache* thai the character ami tafenta of person* are indicated by tbe form and tise of the head, to the searching teat of practical experiment, or to obtain correct and annate de nenption* of their own ebmoters, are invited to call. Each examination win be accompanied by an extensive work upon the *ubjeet, presenting a fall now of Phreno logy and also preserving the deacrrption given. E7lndividuals will bo waited upon at hi* office, and ?elect parties and families at their dwelling*. 15 ALONZO BABTLETT